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The Best of the British Isles VIPP July 29
The Best of the British Isles VIPP (England, Scotland, Ireland & Wales! July 29 - Aug. 12, 2022 (14 nights ) on the ISLAND PRINCESS Pauls’ Top Ten List: (Top 10 reasons this vacation is for you! ) 10. You’ll visit 10 ports of call in 4 countries- England, Scotland, Wales & Ireland 9. You & your luggage don’t have to be on a tour bus at 6 a.m each day! 8. You’ll have a lot of fun- Tom & Rita Paul are personally escorting this trip! 7. You & your luggage don’t have to be on a tour bus at 6 a.m each day!! 6. At least 36 meals are included - more, if you work at it! 5. You & your luggage don’t have to be on a tour bus at 6 a.m each day!!! 4. Texas is too hot in August to stay here! 3. You & your luggage don’t have to be on a tour bus at 6 a.m each day!!!! 2. You deserve to see the British Isles (maybe for the second time) in sheer luxury! # 1 reason: You & your luggage don’t have to be on a tour bus at 6 a.m each day!!!!! So, join us! Just think-no nightly hotels, packing & unpacking, we’re going on a real vacation! New ports too! We sail from London (Southampton) to GUERNSEY (St. Peter Port), England- a lush, green island situated near France. CORK (Ireland) allows a chance to “kiss the Blarney stone” as well as enjoy the scenic countryside and villages! On to HOLYHEAD (Wales) then BELFAST (N. -
Making Fenians: the Transnational Constitutive Rhetoric of Revolutionary Irish Nationalism, 1858-1876
Syracuse University SURFACE Dissertations - ALL SURFACE 8-2014 Making Fenians: The Transnational Constitutive Rhetoric of Revolutionary Irish Nationalism, 1858-1876 Timothy Richard Dougherty Syracuse University Follow this and additional works at: https://surface.syr.edu/etd Part of the Modern Languages Commons, and the Speech and Rhetorical Studies Commons Recommended Citation Dougherty, Timothy Richard, "Making Fenians: The Transnational Constitutive Rhetoric of Revolutionary Irish Nationalism, 1858-1876" (2014). Dissertations - ALL. 143. https://surface.syr.edu/etd/143 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the SURFACE at SURFACE. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations - ALL by an authorized administrator of SURFACE. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ABSTRACT This dissertation traces the constitutive rhetorical strategies of revolutionary Irish nationalists operating transnationally from 1858-1876. Collectively known as the Fenians, they consisted of the Irish Republican Brotherhood in the United Kingdom and the Fenian Brotherhood in North America. Conceptually grounded in the main schools of Burkean constitutive rhetoric, it examines public and private letters, speeches, Constitutions, Convention Proceedings, published propaganda, and newspaper arguments of the Fenian counterpublic. It argues two main points. First, the separate national constraints imposed by England and the United States necessitated discursive and non- discursive rhetorical responses in each locale that made -
Previous Attempts to Bring Peace to Northern Ireland Have Failed. What Problems Need to Be Overcome So Devolution and Peace Can Succeed in Northern Ireland?
Previous attempts to bring peace to Northern Ireland have failed. What problems need to be overcome so devolution and peace can succeed in Northern Ireland? So what are the problems? Paramilitaries – Loyalist and Republican terrorists are fighting a war against each other. Unionist and Nationalist politicians find it hard to discuss peace when the other side is killing their people. Partition – Both sides want different things. Nationalists want a Free and independent Ireland. Unionists want Northern Ireland to remain part of the UK. British and Irish governments – There was a great deal of mistrust between Dublin and London until 1985. Distrust – Unionists/Protestants and Nationalists/Catholics do not trust each other. Economic and Social problems. Poor schooling, housing and amenities need investment. Who gets the investment first. High Unemployment is caused by lack of companies and businesses willing to invest in Northern Ireland whilst the Troubles continue. America was funding the IRA and Sinn Fein. Weapon decommissioning and the end of violence. The arrest and detainment of innocent Catholics. Orange Marches and RUC seen as offensive to Nationalists. Civil Rights. Different opinions amongst the Unionists and Nationalists. DUP vs UUP. Sinn Fein vs SDLP. Obstacles to Peace - Politics During the Troubles, the media reports of bombs and shootings gave people outside Northern Ireland the impression that Northern Ireland was a war zone. It seemed to have no normal life and no normal politics either. This was not the case. There were 'normal' political parties in Northern Ireland, and most people supported them. All the parties had views and policies relating to a wide range of 'normal' issues such as education, health care and housing. -
5.IRL Politics and Society in Northern Ireland |Sample Answer Would You Agree That Terence O'neill And/Or Brian Faulkner Failed As a Political Leader?
