DOCSLIB.ORG

Political Radicalism As a Threat to the Reborn Republic of Poland

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Political Radicalism As a Threat to the Reborn Republic of Poland MISCELLANEA Political Radicalism as a Threat to the Reborn Republic of Poland Adam Hołub ORCID: 0000-0002-8865-6543 Police Academy in Szczytno, Poland Abstract. Political radicalism as a threat to the reborn Republic of Poland. The interwar period in Poland was characterised by the occurrence of real threats to the internal security of the state, the source of which was radicalism and political extremism. It was both left-wing and right-wing radicalism. We should mention here communism supported by Bolshevik Russia, Ukrainian nationalism supported by unfavourable countries such as Germany or Czechoslovakia, and Polish right-wing radicals who sought to change the political system of the country but not to annihilate it. All these political trends may have contributed to the destabilization of the Second Republic, but reborn Poland managed to create an appropriate internal security system, which included the Political Police, and on the other hand, the Polish society, as the history of the Second Republic shows, was not seduced by the political extremes. DOI: 10.5604/01.3001.0014.3199 http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.3199 Keywords: internal security, radicalism, extremism, communism, nationalism Introduction In reborn Poland, there were already political trends which had their roots in the 19th century, i.e. in the years of Partitions, as well as new ones which constituted the original intellectual achievements of free Poland. In addition to moderate ideologies, there were also radical left-wing and right-wing factions. Representa- tives of national minorities, who also preached radical slogans, even propagating political extremism and related violence were also present on the Polish territory. Among the radical left-wing groups, one should point out communist programmes and organisations, both Polish (Communist Party of Workers’ Poland — KPRP, Com- munist Party of Poland — KPP) and those which gathered representatives of other nationalities (Common Jewish Workers’ Union in Lithuania, BUND in Poland and Russia, Communist Party of Western Ukraine — KPZU, Communist Party of Western Belarus — KPZB) but there were also representatives of the extreme right-wing and supporters of the increasingly popular totalitarian movement in Europe (National- Radical Camp, ONR Falanga, ONR ABC). It should also be mentioned about radical national activists among the Ukrainian or German minorities on the Polish territory of the Second Republic. Internal Security, January–June 225 Adam Hołub Main Part The Polish state was an obstacle to the implementation of communist slogans to establish a global communist system. It was also an obstacle to the creation of an independent Ukrainian state. Thus, it was the goal of both organized extreme left-wing and Ukrainian nationalists. Moreover, it is worth remembering the Polish- Lithuanian and Polish-German antagonism (Poland as a seasonal state). For Soviet Russia (since 1922 the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) it was also a ‘bastard of Versailles’. It should, therefore, be liquidated in whole or in part. Hence, radical and extremist groups could expect support from neighbouring countries hostile to Poland. A separate problem was the position of the extreme Polish right-wing towards the state in which it was to function. For it, the aim was not to destroy the state but its democratic system. The Polish state and its security apparatus had to control all radical trends threatening its existence. That is why there was a special role for both counterintelligence and military intelligence as well as civil counterintelligence known as the Political Police. On the one hand, there were demands for the liquidation of the Polish state and on the other hand for its radical transformation. In both cases, state institutions had to take appropriate measures to eliminate threats from radicals and extremists operating on the territory of the Polish state. The greatest threat to the internal security of the country in the first years after its rebirth was the activity of extreme left-wing groups. The danger from this side was all the more dangerous because Polish communists (Ukrainian and Belarusian) could count on the support of not only the whole communist movement but also the Soviet state itself, for which capitalist Poland was an obstacle on the way to establish a communist system in Europe and all over the world. Therefore, the creation of Poland did not meet with the favour of the organization of the extreme left abroad and at home. It could be expected that organizations loyal to global communism could undertake not only propaganda but also sabotage and spying activities for the benefit of the neighbouring communist state.1 On December 16, 1918, as a result of the union of two parties: the Social Democ- racy of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania (SDKPiL) and the Polish Socialist Party-Left (PPS-Left), the Communist Workers’ Party of Poland (KPRP, since 1925 as the Communist Party of Poland, KPP) was created, whose aim was to create