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Poland's Postwar Moral Panic
1 ||| Poland’s Postwar Moral Panic Stanisêaw Kozicki (1876–1958), a prominent politician of the nationalist- right camp, re¶ected in 1932 on the numerous challenges that contemporary Poland faced and offered the following summation: “In addition to every- thing that is going on there [in western Europe after the Great War], we are undergoing a transition from slavery to freedom and are exerting a great ef- fort to organize our own state. Can one really be surprised that the transi- tional period is lasting longer and is more complicated?”1 Though it was unpleasant and troubling, it was natural enough, Kozicki reasoned, for the Second Republic to confront monumental problems on all fronts and at all levels. Commentators like Kozicki moved effortlessly from blaming the lin- gering effects of the partitions for the problems evident in the Second Repub- lic, to blaming the Great War and the subsequent border wars, the political structures of the new state, the ethnic minorities, the international situation and geopolitics. But commentators also impugned something far less tangible and potentially far more explosive: the moral health of the nation. A vocabu- lary of infestation and ¤lth, of healing, good ethics, and moral rigor, was heard frequently in the press of the early independence period as many looked to the moral realm as possessing great explanatory power. In an atmo- sphere of economic uncertainty, social tension, and political animosity, cul- tural and moral visions of newly independent Poland were bound to clash. Bit by bit, the contours of a discursive moral panic developed alongside the political crises, the social unrest and the economic ruin. -
Adam Krzyżanowski
All Polish collector coins feature: Collector coins issued by NBP face value are sold at NBP regional branches and in the NBP online shop. image of the Eagle established as the state emblem of the Republic of Poland inscription: Rzeczpospolita Polska year of issue The Great Polish Economists On 25 March 2021, Narodowy Bank Polski Adam will be putting into circulation a silver coin from the series ”The Great Krzyżanowski Polish Economists” – Adam Heydel, with a face value of 10 złoty. Narodowy Bank Polski is the central bank of the State, responsible for its monetary policy and price stability. The Bank’s functions are described in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland and the Act on NBP. NBP holds the exclusive right to issue the currency of the Republic of Poland. As the central bank, it does not provide accounts for the general public, accept deposits from or extend loans to individuals. Issuing collector items is an occasion to It acts as a banker to the State budget and public commemorate important historic figures sector entities. NBP also holds and manages and anniversaries, as well as to develop the foreign exchange reserves of the State. Finally, the interest of the public in Polish culture, it functions as a banker to banks, creating conditions science and tradition. for the operation of the Polish banking system. Narodowy Bank Polski is one of the most important Information on the issue schedule research and analytical centres in the fields can be found at of economics and financial markets. the www.nbp.pl/monety website. -
The Rhetoric of the “March of Independence” in Poland (2010
ARTICLES WIELOKULTUROWość… Politeja No. 4(61), 2019, p. 149-166 https://doi.org/10.12797/Politeja.16.2019.61.09 Elżbieta WIącEK Jagiellonian University in Kraków [email protected] ThE RhETORIC OF THE “MARCH OF INDEPENDENCE” IN POLAND (2010-2017) AS THE ANswER FOR THE POLICY OF MULTICULTURALIsm IN EU AND THE REFUGEE CRISIS ABSTRact In 2010, Polish far-right nationalist groups hit upon the idea of establishing one common nationwide march to celebrate National Independence Day in Poland. Since then, the participants have manifested their attachment to Polish tradi- tion, and their anti-multicultural attitude. Much of the debate about multicul- turalism and the emergence of conflictual and socially divisive ethnic groupings has addressed ethical concerns. In contrast, this paper focuses on the semiotic and structural level of the problem. Key