5.IRL Politics and Society in Northern Ireland | Sample answer Would you agree that Terence O’Neill and/or Brian Faulkner failed as a political leader? Argue your case. (2018) Brian Faulkner became Prime Minister of Northern Ireland in March 1971 after Chichester-Clarke’s resignation. During his time as Prime Minister the IRA intensified their campaign. In an effort to stem the violence, Faulkner introduced internment in April 1971. The policy was a disaster. It increased nationalist grievances and won support for the republican cause. After Bloody Sunday, 30th January 1972, the British government lost faith in Faulkner’s ability to restore order in Northern Ireland and introduced direct rule, suspending the Stormont Government. This essay aims to examine how Brian Faulkner failed as a political leader. Brian Faulkner was born in Co. Down in 1921. He was elected to Stormont as MP for East Down in 1949; he was appointed Minister for Health Affairs in 1959. Following the resignation of Lord Brookeborough as Prime Minister in 1963, Faulkner was seen as a likely candidate to succeed him. However, he lost out to Terence O’Neill. Faulkner served under O’Neill as Minister for Commerce and excelled in stimulating economic growth. Faulkner resigned from the cabinet in January 1969 in protest of O’Neill’s intention to reform local government, particularly the one man one vote. He finally became Prime Minister in March 1971. While his career ended in failure, Faulkner’s strengths saw him successfully manoeuvre between demands from Unionists and Nationalists. He worked efficiently to strike a balance between the demands of ordinary unionists and the demands of the British for concessions to nationalists. -
Drumcree 4 Standoff: Nationalists Will
UIMH 135 JULY — IUIL 1998 50p (USA $1) Drumcree 4 standoff: Nationalists will AS we went to press the Drumcree standoff was climbdown by the British in its fifth day and the Orange Order and loyalists government. were steadily increasing their campaign of The co-ordinated and intimidation and pressure against the nationalist synchronised attack on ten Catholic churches on the night residents in Portadown and throughout the Six of July 1-2 shows that there is Counties. a guiding hand behind the For the fourth year the brought to a standstill in four loyalist protests. Mo Mowlam British government looks set to days and the Major government is fooling nobody when she acts back down in the face of Orange caved in. the innocent and seeks threats as the Tories did in 1995, The ease with which "evidence" of any loyalist death 1996 and Tony Blair and Mo Orangemen are allowed travel squad involvement. Mowlam did (even quicker) in into Drurncree from all over the Six Counties shows the The role of the 1997. constitutional nationalist complicity of the British army Once again the parties sitting in Stormont is consequences of British and RUC in the standoff. worth examining. The SDLP capitulation to Orange thuggery Similarly the Orangemen sought to convince the will have to be paid by the can man roadblocks, intimidate Garvaghy residents to allow a nationalist communities. They motorists and prevent 'token' march through their will be beaten up by British nationalists going to work or to area. This was the 1995 Crown Forces outside their the shops without interference "compromise" which resulted own homes if they protest from British policemen for in Ian Paisley and David against the forcing of Orange several hours. -
July at the Museum!
July at the Museum! Battle of Aughrim, John Mulvaney. The Battle of the Boyne, July 1st 1690. On 1 July 1690, the Battle of the Boyne was fought between King James II's Jacobite army, and the Williamite Army under William of Orange. Despite only being a minor military victory in favour of the Williamites, it has a major symbolic significance. The Battle's annual commemorations by The Orange Order, a masonic-style fraternity dedicated to the protection of the Protestant Ascendancy, remain a topic of great controversy. This is especially true in areas of Northern Ireland where sectarian tensions remain rife. No year in Irish history is better known than 1690. No Irish battle is more famous than William III's victory over James II at the River Boyne, a few miles west of Drogheda. James, a Roman Catholic, had lost the throne of England in the bloodless "Glorious Revolution" of 1688. William was Prince of Orange, a Dutch-speaking Protestant married to James's daughter Mary, and became king at the request of parliament. James sought refuge with his old ally, Louis XIV of France, who saw an opportunity to strike at William through Ireland. He provided French officers and arms for James, who landed at Kinsale in March 1689. The lord deputy, the Earl of Tyrconnell was a Catholic loyal to James, and his Irish army controlled most of the island. James quickly summoned a parliament, largely Catholic, which proceeded to repeal the legislation under which Protestant settlers had acquired land. During the rule of Tyrconnell, the first Catholic viceroy since the Reformation, Protestants had seen their influence eroded in the army, in the courts and in civil government. -
The Genetic Landscape of Scotland and the Isles
