Unionist Concerns & Fears of a United Ireland
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Chronicles of a Sunday Cyclist
Chronicles of a Sunday Cyclist A collection of short stories by Barney Mulholland Chronicles of a Sunday Cyclist Page 1 Chronicles of a Sunday Cyclist Contents The Fred Whitton Four Seasons Cycling Challenge................................................................................. 3 Sunday Cycle 23 June 2013 .................................................................................................................... 9 To the Plum Sunday Cycle 30 June 2013 .............................................................................................. 10 The start of the mountain season. Sunday Cycle 7th July 2013 ............................................................ 12 Sunday Cycle – 14th July 2013 Pat’s Return ........................................................................................ 13 Ascention Monday - 22nd July 2013 ..................................................................................................... 14 Sunday Cycle – 4th August 2013 ............................................................................................................ 17 Monday Cycle 5th August 2013 ............................................................................................................. 18 Team Cycle - Sunday 11th August 2013 ............................................................................................... 19 Inishowen 100 18th August 2013 ...................................................................................................... 21 Sunday Cycle 25-Aug-2013 .................................................................................................................. -
Northern Ireland Is Suddenly Relevant for Westminster Elections and Westminster Is Relevant for Northern Ireland
Northern Ireland is suddenly relevant for Westminster elections and Westminster is relevant for Northern Ireland blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/northern-ireland-is-suddenly-relevant-for-westminster-elections-and- westminster-is-relevant-for-northern-ireland/ 12/20/2014 What happens in the 18 constituencies of Northern Ireland next May could well be of profound importance both for the outcome at Westminster and for the stability of Northern Ireland. In past elections, MPs from Northern Ireland have been largely irrelevant to the legislative arithmetic of government formation in Westminster. However, in 2015, as Matthew Whiting shows in this post, the fragmentation of the Conservative and Labour vote means that Northern Irish MPs may play a crucial role in deciding which parties govern. It may not sound surprising that Northern Irish constituencies matter in predicting the overall election outcome, but in fact historically this has not really been the case. The only of the major parties to organise and compete in elections to Northern Ireland was the Conservative Party, with both the Labour Party and the Liberal Democrats refusing to do so. What is more, the Conservative Party did not enter elections until 1989 and it has always performed poorly in the region, with their highest ever vote share across the region under 6 percent in the 1992 Westminster election. Northern Ireland, even at the height of the Troubles, has always been of low electoral salience for voters in British elections and it is rarely mentioned by candidates or in election manifestos. There have been some notable exceptions to this general trend of the irrelevance of (Northern) Ireland for the governing parties of Westminster. -
A Fresh Start? the Northern Ireland Assembly Election 2016
A fresh start? The Northern Ireland Assembly election 2016 Matthews, N., & Pow, J. (2017). A fresh start? The Northern Ireland Assembly election 2016. Irish Political Studies, 32(2), 311-326. https://doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2016.1255202 Published in: Irish Political Studies Document Version: Peer reviewed version Queen's University Belfast - Research Portal: Link to publication record in Queen's University Belfast Research Portal Publisher rights Copyright 2016 Taylor & Francis. This work is made available online in accordance with the publisher’s policies. Please refer to any applicable terms of use of the publisher. General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Queen's University Belfast Research Portal is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The Research Portal is Queen's institutional repository that provides access to Queen's research output. Every effort has been made to ensure that content in the Research Portal does not infringe any person's rights, or applicable UK laws. If you discover content in the Research Portal that you believe breaches copyright or violates any law, please contact [email protected]. Download date:30. Sep. 2021 A fresh start? The Northern Ireland Assembly election 2016 NEIL MATTHEWS1 & JAMES POW2 Paper prepared for Irish Political Studies Date accepted: 20 October 2016 1 School of Sociology, Politics and International Studies, University of Bristol, Bristol, UK. Correspondence address: School of Sociology, Politics and International Studies, University of Bristol, 11 Priory Road, Bristol BS8 1TU, UK. -
