Previous Attempts to Bring Peace to Northern Ireland Have Failed. What Problems Need to Be Overcome So Devolution and Peace Can Succeed in Northern Ireland?
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Modern Ireland: Structured Essays
Modern Ireland: Structured Essays PART 4: POLITICS AND SOCIETY IN NORTHERN IRELAND, 1949–93 Structured Essay 4 What moves were made towards finding a peaceful resolution of the ‘Troubles’, 1973–1993? Introduction From the outbreak of the ‘Troubles’ in 1969, successive British and Irish governments were committed to a peaceful resolution of the conflict in Northern Ireland, but such efforts were frequently thwarted by republican and loyalist violence and difficulties pertaining to power-sharing between nationalists and unionists. Significant landmarks on the road towards a peaceful settlement included the Sunningdale Agreement, the New Ireland Forum, the Anglo-Irish Agreement, the Hume–Adams talks, and the Downing Street Declaration. The Sunningdale Agreement After the abolition of the parliament in Stormont in 1972 and the introduction of direct rule, successive British governments made it clear that they would only restore power to Northern Ireland politicians if a power-sharing arrangement between unionists and nationalists was in place: the Sunningdale Agreement (1973), signed by the British and Irish governments, provided the first such arrangement in the form of a power-sharing executive. The agreement was weakened from the outset by the failure of the republican and loyalist paramilitaries to stop their campaigns of violence, and collapsed in May 1974 as a result of the Ulster Workers’ Council Strike. Although various efforts during the 1970s and 1980s to restore power-sharing in the North were to be frustrated by ongoing paramilitary violence and the opposition of many unionists, Sunningdale had pointed the way for progress in the future. The Peace Movement Founded in 1976 by Betty Williams and Máiréad Corrigan, the Peace Movement enjoyed widespread support in both Catholic and Protestant communities, with up to 20,000 people attending some of their rallies. -
5.IRL Politics and Society in Northern Ireland |Sample Answer Would You Agree That Terence O'neill And/Or Brian Faulkner Failed As a Political Leader?
5.IRL Politics and Society in Northern Ireland | Sample answer Would you agree that Terence O’Neill and/or Brian Faulkner failed as a political leader? Argue your case. (2018) Brian Faulkner became Prime Minister of Northern Ireland in March 1971 after Chichester-Clarke’s resignation. During his time as Prime Minister the IRA intensified their campaign. In an effort to stem the violence, Faulkner introduced internment in April 1971. The policy was a disaster. It increased nationalist grievances and won support for the republican cause. After Bloody Sunday, 30th January 1972, the British government lost faith in Faulkner’s ability to restore order in Northern Ireland and introduced direct rule, suspending the Stormont Government. This essay aims to examine how Brian Faulkner failed as a political leader. Brian Faulkner was born in Co. Down in 1921. He was elected to Stormont as MP for East Down in 1949; he was appointed Minister for Health Affairs in 1959. Following the resignation of Lord Brookeborough as Prime Minister in 1963, Faulkner was seen as a likely candidate to succeed him. However, he lost out to Terence O’Neill. Faulkner served under O’Neill as Minister for Commerce and excelled in stimulating economic growth. Faulkner resigned from the cabinet in January 1969 in protest of O’Neill’s intention to reform local government, particularly the one man one vote. He finally became Prime Minister in March 1971. While his career ended in failure, Faulkner’s strengths saw him successfully manoeuvre between demands from Unionists and Nationalists. He worked efficiently to strike a balance between the demands of ordinary unionists and the demands of the British for concessions to nationalists. -
Revisionism: the Provisional Republican Movement
Journal of Politics and Law March, 2008 Revisionism: The Provisional Republican Movement Robert Perry Phd (Queens University Belfast) MA, MSSc 11 Caractacus Cottage View, Watford, UK Tel: +44 01923350994 E-mail: [email protected] Abstract This article explores the developments within the Provisional Republican Movement (IRA and Sinn Fein), its politicization in the 1980s, and the Sinn Fein strategy of recent years. It discusses the Provisionals’ ending of the use of political violence and the movement’s drift or determined policy towards entering the political mainstream, the acceptance of democratic norms. The sustained focus of my article is consideration of the revision of core Provisional principles. It analyses the reasons for this revisionism and it considers the reaction to and consequences of this revisionism. Keywords: Physical Force Tradition, Armed Stuggle, Republican Movement, Sinn Fein, Abstentionism, Constitutional Nationalism, Consent Principle 1. Introduction The origins of Irish republicanism reside in the United Irishman Rising of 1798 which aimed to create a democratic society which would unite Irishmen of all creeds. The physical force tradition seeks legitimacy by trying to trace its origin to the 1798 Rebellion and the insurrections which followed in 1803, 1848, 1867 and 1916. Sinn Féin (We Ourselves) is strongly republican and has links to the IRA. The original Sinn Féin was formed by Arthur Griffith in 1905 and was an umbrella name for nationalists who sought complete separation from Britain, as opposed to Home Rule. The current Sinn Féin party evolved from a split in the republican movement in Ireland in the early 1970s. Gerry Adams has been party leader since 1983, and led Sinn Féin in mutli-party peace talks which resulted in the signing of the 1998 Belfast Agreement. -