a communist system in Poland within the framework of global communism, which in practice meant the liquidation of Polish statehood. It should be stressed that from 1919, after the creation of the Communist International (Komintern), this party became part of it. At the same time, the KPRP was closely connected with the Soviet power in Russia. It aimed to join Poland to the state in which the proletariat dicta- torship was to reign, i.e. to Soviet Russia. At the time of its creation, the KPRP in its program, mentioning the events in Russia and Germany, directly called for fighting against reborn Poland: ‘If we don’t want us to be handcuffed, we have to start our revolution in Poland, to destroy the rule of the bourgeoisie, to gain power for the Workers’ Delegates’ Councils’. (Program Manifesto). Poland became an independent, 1 Miodowski A, Dywersja polityczna KPRP przeciwko wojsku polskiemu na przełomie lat 1918/1919. Studia Podlaskie, 2015, Vol. XXIII. 226 Internal Security, January–June Political Radicalism as a Threat to the Reborn Republic of Poland democratic republic based on the principles of capitalism, therefore, according to the doctrine of communism, it had to be considered an enemy.2 Moreover, the KPRP, subordinated its interests to the Soviet state, seeking to weaken or overthrow Polish statehood. Such actions were taken primarily during the Polish-Soviet War. In 1932, at the 6th KPP congress, a negative stance towards Poland’s independ- ence and integrity was once again taken, stating ‘KPP fights for the right of every nation subjugated by Polish imperialism to total self-determination until it breaks away from the Polish state [...]. KPP mobilises the masses working in Upper Silesia, as well as in Pomerania [Gdańsk], to fight against the national oppression of the German population under the slogan of the right to self-determination until they break away from Poland [...]. Concerning Upper Silesia and the Pomeranian Corridor, the Polish proletariat will cross out the rulings of imperialist treaties and provide the population of these lands with the right to self-determination until they are separated from Poland. Concerning Gdańsk, the KPP fights the yoke of Poland and the League of Nations imposed on it, fights the annexationist policy of Polish impe- rialism and recognises the right of the Gdańsk population, separated from Germany by force, to reunite with Germany’.3 A big problem for the communists in Poland was to find an answer to the ques- tion regarding direct military actions, including individual terrorism. In the middle of the 1920s, a discussion was held in KPP on the creation of battle groups of this party. Separate standpoints appeared that such groups were to be used for terrorist attacks, to have only a protective character for rallies and demonstrations organised by this party or as a cadre to be launched in case of a revolution4. Despite differences of opinion on the purposefulness of individual terrorism, on 28 April 1924 in Łódź, a communist Samuel Engel murdered a police agent, and in July an attempt to blow up an ammunition depot in Lwów was thwarted. 5 Activities aimed at destabilising the Polish state were carried out by a separate structure within the framework of the KPRP (KPP) — the Military Department of the KPRP, commonly referred to as ‘the military’. The activities of this structure consisted of the use of terrorist methods, not to intimidate but first and foremost to harm the state institutions. The Department was supplied with weapons from the USSR, as it cooperated with the services of this country.6 Particular military activity of the KPRP (KPP) was noted in the eastern parts of Poland, where the communists tried to bring about conflicts between ethnic and national groups to destabilize the country. Numerous murders of Polish functionaries and officials, officers of the Polish Army and Border Protection Corps, policemen as well as landowners were carried out in this area. 2 Trembicka K, Środowisko komunistów wobec odzyskania niepodległości prze Polskę i wojny polsko-bolszewickiej, [in:] Kowalczyk E (Ed.), Komuniści w międzywojennej Warszawie. Warsaw, 2014, p. 44. 3 Electronic source: ipn.gov.pl, accessed: 12.09.2019. 4 Trembicka K, Między utopią a rzeczywistością. Myśl polityczna Komunistycznej Partii Polski (1918–1938). Lublin, 2007, p. 165–166. 5 Electronic source: ipn.gov.pl, accessed: 14.09.2019. 6 Poboży B, Nurt komunistyczny, [in:] Przybysz K (Ed.), Polskie partie i ruchy społeczno- polityczne pierwszej połowy XX wieku. Warsaw, 2010, p. 228. Internal Security, January–June 227 Adam Hołub The most important attack carried out by KPP was the blowing up of a part of the Warsaw Citadel on 13 October 1923.7 The assassins aimed to blow up the entire ammu- nition depot in the Citadel, but this intention did not succeed. 28 people died in the attack — soldiers and civilians and 90 people were wounded.8 Two officers linked to KPP (Walery Bagiński and Antoni Wieczorkiewicz) were charged in connection with the attack.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Poland's Postwar Moral Panic