Northern Ireland's Snap Assembly Elections: Outcome and Implications
CRS INSIGHT Northern Ireland's Snap Assembly Elections: Outcome and Implications March 7, 2017 (IN10663) | Related Author Kristin Archick | Kristin Archick, Specialist in European Affairs ([email protected], 7-2668) On March 2, 2017, voters in Northern Ireland—which is one of four component "nations" of the United Kingdom (UK) —went to the polls in snap elections for Northern Ireland's Assembly, its regional legislature. The Assembly is a key institution in Northern Ireland's devolved government, in which specified powers have been transferred from London to Belfast, as set out in the 1998 peace agreement aimed at ending Northern Ireland's 30-year sectarian conflict (in which almost 3,500 people died). The peace accord mandated that power in the devolved government would be shared between Northern Ireland's two dominant communities: unionists, or Protestants who largely define themselves as British and support remaining part of the UK, and nationalists, or Catholics who consider themselves Irish and may desire a united Ireland. (For more information, see CRS Report RS21333, Northern Ireland: The Peace Process.) Since 2007, Assembly elections have produced successive power-sharing governments led by the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and the nationalist all-Ireland political party Sinn Fein. Assembly elections determine the composition of Northern Ireland's Executive, comprised of ministers in charge of policy departments. Following the May 2016 Assembly elections, DUP leader Arlene Foster and Sinn Fein's northern leader Martin McGuiness returned to head the Executive as First Minister and Deputy First Minister, respectively. Despite a much-improved security situation in Northern Ireland and progress in implementing important aspects of the peace accord, significant divisions and distrust persist between the unionist and nationalist communities and their respective political parties. -
Prohibition of Conversion Therapies Bill 2018
An Bille um Thoirmeasc ar Theiripí Tiontúcháin, 2018 Prohibition of Conversion Therapies Bill 2018 Mar a tionscnaíodh As initiated [No. 33.6 of 2018] AN BILLE UM THOIRMEASC AR THEIRIPÍ TIONTÚCHÁIN, 2018 PROHIBITION OF CONVERSION THERAPIES BILL 2018 Mar a tionscnaíodh As initiated CONTENTS Section 1. Interpretation 2. Prohibition of Conversion Therapy 3. Criminalisation of Conversion Therapies 4. Short title and Commencement [No.33.6 of 2018] ACT REFERRED TO Mercantile Marine Act 1955 (No. 29) 2 AN BILLE UM THOIRMEASC AR THEIRIPÍ TIONTÚCHÁIN, 2018 PROHIBITION OF CONVERSION THERAPIES BILL 2018 Bill entitled An Act to prohibit conversion therapy, as a deceptive and harmful act or practice against 5 a person’s sexual orientation, gender identity and, or gender expression. Be it enacted by the Oireachtas as follows: Interpretation 1. In this Act— “conversion therapy”— 10 (a) means any practice or treatment by any person that seeks to change, suppress and, or eliminate a person’s sexual orientation, gender identity and, or gender expression; and (b) does not include any practice or treatment, which does not seek to change a person’s sexual orientation, gender identity and, or gender expression, or 15 which— (i) provides assistance to an individual undergoing a gender transition; or (ii) provides acceptance, support and understanding of a person, or a facilitation of a person’s coping, social support and identity exploration and development, including sexual orientation-neutral interventions; 20 “sexual orientation” refers to each person’s capacity -
Rt Hon Rishi Sunak MP Chancellor of the Exchequer HM Treasury 1 Horse Guards Road London SW1A 2HQ
Rt Hon Rishi Sunak MP Chancellor of the Exchequer HM Treasury 1 Horse Guards Road London SW1A 2HQ Dear Chancellor, Budget Measures to Support Hospitality and Tourism We are writing today as members and supporters of the All-Party Parliamentary Group for Hospitality and Tourism ahead of the Budget on 3rd March. As you will of course be aware, hospitality and tourism are vital to the UK’s economy along with the livelihoods and wellbeing of millions of people across the UK. The pandemic has amplified this, with its impacts illustrating the pan-UK nature of these sectors, the economic benefits they generate, and the wider social and wellbeing benefits that they provide. The role that these sectors play in terms of boosting local, civic pride in all our constituencies, and the strong sense of community that they foster, should not be underestimated. It is well-established that people relate to their local town centres, high streets and community hubs, of which the hospitality and tourism sectors are an essential part. The latest figures from 2020 highlight the significant impact that the virus has had on these industries. In 2020, the hospitality sector has seen a sales drop of 53.8%, equating to a loss in revenue of £72 billion. This decline has impacted the UK’s national economy by taking off around 2 percentage points from total GDP. For hospitality, this downturn is already estimated to be over 10 times worse than the impact of the financial crisis. It is estimated that employment in the sector has dropped by over 1 million jobs. -