Joint Declaration Downing Street Declaration
Joint Declaration Downing Street Declaration 15 December 1993 1. The Taoiseach, Mr. Albert Reynolds, TD, and the Prime Minister, the Rt. Hon. John Major, MP, acknowledge that the most urgent and important issue facing the people of Ireland, North and South, and the British and Irish Governments together, is to remove the causes of conflict, to overcome the legacy of history and to heal the divisions which have resulted, recognising that the absence of a lasting and satisfactory settlement of relationships between the peoples of both islands has contributed to continuing tragedy and suffering. They believe that the development of an agreed framework for peace, which has been discussed between them since early last year, and which is based on a number of key principles articulated by the two Governments over the past 20 years, together with the adaptation of other widely accepted principles, provides the starting point of a peace process designed to culminate in a political settlement. 2. The Taoiseach and the Prime Minister are convinced of the inestimable value to both their peoples, and particularly for the next generation, of healing divisions in Ireland and of ending a conflict which has been so manifestly to the detriment of all. Both recognise that the ending of divisions can come about only through the agreement and co-operation of the people, North and South, representing both traditions in Ireland. They therefore make a solemn commitment to promote co-operation at all levels on the basis of the fundamental principles, undertakings, obligations under international agreements, to which they have jointly committed themselves, and the guarantees which each Government has given and now reaffirms, including Northern Ireland's statutory constitutional guarantee. -
From Deference to Defiance: Popular Unionism and the Decline of Elite Accommodation in Northern Ireland
From Deference to Defiance: Popular Unionism and the Decline of Elite Accommodation in Northern Ireland Introduction On 29 November, 2003, The Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), the party that had governed Northern Ireland from Partition in 1921 to the imposition of Direct Rule by Ted Heath in 1972, lost its primary position as the leading Unionist party in the N.I. Assembly to the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) of Reverend Ian Paisley. On 5 May, 2005, the electoral revolution was completed when the DUP trounced the UUP in the Westminster elections, netting twice the UUP's popular vote, ousting David Trimble and reducing the UUP to just one Westminster seat. In March, 2005, the Orange Order, which had helped to found the UUP exactly a century before, cut its links to this ailing party. What explains this political earthquake? The press and most Northern Ireland watchers place a large amount of stress on short-term policy shifts and events. The failure of the IRA to show 'final acts' of decommissioning of weapons is fingered as the main stumbling block which prevented a re-establishment of the Northern Ireland Assembly and, with it, the credibility of David Trimble and his pro-Agreement wing of the UUP. This was accompanied by a series of incidents which demonstrated that the IRA, while it my have given up on the ‘armed struggle’ against the security forces, was still involved in intelligence gathering, the violent suppression of its opponents and a range of sophisticated criminal activities culminating in the robbery of £26 million from the Northern Bank in Belfast in December 2004. -
Joint Declaration 1993 (Downing St. Declaration)
Joint Declaration 1993 (Downing St. Declaration) The Joint Declaration of 15 December 1993 (Downing St. Declaration) MESSAGE FROM THE GOVERNMENT This Joint Declaration is a charter for peace and reconciliation in Ireland. Peace is a very simple, but also a very powerful idea, whose time has come. The Joint Declaration provides from everyone's point of view a noble means of establishing the first step towards lasting peace with justice in Ireland. The central idea behind the Peace Declaration is that the problems of Northern Ireland, however deep and intractable, however difficult to reconcile, have to be resolved exclusively by political and democratic means. Its objective is to heal the divisions among the people of Ireland. The Declaration makes it clear that it is for the people of Ireland, North and South, to achieve agreement without outside impediment. The British Government have also declared that they will encourage, enable and facilitate such agreement, and that they will endorse whatever agreement emerges and take the necessary steps to implement it. The language of the Declaration quite clearly makes both Governments persuaders for agreement between the people of Ireland. The dynamic for future progress must reside in the full use of the democratic political process, in the underlying changes in Irish society, North and South, and in our external environment. Peace is the first essential for better relationships on this island. The Joint Declaration is only the first stage in the Peace Process. There will never be a better opportunity. Peace will allow us to develop a new atmosphere of trust and co-operation and to establish a new era of dŽtente, which is the only way forward. -
