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The Interplay of Realism and Idealism In THE INTERPLAY OF REALISM AND IDEALISM IN THE THOUGHT OF LIONEL CURTIS: A CRITIQUE OF THE CONCEPTION OF THE *FIRST DEBATE' IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Ph.D. thesis at the Department of International Relations, London School of Economics and Political Science submitted by Aysen Dilek Lekon London 2003 UMI Number: U198852 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U198852 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Ttf£S£S This thesis analyses the writings of Lionel Curtis (1872-1955), in particular his federation projects, from an International Relations perspective. It argues that the textbook versions of the so-called 'First Debate' between naive idealists and hard-boiled realists is inadequate for a meaningful conceptualization of Curtis's thought. Instead, a neo-Gramscian perspective is adopted here, in which the relations between state and civil society is the crucial variable distinguishing between different state/society complexes. In this interpretation, Curtis's federation plans had two aims: First, integrating the Lockean heartland against Hobbesian contenders and colonial independence movements. Second, stemming Britain's relative decline vis-a-vis the USA within the heartland. Chapter One summarizes the textbook characteristics of idealism and realism and discusses some criticisms of and alternative versions to this dichotomy. Chapter Two follows the revisionist interpretations of E.H. Carr's writings and argues that his position cannot be reduced to putting down idealism in favour of realism. Chapter Three provides an overview of Curtis's life and major activities. Chapter Four traces out textbook elements of idealism and realism within Curtis's writings and shows that he could be placed into both camps. ? Chapter Five introduces the neo-Gramscian framework used in the thesis, particularly the work of Kees van der Pijl. Chapter Six gives an overview of three political movements which are of relevance for understanding Curtis's thought: empire federalism, new liberalism and social imperialism. Chapter Seven shows how elements of these movements as well as of liberal internationalism and of the state monopoly tendency appear in Curtis's writings. Chapter Eight discusses what Curtis had to say about other state/society complexes of the Lockean heartland, the Hobbesian contenders and the colonial Prize area. The Conclusion summarizes the argument. 3 Table of Contemts Introduction p. 9 Why Lionel Curtis? p. 9 The First Debate Revisited p. 15 The Outline of the Chapters p.2 3 Chapter One Mainstream Understandings of the First Debate p. 30 Introduction p.30 Idealism and Realism According to Hedley Bull p. 30 Human Nature and the Possibility of Progress p. 34 Ethics p. 39 Image of International Politics p.42 Policy Recommendations p.44 The Dichotomy Between Idealism and Realism p.45 Evaluations p.46 The 'First Debate' p.47 Interpretations of Carr p.48 The 'First Debate' as the Debate p. 52 Same Terminology, Different Content p. 55 Dropping the Terms p.58 The Liberal Comeback p.61 Three Cheers for Idealism p.67 Conclusion p.73 Chapter Two The New Look on Carr p.75 Introduction p.75 Turning the Tables on Carr p.76 Carr's Contradictions p. 80 A Carr's Dialectics p.87 Unmasking 'Uniwersalism' p. 90 Progress and History p. 95 Carr the Critical Realist, With Emphasis on the Critical p. 101 Conclusion p.106 Chapter Three Lionel Curtis: A Benevolent Imperialist p.109 Oxford as an Influence on Curtis p. 109 First Steps Into Career p.Ill The Colonial Offical p.112 Milner and his 'Kindergarten' p. 113 The Selborne Memorandum p.118 Towards South African Union p. 123 The Foundation of the Round Table p. 127 The Conflicts With the Dominion Groups p. 131 The Green Memorandum p. 132 The Round Table and Ireland in the Context of 'Home Rule All Round' p. 134 The Commonwealth of Nations p. 141 Indian 'Diarchy' p.144 Attending the Peace Conference p. 148 The Foundation of the Royal Institute of International Affairs p. 148 The 1921 Anglo-Irish Settlement p. 149 The Round Table in the Inter-War Period p. 152 Africa and China p. 155 Civitas Dei p.157 Under the Shadow of War p. 158 The Federal Union p.160 World War II p.164 World War: Its Cause and Cure p. 166 The Round Table in the 1940s p. 167 United Europe p.168 Last Years p.171 Chapter Four Idealism and Realism in the Works of Curtis p.173 Introduction p.173 Curtis, the Christian Imperialist and an "Expounder of Commonplaces" p.175 The Theological Argument in Civitas Dei p.178 Human Nature and the Possibility of Progress p. 184 Ethics p.193 Image of International Politics p. 197 Policy Recommendations p.205 The "First Debate" p.216 Curtis and Carr p.219 Conclusion p.227 Chapter Five The Neo-Gramscian Perspective p.229 Antonio Gramsci p.22 9 Robert Cox p.235 Kees van der Pijl p.242 Conclusion p.254 £ Chapter Six The Intellectual Background: Empipre Federalism, New Liberalism and Social Imperialism p.257 Introduction p.257 'Gladstonianism" p.258 The End of the Liberal World Order and its Repercussions Upon British Politics p.273 'Federate or Disintegrate": Imperial Federation and Federating the United Kingdom p.277 New Liberalism p.285 Left and Centrist Liberalism p.297 The Rise of the Social Imperialist Movement p.305 The Social Imperialist Agenda p. 319 Tariff Reform p.329 The Lloyd George Coalition p.334 Conelus ion p .3 3 8 Chapter Seven Empire Federalism, New Liberalism and Social Imperialism in the Works of Curtis p.341 Introduction p.341 The 'Manchester School" p.342 From Imperial Federation to World State p.344 The Principles of Commonwealth and of the State p.357 Social Reform p. 364 Political Reform p.374 Tariff Reform and Immigration p.379 Conclusion p.384 Chapter Eight The Lockean Heartland, the Hobbesian Contenders and the Prize Area p.388 Introduction p.388 The Rhodes-Milner Group and the Round Table p.389 A Benevolent Hegemon p.396 The Heartland: Canada and South Africa p.403 The Heartland: The United States p.408 The Contenders: Germany p.412 The Contenders: Japan and the Soviet Union p.417 The Prize Area: The Coloured Races p.420 The Prize Area: India p.423 The Prize Area: The Middle East p.426 The Prize Area: China p.428 The Prize Area: Africa p.431 Conclusion p.435 Conclusion p.438 Bibliography p.445 Introduction Why Lionel Curtis? In 1951, towards the end of his long life, Lionel Curtis reflected over the disasters that mankind had encountered during the first half of the 20th century. The maintenance of national sovereignties had twice pushed the world into a gruesome war. And at the time of his speech, people were already living in dread of a third one. However, there was hope. Curtis referred back to the proposal of a South African union, drafted by him and others half a century ago and eagerly taken up by wise politicians, that had ended all threat of war between the English and the Boers at once. And now, the Canadian Senate had just passed a resolution calling for a convention to form a federal union encompassing the countries of Western Europe and Northern America. The idea of Atlantic federal union was supported in the U.S. by 27 Senators. In the United Kingdom, both Prime Minister Attlee and opposition leader Churchill were thought to be sympathetic to the project. But, ultimately, it was the intellectuals who bore the heaviest responsibility. If they would tell the ordinary people the truth about international relations, i.e. that the abolition of national sovereignties was necessary, they could unlock the gate to peace. By their failure to have done so in the past, they had proved themselves guilty of the cataclysms that had, so far, befallen this century. Looking to the future, Curtis was guardedly optimistic. If the right decisions were made now, historians of the year 2000 A.D., living in a world of peace, order, prosperity and happiness, would be looking in astonishment at the chaotic first half of the 20th century and wonder why statesmen had been so slow to draw the lessons of World War I and to do away with national sovereignties.1 Today, the magical year 2000 has passed. An Atlantic federal union does not exist and is not soon to be expected. And neither can we claim to be living in a particularly peaceful and orderly world. With hindsight, it is easy to smile at the apparent naivety of Curtis's vision. Single-issue blueprints for a golden future, in this case federal union and the abolition of sovereignty, have gone out of fashion. Pre-Mandela South Africa hardly recommends itself as a model the rest of the world should emulate. It is difficult to comprehend how a North Atlantic super­ state, whose combined power would have raised concern by other states, particularly the Soviet Union, could have contributed to world peace. Furthermore, Curtis's lecturing about the heavy responsibilities for world peace that intellectuals like himself have to bear appears as inflated self-importance.
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