Derry's Drug Vigilantes
NEWS FEATURE DERRY’S DRUG VIGILANTES Ray Coyle was gunned down as he chatted to customers at his city centre shop in Derry. His crime? Selling legal highs. Max Daly reports on how dissident Republican groups are using the region’s historical distrust of drug dealers to drum up support in Northern Ireland’s still-fractured working class communities. IT WAS afternoon rush hour in the from within the local community”, had can buy legal highs over the internet, so centre of Derry, Northern Ireland’s claimed responsibility for the attack. are they going to start shooting postmen second city. Office workers hurried home The Red Star shooting, on January for delivering it?” through the bitter January cold. Inside 27 this year, marked an escalation in RAAD responded by saying Coyle and Red Star, a ‘head shop’ selling cannabis an already rising wave of attacks by other legal high sellers in the city had paraphernalia, hippy trinkets and dissident Republican paramilitary groups been warned, through leaflets handed exotically named legal highs, shopkeeper on drug dealers in Derry. out in pubs and personal visits to shops, Ray Coyle was chatting to customers But the attack on Coyle, which came to desist in “the hope moral thinking when a man wearing a motorcycle in the wake of a dramatic rise in reports would prevail”. Coyle denied he had been helmet barged through the door. of Derry teenagers being harmed by the warned by anyone. What is for certain is “Are you Raymond Coyle?” he now banned legal high mephedrone, was that RAAD published a statement in the demanded through his visor. -
Cooperation Programmes Under the European Territorial Cooperation Goal
Cooperation programmes under the European territorial cooperation goal CCI 2014TC16RFPC001 Title Ireland-United Kingdom (PEACE) Version 1.2 First year 2014 Last year 2020 Eligible from 01-Jan-2014 Eligible until 31-Dec-2023 EC decision number EC decision date MS amending decision number MS amending decision date MS amending decision entry into force date NUTS regions covered by IE011 - Border the cooperation UKN01 - Belfast programme UKN02 - Outer Belfast UKN03 - East of Northern Ireland UKN04 - North of Northern Ireland UKN05 - West and South of Northern Ireland EN EN 1. STRATEGY FOR THE COOPERATION PROGRAMME’S CONTRIBUTION TO THE UNION STRATEGY FOR SMART, SUSTAINABLE AND INCLUSIVE GROWTH AND THE ACHIEVEMENT OF ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND TERRITORIAL COHESION 1.1 Strategy for the cooperation programme’s contribution to the Union strategy for smart, sustainable and inclusive growth and to the achievement of economic, social and territorial cohesion 1.1.1 Description of the cooperation programme’s strategy for contributing to the delivery of the Union strategy for smart, sustainable and inclusive growth and for achieving economic, social and territorial cohesion. Introduction The EU PEACE Programmes are distinctive initiatives of the European Union to support peace and reconciliation in the programme area. The first PEACE Programme was a direct result of the European Union's desire to make a positive response to the opportunities presented by developments in the Northern Ireland peace process during 1994, especially the announcements of the cessation of violence by the main republican and loyalist paramilitary organisations. The cessation came after 25 years of violent conflict during which over 3,500 were killed and 37,000 injured. -
Seanad Éireann
SEANAD ÉIREANN AN BILLE UM GHNÍOMHÚ AERÁIDE AGUS UM FHORBAIRT ÍSEALCHARBÓIN (LEASÚ), 2021 CLIMATE ACTION AND LOW CARBON DEVELOPMENT (AMENDMENT) BILL 2021 LEASUITHE COISTE COMMITTEE AMENDMENTS [No. 39a of 2021] [2 July, 2021] SEANAD ÉIREANN AN BILLE UM GHNÍOMHÚ AERÁIDE AGUS UM FHORBAIRT ÍSEALCHARBÓIN (LEASÚ), 2021 —AN COISTE CLIMATE ACTION AND LOW CARBON DEVELOPMENT (AMENDMENT) BILL 2021 —COMMITTEE STAGE Leasuithe Amendments *Government amendments are denoted by an asterisk SECTION 3 1. In page 6, line 29, after “emissions” to insert “minus removals”. —Senators Regina Doherty, Garret Ahearn, Paddy Burke, Jerry Buttimer, Maire Ní Bhroinn, Micheál Carrigy, Martin Conway, John Cummins, Emer Currie, Aisling Dolan, Seán Kyne, Tim Lombard, John McGahon, Joe O'Reilly, Mary Seery Kearney, Barry Ward, Lisa Chambers, Catherine Ardagh, Niall Blaney, Malcolm Byrne, Pat Casey, Shane Cassells, Lorraine Clifford-Lee, Ollie Crowe, Paul Daly, Aidan Davitt, Timmy Dooley, Mary Fitzpatrick, Robbie Gallagher, Gerry Horkan, Erin McGreehan, Eugene Murphy, Fiona O'Loughlin, Denis O'Donovan, Ned O'Sullivan, Diarmuid Wilson. 2. In page 6, to delete lines 34 and 35, and in page 7, to delete lines 1 to 3 and substitute the following: “ ‘climate justice’ means the requirement that decisions and actions taken, within the State and at the international level, to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and to adapt to the effects of climate change shall, in so far as it is practicable to do so— (a) support the people who are most affected by climate change but who have done the least to cause it and are the least equipped to adapt to its effects, (b) safeguard the most vulnerable persons, (c) endeavour to share the burdens and benefits arising from climate change, and (d) help to address inequality;”. -