    1 ||| Poland’s Postwar Moral Panic Stanisêaw Kozicki (1876–1958), a prominent politician of the nationalist- right camp, re¶ected in 1932 on the numerous challenges that contemporary Poland faced and offered the following summation: “In addition to every- thing that is going on there [in western Europe after the Great War], we are undergoing a transition from slavery to freedom and are exerting a great ef- fort to organize our own state. Can one really be surprised that the transi- tional period is lasting longer and is more complicated?”1 Though it was unpleasant and troubling, it was natural enough, Kozicki reasoned, for the Second Republic to confront monumental problems on all fronts and at all levels. Commentators like Kozicki moved effortlessly from blaming the lin- gering effects of the partitions for the problems evident in the Second Repub- lic, to blaming the Great War and the subsequent border wars, the political structures of the new state, the ethnic minorities, the international situation and geopolitics. But commentators also impugned something far less tangible and potentially far more explosive: the moral health of the nation. A vocabu- lary of infestation and ¤lth, of healing, good ethics, and moral rigor, was heard frequently in the press of the early independence period as many looked to the moral realm as possessing great explanatory power. In an atmo- sphere of economic uncertainty, social tension, and political animosity, cul- tural and moral visions of newly independent Poland were bound to clash. Bit by bit, the contours of a discursive moral panic developed alongside the political crises, the social unrest and the economic ruin.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rhetoric of the “March of Independence” in Poland (2010
    ARTICLES WIELOKULTUROWość… Politeja No. 4(61), 2019, p. 149-166 https://doi.org/10.12797/Politeja.16.2019.61.09 Elżbieta WIącEK Jagiellonian University in Kraków [email protected] ThE RhETORIC OF THE “MARCH OF INDEPENDENCE” IN POLAND (2010-2017) AS THE ANswER FOR THE POLICY OF MULTICULTURALIsm IN EU AND THE REFUGEE CRISIS ABSTRact In 2010, Polish far-right nationalist groups hit upon the idea of establishing one common nationwide march to celebrate National Independence Day in Poland. Since then, the participants have manifested their attachment to Polish tradi- tion, and their anti-multicultural attitude. Much of the debate about multicul- turalism and the emergence of conflictual and socially divisive ethnic groupings has addressed ethical concerns. In contrast, this paper focuses on the semiotic and structural level of the problem. Key words: March of Independence, nationalism, refugees, values, patriotism 150 Elżbieta Wiącek POLITEJA 4(61)/2019 fter Poland’s accession to the European Union in May 2004 new laws on national, Aethnic and linguistic minorities were accepted and put into practice.1 However, cur- rent Polish multiculturalism is different from that of multi-ethnic or immigrant societies such as the UK. Indeed, multiculturalism in contemporary Poland can be seen as a his- torical phenomenon, one linked to the long-lasting ‘folklorisation’ of diversity. For in- stance, although ‘multicultural’ festivals are organised in cities, towns and in borderland regions, all of them refer to past ‘multi-ethnic’ or religiously diversified life. Tolerance is evoked as an old Polish historical tradition. The historical Commonwealth of Poland and Lithuania (1385-1795) was in itself diverse linguistically, ethnically and religiously, and it also welcomed various ethnic and religious minorities, especially Jews.
    [Show full text]
  • Nihil Novi #3
    The Kos’ciuszko Chair of Polish Studies Miller Center of Public Affairs University of Virginia Charlottesville, Virginia Bulletin Number Three Fall 2003 On the Cover: The symbol of the KoÊciuszko Squadron was designed by Lt. Elliot Chess, one of a group of Americans who helped the fledgling Polish air force defend its skies from Bolshevik invaders in 1919 and 1920. Inspired by the example of Tadeusz KoÊciuszko, who had fought for American independence, the American volunteers named their unit after the Polish and American hero. The logo shows thirteen stars and stripes for the original Thirteen Colonies, over which is KoÊciuszko’s four-cornered cap and two crossed scythes, symbolizing the peasant volunteers who, led by KoÊciuszko, fought for Polish freedom in 1794. After the Polish-Bolshevik war ended with Poland’s victory, the symbol was adopted by the Polish 111th KoÊciuszko Squadron. In September 1939, this squadron was among the first to defend Warsaw against Nazi bombers. Following the Polish defeat, the squadron was reformed in Britain in 1940 as Royal Air Force’s 303rd KoÊciuszko. This Polish unit became the highest scoring RAF squadron in the Battle of Britain, often defending London itself from Nazi raiders. The 303rd bore this logo throughout the war, becoming one of the most famous and successful squadrons in the Second World War. The title of our bulletin, Nihil Novi, invokes Poland’s ancient constitution of 1505. It declared that there would be “nothing new about us without our consent.” In essence, it drew on the popular sentiment that its American version expressed as “no taxation without representation.” The Nihil Novi constitution guar- anteed that “nothing new” would be enacted in the country without the consent of the Parliament (Sejm).