words: March of Independence, nationalism, refugees, values, patriotism 150 Elżbieta Wiącek POLITEJA 4(61)/2019 fter Poland’s accession to the European Union in May 2004 new laws on national, Aethnic and linguistic minorities were accepted and put into practice.1 However, cur- rent Polish multiculturalism is different from that of multi-ethnic or immigrant societies such as the UK. Indeed, multiculturalism in contemporary Poland can be seen as a his- torical phenomenon, one linked to the long-lasting ‘folklorisation’ of diversity. For in- stance, although ‘multicultural’ festivals are organised in cities, towns and in borderland regions, all of them refer to past ‘multi-ethnic’ or religiously diversified life. Tolerance is evoked as an old Polish historical tradition. The historical Commonwealth of Poland and Lithuania (1385-1795) was in itself diverse linguistically, ethnically and religiously, and it also welcomed various ethnic and religious minorities, especially Jews. -
They Fought for Independent Poland
2019 Special edition PISMO CODZIENNE Independence Day, November 11, 2019 FREE AGAIN! THEY FOUGHT FOR INDEPENDENT POLAND Dear Readers, The day of November 11 – the National Independence Day – is not accidentally associated with the Polish military uni- form, its symbolism and traditions. Polish soldiers on almost all World War I fronts “threw on the pyre their lives’ fate.” When the Polish occupiers were drown- ing in disasters and revolutions, white- and-red flags were fluttering on Polish streets to mark Poland’s independence. The Republic of Poland was back on the map of Europe, although this was only the beginning of the battle for its bor- ders. Józef Piłsudski in his first order to the united Polish Army shared his feeling of joy with his soldiers: “I’m taking com- mand of you, Soldiers, at the time when the heart of every Pole is beating stron- O God! Thou who from on high ger and faster, when the children of our land have seen the sun of freedom in all its Hurls thine arrows at the defenders of the nation, glory.” He never promised them any bat- We beseech Thee, through this heap of bones! tle laurels or well-merited rest, though. On the contrary – he appealed to them Let the sun shine on us, at least in death! for even greater effort in their service May the daylight shine forth from heaven’s bright portals! for Poland. And they never let him down Let us be seen - as we die! when in 1920 Poland had to defend not only its own sovereignty, but also entire Europe against flooding bolshevism. -
Nihil Novi #3
The Kos’ciuszko Chair of Polish Studies Miller Center of Public Affairs University of Virginia Charlottesville, Virginia Bulletin Number Three Fall 2003 On the Cover: The symbol of the KoÊciuszko Squadron was designed by Lt. Elliot Chess, one of a group of Americans who helped the fledgling Polish air force defend its skies from Bolshevik invaders in 1919 and 1920. Inspired by the example of Tadeusz KoÊciuszko, who had fought for American independence, the American volunteers named their unit after the Polish and American hero. The logo shows thirteen stars and stripes for the original Thirteen Colonies, over which is KoÊciuszko’s four-cornered cap and two crossed scythes, symbolizing the peasant volunteers who, led by KoÊciuszko, fought for Polish freedom in 1794. After the Polish-Bolshevik war ended with Poland’s victory, the symbol was adopted by the Polish 111th KoÊciuszko Squadron. In September 1939, this squadron was among the first to defend Warsaw against Nazi bombers. Following the Polish defeat, the squadron was reformed in Britain in 1940 as Royal Air Force’s 303rd KoÊciuszko. This Polish unit became the highest scoring RAF squadron in the Battle of Britain, often defending London itself from Nazi raiders. The 303rd bore this logo throughout the war, becoming one of the most famous and successful squadrons in the Second World War. The title of our bulletin, Nihil Novi, invokes Poland’s ancient constitution of 1505. It declared that there would be “nothing new about us without our consent.” In essence, it drew on the popular sentiment that its American version expressed as “no taxation without representation.” The Nihil Novi constitution guar- anteed that “nothing new” would be enacted in the country without the consent of the Parliament (Sejm). -