New Prime Minister 1969
Author: Anne-Marie Ryan Curriculum links: Politics and society in Northern Ireland, 1949-1993 - civil rights movement RTÉ Archives, Online exhibition: Violence in Northern Ireland 1969 - New prime minister, 1969 Access the online exhibition here. Terence O’Neill resigned as leader of the Unionist Party and prime minister of Northern Ireland in April 1969. On 1 May 1969, O’Neill’s cousin, James Chichester- Clarke, was elected as leader of the Unionist Party and became prime minister. Activity 1 Watch the video clip ‘Chichester-Clarke, New Prime Minister’ (1969) and answer the following discussion questions: • Chichester-Clarke was elected by a margin of how many votes? What does this result tell you about the state of the Unionist Party in 1969? • In general, those who had supported Terence O’Neill voted for Chichester-Clarke and those who had opposed him voted for Brian Faulkner. What does this tell you about the type of prime minister Chichester-Clarke was likely to be? Activity 2 Listen to the clip, ‘Reaction from Derry on Chichester-Clarke’ where residents of the Catholic Bogside and Protestant Fountain Street areas of Derry give their views on the election of James Chichester-Clarke as prime minister of Northern Ireland. Make notes on their views in the boxes below: Catholics from the Bogside Author: Anne-Marie Ryan Protestants from Fountain Street Based on the views expressed by the people in this audio clip, do you think that James Chichester- Clarke will be an effective prime minister of Northern Ireland? Why/why not?. -
5.IRL Politics and Society in Northern Ireland
5.IRL Politics and Society in Northern Ireland | Sample answer What was the contribution of Ian Paisley to the affairs of Northern Ireland? (2017) Despite the perspective taken on Ian Paisley, it is fair to claim that he was someone who contributed significantly to affairs in Northern Ireland. The often controversial figure was a mainstay in the social and political arena of the North for decades. Undoubtedly, while he was the thorn in the side for many of his adversaries – be they Nationalist or Unionist – he was an important focal point for the groups he represented. Possibly most famous for his inflammatory speeches in which he used his powerful oration skills to reveal what was a virulent anti-Catholic sentiment, he managed to be seen as a man largely advantageous to the Unionist community. Paisley’s contributions to Northern Ireland can be traced as far back as the 1950s. In 1951 founded the Free Presbyterian Church and in 1956 he joined Ulster Protestant Action in 1956, eventually becoming the group’s leader. The 1960s saw Terence O’Neill in charge of the province where he attempted to bridge gaps between the Nationalist and Unionist communities. This was met with vehement opposition by Paisley who was O’Neill’s constant critic. He saw any concessions to Catholics as an affront to Protestant and Unionist status in the North. He was particularly infuriated when O’Neill met with Irish Taoiseach at this time. In 1966 he founded the Protestant Telegraph which was to become a weekly newspaper, the perfect springboard for promoting the Unionist cause. -
Critical Engagement: Irish Republicanism, Memory Politics
Critical Engagement Critical Engagement Irish republicanism, memory politics and policing Kevin Hearty LIVERPOOL UNIVERSITY PRESS First published 2017 by Liverpool University Press 4 Cambridge Street Liverpool L69 7ZU Copyright © 2017 Kevin Hearty The right of Kevin Hearty to be identified as the author of this book has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication data A British Library CIP record is available print ISBN 978-1-78694-047-6 epdf ISBN 978-1-78694-828-1 Typeset by Carnegie Book Production, Lancaster Contents Acknowledgements vii List of Figures and Tables x List of Abbreviations xi Introduction 1 1 Understanding a Fraught Historical Relationship 25 2 Irish Republican Memory as Counter-Memory 55 3 Ideology and Policing 87 4 The Patriot Dead 121 5 Transition, ‘Never Again’ and ‘Moving On’ 149 6 The PSNI and ‘Community Policing’ 183 7 The PSNI and ‘Political Policing’ 217 Conclusion 249 References 263 Index 303 Acknowledgements Acknowledgements This book has evolved from my PhD thesis that was undertaken at the Transitional Justice Institute, University of Ulster (TJI). When I moved to the University of Warwick in early 2015 as a post-doc, my plans to develop the book came with me too. It represents the culmination of approximately five years of research, reading and (re)writing, during which I often found the mere thought of re-reading some of my work again nauseating; yet, with the encour- agement of many others, I persevered. -
Leading to Peace: Prisoner Resistance and Leadership Development in the IRA and Sinn Fein