    [Show full text]
  • Zapisz Jako PDF Otwiera Się W Nowym Oknie
    The Second Polish Republic Under the Sanaon Government (revision class) The Second Polish Republic Under the Sanaon Government (revision class) Lesson plan (Polish) Lesson plan (English) The Second Polish Republic Under the Sanaon Government (revision class) Children with flags during a ceremony Source: Dzieci z chorągiewkami podczas uroczystości, 1934, Narodowe Archiwum Cyfrowe, domena publiczna. Link to the Lesson You will learn to define the effects of the May Coup D’État and the manifestations of the crisis of democracy; to describe the everyday life of students of the elementary schools in the Second Polish Republic; to characterize the strong and weak points of the economy and social life of the Second Polish Republic. Nagranie dostępne na portalu epodreczniki.pl Nagranie abstraktu In 1926, Józef Piłsudski decided to take the power with the use of armed force. Ignacy Mościcki assumed the office of President. The August Novelization of 1926 became a temporary solution. One of the first decrees to be issued was the appointment of the General Armed Forces Inspector (Polish acronym: GISZ). Józef Piłsudski was appointed for this office by Ignacy Mościcki. In 1935, the April Constitution was adopted, limiting the authority of the Parliament. During the campaign for the new term of the Sejm in September 1930, the opposition leaders were arrested. Some of them were forced to emigrate. The Brest elections of November granted the Nonpartisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government (BBWR) 56% of the seats in the Sejm and almost 68% in the Senate. It was a result of a violation of democratic principles. The founding of the Bereza Kartuska prison in the 30s became a symbol of the Sanation’s activities.
    [Show full text]
  • Institute of National Remembrance
    Institute of National Remembrance https://ipn.gov.pl/en/news/6946,Jaroslaw-Tomasiewicz-PhDquotThe-Jewish-Question-in-the-Political-Th ought-of-Oboz.html 2021-09-25, 16:18 20.01.2021 Jarosław Tomasiewicz Ph.D.,"The Jewish Question in the Political Thought of Obóz Narodowy (The National Camp) in 1939–1945" This article describes the attitude of the broadly understood National Camp 1 to the Jewish question under Nazi occupation. More specifically, it examines the nationalists’ point of view on the role and situation of the Jewish minority and their proposals for addressing this problem. This particular point of view was shaped by two main factors: the ideology/programme of the National Camp as formulated prior to the outbreak of World War II, and the dramatically different socio-economic and political circumstances which prevailed under occupation. This article examines the extent to which prior ideological and political assumptions remained unchanged by inertia, and how they were modified and revised. The key differences on the Jewish question between the individual nationalist groups should be distinguished. The Jewish Question in the 1930s The Jewish question was of great importance in Polish social and political life. In the interwar period, Poland was one of the largest global centres of the Jewish nation.2 The problem was complicated by the concentration of the Jewish minority within some branches of the economy.3 In 1931, out of 3,111,000 Jewish citizens, 1,140,000 lived from trade and credit; 52% of property commercial outlets and 40% of crafts businesses were owned by Jews; and in 1938, Jews constituted 34% of doctors and 53% of lawyers.4 These relations fuelled anti-Semitism based on the ethnic concept of the nation.