The genetic landscape of Scotland and the Isles Edmund Gilberta,b, Seamus O’Reillyc, Michael Merriganc, Darren McGettiganc, Veronique Vitartd, Peter K. Joshie, David W. Clarke, Harry Campbelle, Caroline Haywardd, Susan M. Ringf,g, Jean Goldingh, Stephanie Goodfellowi, Pau Navarrod, Shona M. Kerrd, Carmen Amadord, Archie Campbellj, Chris S. Haleyd,k, David J. Porteousj, Gianpiero L. Cavalleria,b,1, and James F. Wilsond,e,1,2 aSchool of Pharmacy and Molecular and Cellular Therapeutics, Royal College of Surgeons in Ireland, Dublin D02 YN77, Ireland; bFutureNeuro Research Centre, Royal College of Surgeons in Ireland, Dublin D02 YN77, Ireland; cGenealogical Society of Ireland, Dún Laoghaire, Co. Dublin A96 AD76, Ireland; dMedical Research Council Human Genetics Unit, Institute of Genetics and Molecular Medicine, University of Edinburgh, Western General Hospital, Edinburgh EH4 2XU, Scotland; eCentre for Global Health Research, Usher Institute, University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh EH8 9AG, Scotland; fBristol Bioresource Laboratories, Population Health Sciences, Bristol Medical School, University of Bristol, Bristol BS8 2BN, United Kingdom; gMedical Research Council Integrative Epidemiology Unit at the University of Bristol, Bristol BS8 2BN, United Kingdom; hCentre for Academic Child Health, Population Health Sciences, Bristol Medical School, University of Bristol, Bristol BS8 1NU, United Kingdom; iPrivate address, Isle of Man IM7 2EA, Isle of Man; jCentre for Genomic and Experimental Medicine, Institute of Genetics and Molecular Medicine, University -
"For the Advancement of So Good a Cause": Hugh Mackay, the Highland War and the Glorious Revolution in Scotland
W&M ScholarWorks Undergraduate Honors Theses Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 4-2012 "For the Advancement of So Good a Cause": Hugh MacKay, the Highland War and the Glorious Revolution in Scotland Andrew Phillip Frantz College of William and Mary Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/honorstheses Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Frantz, Andrew Phillip, ""For the Advancement of So Good a Cause": Hugh MacKay, the Highland War and the Glorious Revolution in Scotland" (2012). Undergraduate Honors Theses. Paper 480. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/honorstheses/480 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Undergraduate Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. “FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF SO GOOD A CAUSE”: HUGH MACKAY, THE HIGHLAND WAR AND THE GLORIOUS REVOLUTION IN SCOTLAND A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the Requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts with Honors is History from the College of William and Mary in Virginia, by Andrew Phillip Frantz Accepted for ___________________________________ (Honors, High Honors, Highest Honors) _________________________________________ Nicholas Popper, Director _________________________________________ Paul Mapp _________________________________________ Simon Stow Williamsburg, Virginia April 30, 2012 Contents Figures iii Acknowledgements iv Introduction 1 Chapter I The Origins of the Conflict 13 Chapter II Hugh MacKay and the Glorious Revolution 33 Conclusion 101 Bibliography 105 iii Figures 1. General Hugh MacKay, from The Life of Lieutenant-General Hugh MacKay (1836) 41 2. The Kingdom of Scotland 65 iv Acknowledgements William of Orange would not have been able to succeed in his efforts to claim the British crowns if it were not for thousands of people across all three kingdoms, and beyond, who rallied to his cause. -
1 the Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project DAVID HAMILTON SHINN Interviewed
The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project DAVID HAMILTON SHINN Interviewed by: Charles Stuart Kennedy Initial interview date: July 5, 2002 Copyright 2004 A ST TABLE OF CONTENTS Background Born and raised in akima, Washington George Washington University Entered Foreign Service - 1964 American Foreign Service Association [AFSA, Beirut, -e.anon - Rotation Officer 1964-1966 0onsular 1ork Environment State Department - FS2 - S1ahili -anguage Training 1966-1963 Nairo.i, 5enya - Political Officer 1963-1968 Seychelles U.S. naval visits 85ikuyu domination9 Environment British Ethnicities North1estern University - African Studies 1968-1969 State Department - East African Affairs 1969-1931 Ethiopia Eritrea State Department - East African Affairs - Tan:ania-Uganda Desk Officer 1931-1932 American assassinated Dar es Salaam, Tan:ania - Political Officer 1932-1934 Relations 1 Economy 0hinese Nouakchott, Mauritania - D0M 1934-1936 Polisario French Environment Seattle, Washington - Pearson Program 1936-19?? Municipal policy planning State Department - State and Municipal Governments -iaison 19??-1981 aounde, 0ameroon - D0M 1981-1983 0had border N?Djamena, 0had - TD - 0harge d?affaires 198? President Ha.re Security Mala.o, Equatorial Guinea aounde, 0ameroon Acontinued) 1981-1983 Am.assador Hume Horan Anglo vs. French relations 5hartoum, Sudan - D0M 1983-1986 USA2D Relations Nimeiri Southern Sudan Neigh.or policies Falasha transit 0oup U.S. interests British Security State Department - Senior Seminar 1986-1983 -
Tipperary – It’S a Great Place to Live