Zapisz Jako PDF Otwiera Się W Nowym Oknie
The Second Polish Republic Under the Sanaon Government (revision class) The Second Polish Republic Under the Sanaon Government (revision class) Lesson plan (Polish) Lesson plan (English) The Second Polish Republic Under the Sanaon Government (revision class) Children with flags during a ceremony Source: Dzieci z chorągiewkami podczas uroczystości, 1934, Narodowe Archiwum Cyfrowe, domena publiczna. Link to the Lesson You will learn to define the effects of the May Coup D’État and the manifestations of the crisis of democracy; to describe the everyday life of students of the elementary schools in the Second Polish Republic; to characterize the strong and weak points of the economy and social life of the Second Polish Republic. Nagranie dostępne na portalu epodreczniki.pl Nagranie abstraktu In 1926, Józef Piłsudski decided to take the power with the use of armed force. Ignacy Mościcki assumed the office of President. The August Novelization of 1926 became a temporary solution. One of the first decrees to be issued was the appointment of the General Armed Forces Inspector (Polish acronym: GISZ). Józef Piłsudski was appointed for this office by Ignacy Mościcki. In 1935, the April Constitution was adopted, limiting the authority of the Parliament. During the campaign for the new term of the Sejm in September 1930, the opposition leaders were arrested. Some of them were forced to emigrate. The Brest elections of November granted the Nonpartisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government (BBWR) 56% of the seats in the Sejm and almost 68% in the Senate. It was a result of a violation of democratic principles. The founding of the Bereza Kartuska prison in the 30s became a symbol of the Sanation’s activities. -
Institute of National Remembrance
Institute of National Remembrance https://ipn.gov.pl/en/news/6946,Jaroslaw-Tomasiewicz-PhDquotThe-Jewish-Question-in-the-Political-Th ought-of-Oboz.html 2021-09-25, 16:18 20.01.2021 Jarosław Tomasiewicz Ph.D.,"The Jewish Question in the Political Thought of Obóz Narodowy (The National Camp) in 1939–1945" This article describes the attitude of the broadly understood National Camp 1 to the Jewish question under Nazi occupation. More specifically, it examines the nationalists’ point of view on the role and situation of the Jewish minority and their proposals for addressing this problem. This particular point of view was shaped by two main factors: the ideology/programme of the National Camp as formulated prior to the outbreak of World War II, and the dramatically different socio-economic and political circumstances which prevailed under occupation. This article examines the extent to which prior ideological and political assumptions remained unchanged by inertia, and how they were modified and revised. The key differences on the Jewish question between the individual nationalist groups should be distinguished. The Jewish Question in the 1930s The Jewish question was of great importance in Polish social and political life. In the interwar period, Poland was one of the largest global centres of the Jewish nation.2 The problem was complicated by the concentration of the Jewish minority within some branches of the economy.3 In 1931, out of 3,111,000 Jewish citizens, 1,140,000 lived from trade and credit; 52% of property commercial outlets and 40% of crafts businesses were owned by Jews; and in 1938, Jews constituted 34% of doctors and 53% of lawyers.4 These relations fuelled anti-Semitism based on the ethnic concept of the nation. -
Świat Idei I Polityki