    [Show full text]
  • Miscellanea Anthropologica Et Sociologica
    MISCELLANEA ANTHROPOLOGICA ET SOCIOLOGICA MISCELLANEA ANTHROPOLOGICA ET SOCIOLOGICA (MAeS) 17 (1) 25 LAT PO KOMUNIZMIE W EUROPIE: ZJAWISKA, PROBLEMY I TEORETYCZNE WYJAŚNIENIA 25 YEARS AFTER THE COMMUNISM IN EUROPE: PHENOMENA, PROBLEMS AND TEORETICAL EXPLANATIONS KWARTALNIK GDAŃSK 2016 WYDAWNICTWO UNIWERSYTETU GDAŃSKIEGO Zespół redakcyjny dr Anna M. Kłonkowska (redaktor naczelna); dr Marcin Szulc (redaktor prowadzący); dr Magdalena Gajewska (redaktor tematyczna); dr Krzysztof Ulanowski; dr Antje Bednarek; dr hab. Anna Chęćka-Gotkowicz, prof. UG; dr Agnieszka Maj; dr Krzysztof Stachura; dr Maciej Brosz (redaktor statystyczny); Maria Kosznik; Amanda Kennedy, Cheryl Llewellyn (redaktorki językowe); Konrad Witek (asystent Redakcji) Kraj pochodzenia zespołu redakcyjnego: Polska; dr Antje Bednarek-Gilland: Niemcy; Cheryl Llewellyn, Amanda Kennedy: USA Rada naukowa prof. Ireneusz Krzemiński; prof. Ruth Holliday; prof. Brenda Weber; dr Nigel Dower; prof. Michael S. Kimmel; prof. Nicoletta Diasio; dr hab. Anna Wieczorkiewicz, prof. UW; prof. Cezary Obracht-Prondzyński; prof. Debra Gimlin; dr Mary Holmes; dr Meredith Jones; dr Jarosław Maniaczyk; dr Wojciech Zieliński Redaktor tomu Arkadiusz Peisert Redaktor Wydawnictwa Maria Kosznik Skład i łamanie Michał Janczewski Publikacja sfinansowana z funduszu działalności statutowej Instytutu Filozofii, Socjologii i Dziennikarstwa oraz Wydziału Nauk Społecznych Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego © Copyright by Uniwersytet Gdański Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego e-ISSN 2354-0389 Pierwotną wersją pisma jest wersja
    [Show full text]
  • Keywords Abstract: Contemporary National Movement in Poland
    Keywords Nation, nationalism, national movement, National Movement, National Democracy, All- Polish Youth, National-Radical Camp, national right, development, organization Abstract: Contemporary national movement in Poland The intention of the author and the aim of the dissertation were especially: description of structures and program assumptions of the contemporary national movement, a critical analysis of the activities of renascent national movement, clarify some facts and motives of the National Movement members and the forecast of development trends of the contemporary nationalistic organization. At the outset, it has been hypothesized that the emergence and development of the contemporary National Movement in Poland has led: fascination by the axiology and ideology of pre-war nationalists and the negative assessment of current policies in the country. It was also assumed that the reason for the creation of the National Movement's own concept of “modern nationalism” and implementation of the “radical change” leading to it, was strong cut off from most of national political formations created after 1989. In addition, the author tried to answer the key question: what is the significance for the Polish nationalists by the implementation of their postulate – “radical change” in the construction of the “modern nationalism” concept? Dissertation has been divided into five chapters sequentially talking about: the theoretical issue of nation and nationalism which are necessary in the analysis of political science, the essence of Polish nationalism, Polish “national right-wing” created after 1989, the evolution of the contemporary National Movement being built on the pillars of All-Polish Youth, the National-Radical Camp and axiological layer of National Movement which demonstrates ideological and programmatic development of organization.