Leading to Peace: Prisoner Resistance and Leadership Development in the IRA and Sinn Fein By Claire Delisle Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the Ph.D. degree in Criminology Department of Criminology Faculty of Social Sciences University of Ottawa ©Claire Delisle, Ottawa, Canada, 2012 To the women in my family Dorothy, Rollande, Émilie, Phoebe and Avril Abstract The Irish peace process is heralded as a success among insurgencies that attempt transitions toward peaceful resolution of conflict. After thirty years of armed struggle, pitting Irish republicans against their loyalist counterparts and the British State, the North of Ireland has a reconfigured political landscape with a consociational governing body where power is shared among several parties that hold divergent political objectives. The Irish Republican Movement, whose main components are the Provisional Irish Republican Army, a covert guerilla armed organization, and Sinn Fein, the political party of Irish republicans, initiated peace that led to all-inclusive talks in the 1990s and that culminated in the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in April 1998, setting out the parameters for a non-violent way forward. Given the traditional intransigence of the IRA to consider any route other than armed conflict, how did the leadership of the Irish Republican Movement secure the support of a majority of republicans for a peace initiative that has held now for more than fifteen years? This dissertation explores the dynamics of leadership in this group, and in particular, focuses on the prisoner resistance waged by its incarcerated activists and volunteers. -
The Sunningdale Agreement and Power Sharing Executive, 1973
History Support Service Supporting Leaving Certificate History www.hist.ie Later Modern Ireland Topic 5, Politics and society in Northern Ireland, 1949-1993 Documents for case study: The Sunningdale Agreement and the power-sharing executive, 1973-1974 Contents Preface page 2 Introduction to the case study page 3 Biographical notes page 4 Glossary of key terms page 8 List of documents page 12 The documents page 13 This material is intended for educational/classroom use only and is not to be reproduced in any medium or forum without permission. Efforts have been made to trace and acknowledge copyright holders. In cases where a copyright has been inadvertently overlooked, the copyright holders are requested to contact the History Support Service administrator, Angela Thompson, at [email protected] ©2009 History Support Service, County Wexford Education Centre, Enniscorthy, Co. Wexford. Ph. 353 53 923 9121, Fax 353 53 923 9132, Email [email protected], Website www.hist.ie PREFACE The topic, Politics and society in Northern Ireland, 1949-1993, is prescribed by the State Examinations Commission (SEC) for the documents-based study for the 2010 and 2011 Leaving Certificate examinations. The case studies for the topic are: • The Coleraine University controversy • The Sunningdale Agreement and the power-sharing executive, 1973-1974 • The Apprentice Boys of Derry The set of documents selected for each of the case studies, and presented herein, is varied in nature and represents varying points of view, enabling students to look at the case study from different perspectives. Each set of documents is accompanied by an introduction which gives an outline of the case study and the relevance of each of the documents to the different aspects of the case study. -
The Politics of Northern Ireland
The Politics of Unionism in Northern Ireland Dominic Bryan The British Isles • Settlers - Plantations in 16th- and 17th-century Ireland • 18th Century: Loyalty, Protestantism and Orangeism • Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland • Act of Union 1800: the idea of a United Kingdom • The landed class and industrial class and a working class • The empire, the bible and the crown • The Irish Unionist Party • The Orange Order • Identity: Britishness – Irishness – Ulster Origins of Unionism • Also the Official Unionist Party or simply the Unionist Party • Derived from the Irish Unionist Party in 19th Century • Foundation – the Ulster Unionist Council of 1905 • Key role of the Orange Order • The role of the gentry and upper-class • Edward Carson, James Craig and the UVF • 1921 – Northern Ireland • Prime Ministers: Craig, Andrews, Brooke, O’Neil and Chichester-Clarke and Faulkner. • Northern Ireland – a study in political control • Ian Paisley and Civil Rights Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) • 1972: The end of Stormont • 1973: splits over the Sunningdale Agreement • Faulkner v Harry West • 1974: Vanguard and the United Ulster Unionist Council • Leader James Molyneaux 1979-1995 • Anglo Irish Agreement • 1995 – 2005 David Trimble and the Belfast Agreement • Division and Defeat. • Leadership of Sir Reg Empey and Mike Nesbitt • Leadership of Robin Swan Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) • Ian Paisley – life and times • 1966 -1971 The Protestant Unionist Party • More Unionist, more Protestant and more working class • Growth in popularity in 1980’s and 1990’s • Staunch opposition to the 1998 Agreement – No talking to terrorists! • Took there seats in Government • 2007: Largest Party in Assembly • First Minister • Peter Robinson and Arlene Foster.