ROCZNIK INSTYTUTU NAUK POLITYCZNYCH UNIWERSYTETU KAZIMIERZA WIELKIEGO W BYDGOSZCZY Świat Idei i Polityki TOM 17 RADA NAUKOWA / SCIENTIFIC BOARD: Peter Čajka (Słowacja), Harald Borgebund (Norwegia), Raquel Ojeda García (Hiszpania), Ewa Maj (Polska), Magdalena Musiał-Karg (Polska), Olga Nesterchuk (Rosja), Valentina Sommella (Włochy), Michał Tomczyk (Szwajcaria), Lerna Yanik (Turcja) REDAKCJA / EDITORIAL BOARD: REDAKTOR NACZELNY / EDITOR-IN-CHIEF Jan Waskan SEKRETARZ REDAKCJI / ASSISTANT TO THE EDITOR Alina Kaszkur ZASTĘPCA SEKRETARZA REDAKCJI / DEPUTY ASSISTANT TO THE EDITOR Artur Laska CZŁONEK / MEMBER Michał Kosman, Paweł Malendowicz, Piotr Walewicz REDAKTORZY JĘZYKOWI / LINGUISTIC EDITORS Nartsiss Shukuralieva, Maria Ewa Szatlach REDAKTOR STATYSTYCZNY / STATISTICS EDITOR Mirosław Geise REDAKTORZY TEMATYCZNI / THEMATIC EDITORS: Teoria polityki – Artur Laska; Metodologia – Filip Pierzchalski; Myśl polityczna – Paweł Malendowicz; Systemy polityczne – Izabela Kapsa; Socjologia polityki i komunikowanie społeczne – Janusz Golinowski; Polityka społeczno- -gospodarcza – Maria Ewa Szatlach; Najnowsza historia polityczna – Tadeusz Wolsza; Międzynarodowe stosunki polityczne – Donat Mierzejewski; Polityka narodowościowa – Kamila Sierzputowska; Integracja europejska – Łukasz Jureńczyk; Bezpieczeństwo – Sławomir Sadowski; Ruchy społeczne – Alina Kaszkur; Filozofi a zrównoważonego rozwoju – Andrzej Papuziński; Administracja publiczna – Tomasz Kuczur; Nauki prawne – Marcin Jastrzębski Wersja papierowa czasopisma jest wersją pierwotną Redaktor prowadzący -
Activities of Fr. Zygmunt Kaczynski Minister of Religious Affairs and Public Education in the Government-In-Exile (19431945)
196 KATARZYNA LIWAK Przegl d Historyczno-O wiatowy 2016, nr 34 PL ISSN 0033-2178 KATARZYNA LIWAK Uniwersytet Wroc awski DOI: 10.17460/2016.3_4.11 ACTIVITIES OF FR. ZYGMUNT KACZYNSKI MINISTER OF RELIGIOUS AFFAIRS AND PUBLIC EDUCATION IN THE GOVERNMENT-IN-EXILE (19431945) ZYGMUNT KACZYNSKIS LIFE IN THE YEARS 18941943 The Roman Catholic Church was actively involved in the political life of citizens from 1918 to 1939 through the labour of its priests. Zygmunt Kaczynski (b. 1894) was an example of such a priest. He graduated from the seminary in Warsaw and the Theological Academy in St. Petersburg1 and became highly involved in community life. He worked in trade unions. He served as Secretary General of the Association of Christian Workers (Stowarzyszenie Robotników Chrze cija skich) and director of the Catholic News Agency (Katolicka Agencja Prasowa). Twice, he was elected to parliament as a member of the Christian Workers Party (Chrze cija skie Stronnictwo Pracy). Later, he joined the Christian-National Labour Party (Chrze cija sko-Narodowe Stronnictwo Pracy). He was one of the founders of the Christian Democratic Party (Chrze cija ska Demokracja) and participated in the meetings of the Front Morges. After the outbreak of World War II, he became a member of the Citizens Committee for the Defence of Warsaw, founded by President Starzynski (Oby- watelski Komitet Obrony Warszawy Prezydenta Starzynskiego). Due to his activities during the invasion of Poland in 1939, he had to hide in Zakopane, where he took part in the creation of the clandestine organization Active Fi- ght (Czynna Walka). At the end of September 1939, when the Labour Party (Stronnictwo Pracy) was established in Paris, Kaczynski arrived in Romania2. -
Polen-Analysen Nr
NR. 158 17.02.2015 p o l e n - a n a l y se n www.laender-analysen.de/polen Die polnische Bauernpartei ■■AnAlyse Die Bauernpartei als neue Volkspartei? 2 Stefan Garsztecki, Chemnitz ■■DokumentAtion Außerordentlicher IX. Parteikongress der Polnischen Bauernpartei Ideologische Erklärung der Polnischen Bauernpartei 7 Dokumente des X. Parteikongresses der Polnischen Bauernpartei 8 ■■GrAfiken zum text Abstimmungsverhalten bei den Wahlen zu den Woiwodschaftsparlamenten 2014 in Umfragen 12 Selbsteinschätzung der Landbevölkerung 13 Meinungen über die Landbevölkerung 17 Bewertungen der Veränderungen in Polen seit dem Ende der 1980er Jahre bis heute 18 ■■Chronik 3. – 16. Februar 2015 20 Forschungsstelle Deutsche Gesellschaft Osteuropa für Osteuropakunde e.V. POLEN-ANALYSEN NR. 158, 17.02.2015 2 Analyse Die Bauernpartei als neue Volkspartei? Stefan Garsztecki, Chemnitz zusammenfassung Lange Zeit wurde die Polnische Bauernpartei (Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe – PSL) von den Beobachtern der politischen Landschaft in Polen kaum wahrgenommen, da sie nur ein Mal bei Parlamentswahlen ein zwei- stelliges Ergebnis erzielen konnte und ihr konservatives ländliches Profil wenig attraktiv erschien. Dabei ist die Bauernbewegung, aus der sich die PSL rekrutiert, seit Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts die dritte traditionelle Kraft in Polen und hat die