Terrorism Knows No Borders
TERRORISM TERRORISM TERRORISM TERRORISM KNOWS KNOWS KNOWS KNOWS NO BORDERS NO BORDERS NO BORDERS NO BORDERS TERRORISM TERRORISM TERRORISM TERRORISM KNOWS KNOWS KNOWS KNOWS NO BORDERS NO BORDERS NO BORDERS NO BORDERS TERRORISM TERRORISM TERRORISM TERRORISM KNOWS KNOWS KNOWS KNOWS NO BORDERS NO BORDERS NO BORDERS NO BORDERS TERRORISM TERRORISM TERRORISM TERRORISM KNOWS KNOWS KNOWS KNOWS NO BORDERS NO BORDERS NO BORDERS NO BORDERS TERRORISM TERRORISM TERRORISM TERRORISM KNOWS KNOWS KNOWS KNOWS NO BORDERS NO BORDERS NO BORDERS NO BORDERS October 2019 his is a special initiative for SEFF to be associated with, it is one part of a three part overall Project which includes; the production of a Book and DVD Twhich captures the testimonies and experiences of well over 20 innocent victims and survivors of terrorism from across Great Britain and The Republic of Ireland. The Project title; ‘Terrorism knows NO Borders’ aptly illustrates the broader point that we are seeking to make through our involvement in this work, namely that in the context of Northern Ireland terrorism and criminal violence was not curtailed to Northern Ireland alone but rather that individuals, families and communities experienced its’ impacts across the United Kingdom, Republic of Ireland and beyond these islands. This Memorial Quilt Project does not claim to represent the totality of lives lost across Great Britain and The Republic of Ireland but rather seeks to provide some understanding of the sacrifices paid by communities, families and individuals who have been victimised by ‘Republican’ or ‘Loyalist’ terrorism. SEFF’s ethos means that we are not purely concerned with victims/survivors who live within south Fermanagh or indeed the broader County. -
Terrorist Speech and the Future of Free Expression
TERRORIST SPEECH AND THE FUTURE OF FREE EXPRESSION Laura K. Donohue* Introduction.......................................................................................... 234 I. State as Sovereign in Relation to Terrorist Speech ...................... 239 A. Persuasive Speech ............................................................ 239 1. Sedition and Incitement in the American Context ..... 239 a. Life Before Brandenburg................................. 240 b. Brandenburg and Beyond................................ 248 2. United Kingdom: Offences Against the State and Public Order ....................................................................... 250 a. Treason............................................................. 251 b. Unlawful Assembly ......................................... 254 c. Sedition ............................................................ 262 d. Monuments and Flags...................................... 268 B. Knowledge-Based Speech ................................................ 271 1. Prior Restraint in the American Context .................... 272 a. Invention Secrecy Act...................................... 274 b. Atomic Energy Act .......................................... 279 c. Information Relating to Explosives and Weapons of Mass Destruction............................................ 280 2. Strictures in the United Kingdom............................... 287 a. Informal Restrictions........................................ 287 b. Formal Strictures: The Export Control Act ..... 292 II. State in -
Oral Evidence: Brexit and the Northern Ireland Protocol, HC 157
Northern Ireland Affairs Committee Oral evidence: Brexit and the Northern Ireland Protocol, HC 157 Wednesday 9 June 2021 Ordered by the House of Commons to be published on 9 June 2021. Watch the meeting Members present: Simon Hoare (Chair); Scott Benton; Mr Gregory Campbell; Stephen Farry; Mr Robert Goodwill; Claire Hanna; Fay Jones; Ian Paisley; Bob Stewart. Questions 919 - 940 Witnesses II: Susan McKay, Journalist and Author. Examination of witness Witness: Susan McKay. Q919 Chair: Let us now turn to Susan McKay. Good morning. Thank you for joining us. Ms McKay, you recently published a book—other authors are available—Northern Protestants: On Shifting Ground; it was published last month. What is your take? What is the rub? What is the actual issue here? What is the beef? Susan McKay: Thank you, Mr Chair. That is an extraordinary question in its breadth. One of the reasons why I wrote the book is that I am from the Protestant community myself in Northern Ireland, from Derry, and I have been working as a journalist, mainly in Northern Ireland, for the last 30 years. Over that time I have observed that there is an immense variety and diversity of people within the Protestant, loyalist and unionist communities and I felt that that was not widely enough recognised. For example, when we talk of loyalists, people often conflate the idea of loyalists with loyalist paramilitaries, which is so wrong. The loyalist community is extremely diverse. It includes people who vote for the unionist parties; it also includes people who vote for other non-unionist parties and many people who do not vote at all.