    [Show full text]
  • IMPONDERABILIA NR 5 2013.Vp:Corelventura
    Imponderabilia Biuletyn Pi³sudczykowski numer pi¹ty Gdañsk 2013 ISSN 2080-8011 Redaktor Naczelny: Nak³ad: 500 egzemplarzy Jakub H. Szlachetko [email protected] Sekretarz Redakcji: Pawe³ Fiktus [email protected] Publikacja powsta³a w wyniku wspó³pracy: Redakcja: Mateusz Cupa³a Marcin Michalak Barbara Pawe³ko-Czajka Micha³ Poznañski Jacek Srokosz Marcin Strzymiñski Rada Naukowa 1. prof. zw. dr hab. Eugeniusz Koko 2. prof. zw. dr hab. Zbigniew Opacki 3. prof. zw. dr hab. Józef Arno-W³odarski 4. prof. nadzw. dr hab. Janusz Cisek 5. prof. nadzw. dr hab. Maciej Marsza³ 6. prof. nadzw. dr hab. Waldemar Paruch 7. dr hab. Przemys³aw D¹browski 8. dr Marek Bia³okur 9. dr Micha³ Ga³êdek 10. dr Przemys³aw Kieroñczyk Oœrodek Analiz Polityczno-Prawnych 11. dr Marcin Wiszowaty Rada Fundacji: Jakub H. Szlachetko Korekta jêzykowa: [email protected] Katarzyna Czapiewska Pawe³ Szczepañski Joanna Grochowska [email protected] T³umaczenie: Anna Bernard Prezes Zarz¹du: Adam Bochentyn [email protected] Projekt graficzny ok³adki: Anna Król Zarz¹d Fundacji: Arkadiusz Abram Sk³ad i ³amanie: [email protected] Urszula Jêdryczka Micha³ Kubiak [email protected] £ukasz Mackiewicz Wydawca: [email protected] Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Gdañskiego Tomasz Soko³ów ul. Armii Krajowej 119/121, 81-824 Sopot [email protected] tel./fax 58 523 11 37, tel. 725 991 206 Karol Wa¿ny wyd.ug.gda.pl, kiw.ug.edu.pl [email protected] Imponderabilia Biuletyn Pi³sudczykowski SPIS TREŒCI TABLE OF CONTENTS Od Redakcji ................................... 7 Editor's Note Rozprawy naukowe dotycz¹ce zjawisk politycznych i spo³ecznych w miêdzywojennej Rzeczypospolitej Disertations on political and social phenomena in the interwar Poland Jacek Srokosz Pomiêdzy solidaryzmem a neotomizmem – aksjologiczne podstawy Konstytucji kwietniowej ..........................
    [Show full text]
  • Poland in Times of Great War and Second Independence 1914–1939
    Jacek Pietrzak Institute of History University of Łódź Poland in Times of Great War and Second Independence 1914–1939 1. Polish Question during the World War I Origins of independent state The outbreak of World War I in 1914 indicated the end of a certain era. This epoch began with the fall of Napoleon I and the Vienna Congress of 1815. For many Europeans it was a period of development in different areas including economy, political freedoms, social security, science and technology. Despite mounting conflicts, social divisions and competition between superpowers this was a relatively stabile and peaceful period. Not for Poles, though. They did not regard 19th century a “golden era”. Those were times of captivity and national disasters. Many Poles stopped to believe in armed uprising against partitioning powers and preferred to focus on social and economic development of the society. There were still some patriots, who recalled the words of famous Polish poet Adam Mic- kiewicz (1798–1855) who had prayed for “a common war for freedom of peoples”. The Great War, however, was not a fight for “freedom of peoples”, but undeniably resulted from a conflict of interest between superpowers. The fact that partitioning powers were on different sides of the barricade, namely Russia belonged to the Entente Powers whereas Germany and the Austrian Empire were in the Central Powers bloc, was advantageous for the Polish cause and raised hopes for independence. The main problem lay 128 Jacek Pietrzak in the choice of an ally: which side should Poles back up to acquire most political gains.
    [Show full text]
  • Kis Nepeskonyv.Pdf
    KIS NÉPESKÖNYV SZERKESZTŐ Vargha Márk KÖZREMŰKÖDÖTT Soós Eszter Petronella Sütő Tímea LEKTOR Egry Gábor TÖRDELŐSZERKESZTŐ Soós Péter Levente FELELŐS KIADÓ Dr. Türke András István Megjelent 2016-ban, elektronikus formában. © SZERZŐK, 2015 © EUROPA VARIETAS INSTITUTE, 2015 TARTALOMJEGYZÉK A szerzőkről 5 Vihar egy csésze teában? A Tea Party 7 Anticommunism, Neoliberalism and Violence: Nationalist Ideology in Contemporary Poland 57 Testvérek, mostohák és irigy szomszédok: nacionalizmus a cseh-szlovák kapcsolatokban 77 Germániától Németországig 121 Nacionalizmus és patriotizmus Szerbiában 169 A SZERZŐKRŐL HANGÁCSI ISTVÁN:::: nemzetközi tanulmányok, Corvinus Egyetem, Társadalomtudományi Kar, 2015 ÖRDÖGH TIBOR, PHD :::: politológus, Eötvös Loránd Tudomány- egyetem, Állam- és Jogtudományi Kar, 2010, nemzetközi tanulmá- nyok, Corvinus Egyetem, Társadalomtudományi Kar, 2012, doktori tanulmányok, Eötvös Loránd Tudományegyetem, Állam- és Jogtudományi Kar, Politikatudományi Doktori Iskola, 2014 PAÁR ÁDÁM, PHD:::: történelem, Eötvös Loránd Tudomány- egyetem, Bölcsészettudományi Kar, 2006, politológus, Eötvös Loránd Tudományegyetem, Társadalomtudományi Kar, 2008, doktori tanulmányok, Eötvös Loránd Tudományegyetem, Böl- csészettudományi Kar, Történelemtudományok Doktori Iskola, 2015 MATEUSZ PIETRYKA :::: politológus, Instytut Stosowanych Nauk Społecznych, Uniwersytet Warszawski / Varsói Egyetem, Társada- lomtudományi Kar, 2014 VARGHA MÁRK (szerk.):::: jogász, Eötvös Loránd Tudomány- egyetem, Állam- és Jogtudományi Kar, 2010, politikai kom- munikációs