PSL weite Abschnitte der polnischen Geschichte im 20. Jahrhundert mit geprägt. In der Dritten Polnischen Republik seit 1989 gehört die PSL zum politischen Establishment und ist län- ger in Regierungsverantwortung gewesen als jede andere Partei des Landes. Dabei kann sich die PSL auf eine nach wie vor große Mitgliederzahl, eine tiefe Verankerung im ländlichen Polen und einen festen Wer- tekanon bei der ländlichen Bevölkerung verlassen. Ihr Erfolg bei den letzten Wahlen zu den Selbstverwal- tungseinheiten auf lokaler und regionaler Ebene im November 2014 mit fast 24 Prozent offenbart nun ihre Ambitionen, auch auf nationaler Ebene eine größere Rolle zu spielen. -
Miscellanea Anthropologica Et Sociologica
MISCELLANEA ANTHROPOLOGICA ET SOCIOLOGICA MISCELLANEA ANTHROPOLOGICA ET SOCIOLOGICA (MAeS) 17 (1) 25 LAT PO KOMUNIZMIE W EUROPIE: ZJAWISKA, PROBLEMY I TEORETYCZNE WYJAŚNIENIA 25 YEARS AFTER THE COMMUNISM IN EUROPE: PHENOMENA, PROBLEMS AND TEORETICAL EXPLANATIONS KWARTALNIK GDAŃSK 2016 WYDAWNICTWO UNIWERSYTETU GDAŃSKIEGO Zespół redakcyjny dr Anna M. Kłonkowska (redaktor naczelna); dr Marcin Szulc (redaktor prowadzący); dr Magdalena Gajewska (redaktor tematyczna); dr Krzysztof Ulanowski; dr Antje Bednarek; dr hab. Anna Chęćka-Gotkowicz, prof. UG; dr Agnieszka Maj; dr Krzysztof Stachura; dr Maciej Brosz (redaktor statystyczny); Maria Kosznik; Amanda Kennedy, Cheryl Llewellyn (redaktorki językowe); Konrad Witek (asystent Redakcji) Kraj pochodzenia zespołu redakcyjnego: Polska; dr Antje Bednarek-Gilland: Niemcy; Cheryl Llewellyn, Amanda Kennedy: USA Rada naukowa prof. Ireneusz Krzemiński; prof. Ruth Holliday; prof. Brenda Weber; dr Nigel Dower; prof. Michael S. Kimmel; prof. Nicoletta Diasio; dr hab. Anna Wieczorkiewicz, prof. UW; prof. Cezary Obracht-Prondzyński; prof. Debra Gimlin; dr Mary Holmes; dr Meredith Jones; dr Jarosław Maniaczyk; dr Wojciech Zieliński Redaktor tomu Arkadiusz Peisert Redaktor Wydawnictwa Maria Kosznik Skład i łamanie Michał Janczewski Publikacja sfinansowana z funduszu działalności statutowej Instytutu Filozofii, Socjologii i Dziennikarstwa oraz Wydziału Nauk Społecznych Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego © Copyright by Uniwersytet Gdański Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego e-ISSN 2354-0389 Pierwotną wersją pisma jest wersja -
Close Countries – Distant Countries. Polish-Swiss Freedom Analogies in the 19Th and 20Th Centuries
RES HISTORICA 50, 2020 DOI:10.17951/rh.2020.50.233-259 Piotr Bednarz (Maria Curie-Skłodowska University in Lublin, Poland) https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1438-1591 E-mail: [email protected] Close Countries – Distant Countries. Polish-Swiss Freedom Analogies in the 19th and 20th Centuries Kraje bliskie – kraje dalekie. Polsko-szwajcarskie analogie wolnościowe w XIX/XX w. ABSTRACT The French Revolution became an inspiration for freedom movements not only in France itself, but also beyond its borders. The ideals expressed in the Declaration of the Rights of the Man and of the Citizen also animated revolutionary and national liberation movements in Switzerland and on Polish soil throughout the long 19th century. The histo- riography of both countries tends to attribute a special role to Switzerland for the Polish idea of independence, as a country that is a refuge of freedom. The Poles deprived of it were to benefit from the support of the Swiss in their efforts to regain independence. Ho- wever, there is limited confirmation for this finding in historical facts. They prove that despite the common beginning of the liberal ideas of the 19th century, as the French Re- volution can be considered, the social history of the Swiss and Poles ran along completely PUBLICATION INFO e-ISSN: 2449-8467 ISSN: 2082-6060 THE AUTHOR’S ADDRESS: Piotr Bednarz, the Institute of History of the Maria Curie-Skłodowska University in Lublin, 4A Maria Curie-Skłodowska Square, Lublin 20-031, Poland SOURCE OF FUNDING: Statutory Research of the Institute of History of the Maria Curie-Skłodowska University in Lublin SUBMITTED: ACCEPTED: PUBLISHED ONLINE: 2020.02.04 2020.07.07 2020.12.28 EDITORIAL WEBSITE OF THE JOURNAL: COMMITTEE E-mail: https://journals.umcs.pl/rh [email protected] 234 PIOTR BEDNARZ different paths.