Welcome to Tipperary – It’s a great place to live. www.tipperary.ie ü Beautiful unspoilt area with the Glen of Aherlow, mountains and rivers nearby. ü Superb Medical Facilities with hospitals and nursing homes locally. ü Major IR£3.5 million Excel Cultural and Entertainment Centre just opened with Cinemas, Theatre, Art gallery and café. ü Quick Access to Dublin via Limerick Junction Station - just 1hour 40 minutes with Cork and Shannon Airport just over 1 Hour. ü Wealth of sporting facilities throughout to cater for everyone. ü Tremendous Educational Facilities available. Third level nearby. ü Proven Community Spirit with positive attitude to do things themselves’. ü A Heritage Town with a great quality of life and a happy place to live. ü A cheaper place to live - better value for money – new homes now on the market for approx €140k. Where is Tipperary Town? Tipperary Town is one of the main towns in County Tipperary. It is situated on the National Primary Route N24, linking Limerick and Waterford road, and on the National Secondary Route serving Cashel and Dublin, in the heart of the ‘Golden Vale’ in the western half of south Tipperary. It is approximately twenty-five miles from both Clonmel and Limerick. Tipperary town lies in the superb scenic surroundings at the heart of the fertile ‘Golden Vale’. Four miles from the town’s the beautiful secluded Glen of Aherlow between the Galtee Mountains and the Slievenamuck Hills with magnificent panoramic views and ideal for hill walking and pony-trekking. Tipperary is a Heritage town designated as such by Bord Failte Located on the main rail rout from Waterford to Limerick, and in close proximity to Limerick Junction, the town is served with an Express Rail Service on the Cork-Dublin line with a connection to Limerick and www.tipperary.ie 1 Waterford. -
Bevir the Making of British Socialism.Indb
Copyrighted Material CHAPTER ONE Introduction: Socialism and History “We Are All Socialists Now: The Perils and Promise of the New Era of Big Government” ran the provocative cover of Newsweek on 11 Feb ruary 2009. A financial crisis had swept through the economy. Several small banks had failed. The state had intervened, pumping money into the economy, bailing out large banks and other failing financial institu tions, and taking shares and part ownership in what had been private companies. The cover of Newsweek showed a red hand clasping a blue one, implying that both sides of the political spectrum now agreed on the importance of such state action. Although socialism is making headlines again, there seems to be very little understanding of its nature and history. The identification of social ism with “big government” is, to say the least, misleading. It just is not the case that when big business staggers and the state steps in, you have socialism. Historically, socialists have often looked not to an enlarged state but to the withering away of the state and the rise of nongovern mental societies. Even when socialists have supported state intervention, they have generally focused more on promoting social justice than on simply bailing out failing financial institutions. A false identification of socialism with big government is a staple of dated ideological battles. The phrase “We are all socialists now” is a quo tation from a British Liberal politician of the late nineteenth century. Sir William Harcourt used it when a land reform was passed with general acceptance despite having been equally generally denounced a few years earlier as “socialist.” Moreover, Newsweek’s cover was not the first echo of Harcourt’s memorable phrase. -
The Arms of the Scottish Bishoprics
UC-NRLF B 2 7=13 fi57 BERKELEY LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORN'A \o Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2008 with funding from IVIicrosoft Corporation http://www.archive.org/details/armsofscottishbiOOIyonrich /be R K E L E Y LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORN'A h THE ARMS OF THE SCOTTISH BISHOPRICS. THE ARMS OF THE SCOTTISH BISHOPRICS BY Rev. W. T. LYON. M.A.. F.S.A. (Scot] WITH A FOREWORD BY The Most Revd. W. J. F. ROBBERDS, D.D.. Bishop of Brechin, and Primus of the Episcopal Church in Scotland. ILLUSTRATED BY A. C. CROLL MURRAY. Selkirk : The Scottish Chronicle" Offices. 1917. Co — V. PREFACE. The following chapters appeared in the pages of " The Scottish Chronicle " in 1915 and 1916, and it is owing to the courtesy of the Proprietor and Editor that they are now republished in book form. Their original publication in the pages of a Church newspaper will explain something of the lines on which the book is fashioned. The articles were written to explain and to describe the origin and de\elopment of the Armorial Bearings of the ancient Dioceses of Scotland. These Coats of arms are, and have been more or less con- tinuously, used by the Scottish Episcopal Church since they came into use in the middle of the 17th century, though whether the disestablished Church has a right to their use or not is a vexed question. Fox-Davies holds that the Church of Ireland and the Episcopal Chuich in Scotland lost their diocesan Coats of Arms on disestablishment, and that the Welsh Church will suffer the same loss when the Disestablishment Act comes into operation ( Public Arms).