    [Show full text]
  • The Position of Women in Social Life in the Light of the National Party's
    Aneta Dawidowicz, The position of women in social life... DOI 10.15290/cnisk.2018.01.05.05 DR HAB. aNETA DAWIDOWiCZ orcid.org/0000-0002-5266-2247 Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie the position of women in social life in the light of the National Party’s political thought1 Abstract In the interwar period, National Democracy (ND) journalists presen- ted their own views regarding the postulates of the emerging feminist mo- vement of that time. Women’s position in social life was perceived in terms of the Catholic Church’s teaching. ND journalists followed the existing ste- reotypes regarding femininity and masculinity patterns. They advocated the traditional role of women in the social domain. According to ND journalists, the rejection of this traditional model could have had a destructive impact on the entire national community. Therefore, women striving to get away from the traditional image, willing to devote themselves to a professional career at the cost of their family life, were perceived in a particularly negative way. In the public discourse on femininity, National Democracy took the conserva- tive standpoint, which is also shared by representatives of modern national and nationalistic thought in Poland. Keywords: women, political thought, National Party, interwar pe- riod, nationalism, social life, women’s position 1 The publication was financed from the National Science Centre resources granted un- der Decision No. DEC-2013/09/B/HS5/00016. Tekst został opracowany w ramach pro- jektu badawczego „Myśl polityczna Stronnictwa Narodowego (1928–1939)” finansowanego ze środków Narodowego Centrum Nauki na podstawie decyzji numer DEC-2013/09/B/ HS5/00016.
    [Show full text]
  • The Visegrad Countries and “Post-Truth” Who Is Responsible for Delivering the Kremlin’S Narrative to the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia and Poland?
    PolicyBrief Policy Brief | 06.2017 The Visegrad Countries and “Post-Truth” Who is Responsible for Delivering the Kremlin’s Narrative to the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia and Poland? Łukasz Wenerski Introduction style propaganda. On the contrary, the Russian propaganda machine has been The Russian Federation’s disinformation operating for years. The Kremlin had never campaign, implemented to justify its really decided to drop it entirely, and by aggressive policy towards Ukraine, has implementing new methods and tools (such made many analysts, politicians and regular as social media), propaganda has evolved citizens aware that the Kremlin has been to a whole new level. deliberately and cleverly exploiting propaganda mechanisms for its own The Kremlin’s disinformation methods create purposes. Incidents and occurrences such an effective model of geopolitical influence. as the Crimean annexation propaganda and Russian propaganda distorts the perception the war in Donbas have led to the eye- of people, events and even entire institutions opening conclusion that the Kremlin’s (the EU, NATO). The results are impressive: activities are not a return to typical Soviet- propaganda has created an alternative The Visegrad Countries and “Post-Truth“ | page 2 version of events at the Euromaidan (the Poland seizure of power by fascists), the war in In general, the Russian narrative does not Donbas (internal conflict in Ukraine) and have a substantial influence on the views of Syria (Americans supporting ISIS to mainstream Polish politicians and the media, eliminate Bashar al-Assad). This and consequently, on society. More disinformation destabilizes the political specifically, it fails to generate positive situation in many countries by supporting attitudes toward the Kremlin’s domestic and one political faction and simultaneously foreign policies, and toward Vladimir Putin in discrediting others.
    [Show full text]