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A Critic at Large by Nicholas Lemann T posetoday. The long list of those who ap- peared onstage at the march included Bob Dylan, Walter Reuther, Roy Wil~ kills, Josephine Baker, Odetta, Marlon Brando, A Philip Randolph, and Charl~ ton Heston. By the time King spoke, much of the crowd had drifted away.The big behind-the-scenes drama centered ~~ on JOM Lewis, who was then the head of the Student Nonviolent Coordinat- A CRITIC AT LARGE ing Committee, and is now a veteran congressman from Georgia. Lewis had drafted a speechthat said,'We will march, through the South, through the heart or Dixie, the way Sherman did. ...We shall What the civil-rights movement looked like 'ZL!henit was still happening. pursue our own scorched-earth policy." Washington's Catholic archbishop re- BY NICHOLAS LEMANN fused to give the invOCationunless Lewis toned it down, and finally, under heavy T he recent fall of.a Senate ~a~ority Lott column in the Washington Post, pressurefrom the organizers, he did. So leader for the crIme of praisIng a wrote that neoconservatives like him even the era's most celebrated moment centenari~ colleaguewho had once been "oppose affirnlative action on grounds of was not nearly as consensual as every- a leader of the segregationist movement colorblindness and in defense of the orig- body now remembers. made for ~ excelle~t demonstration of inal vision of the civil rights mOVement: The Library of America's new, two- the marvellous, ~d misleading, clarity judging people by the content of their volume anthology "Reporting Civil of historical retr.<>spection.Everybody characterand not the color of their skin." Rights: American Journalism 1941- now knows,it seems,that the civil-rights As Krauthammer surely knows from 1973" ($80) is a useful corrective to the movement was a good thing, and thatits firsthand experience, movements and way memory has domesticatedthe move- opponents were so patendy wrong that, their visions always look a .lot simpler ment. As one reads through a hundred unless they are elaborately penitent, they from the outside and after the fact. If the and eighty-eight chronologically ordered c~ have no place in our public life. (At civil-rights movement were suddenly to articles, the movement's true messiness, the sametirne,it would have been fine reappear as it really was, political office- radicalism, internal disorganization, high for Trent Lott to send off Strom Thur- holders would no more be unanimously failure rate, and lack of internal agree- mond~hom ev~rybody in Washing- for it than theyw~re at the time.. ment become manifest; These are ab- ton had long been treating asa lovable The event that Krauthammer was sorbing volumes even if read straight huggy-bear-,..with an encomium to his obliquely referring to by bringing up the through, and they make for a valuable wonderfulness, as long as it didn't spe- content of characterand the color of skin reference work that will reward occa- cifically mention the main cause with was the March on Washington in Au- sional dipping in. There are, inevitably, which he was associated.) , gust, 1963,where Martin Luther King,Jr., moments of hokey overwri~ "Once The rules of acceptable political be- made his magnificent "I have a dream" more down the old familiar highways havior were not at all so clear atthe time. speech, from which that line comes. The into that passionately alive and violent In the South, when civil rights was still an march was originally planned by the country," Karl Fleming begins a piece open question only a brave few Demo- movement's radical wing, which was in Newsweek,and he's soon on to days crats supported it, and one is hard pressed going to end the day by having the of smothering heat and nights of hon- to think of any Republicans who did. In marchers move, en masseand unlawfully, eysuckle-butfewer than you'd expect. 1964, the Republican Presidential nomi- into the hallways of the Capitol. A series It helps that the Library of America's nee,Barry Goldwater, ran asan opponent of compromises brought the movement's anonymous compilers have not taken of mandatory school desegregation and moderate wing (the N.A.A.C.P., the the terms "reporting" and "journalism" of the landmark Civil Rights Act, which Urban League, and theUruted Automo- literally: they have supplemented the Congress had just passed.George H. W. bile Workers, as well as King himself) newspaperstuff with lotS of essays,mem- Bush, campaigning for the Senate that on board. Still, the chief organizer was oirs, manifestos, and book excerpts, and year, came out against the Civil Rights the former Commurust and still social- without them the anthology wouldn't Act. Ronald Reagan, then a popular con- ist Bayard Rustin, who tided the event be nearly as good. King's "Letter from a servative speaker preparing to run for the "March for Jobs and Freedom"--and BirminghamJail," JamesBaldwin's "The governor of California, ~trongly opposed what he meant by "jobs and freedom" Fire Next Time," the reminiscences of it. During the Lott affair, the commenta- was a degree of state interVention in the Lillian Smith and Anne Moody, John tor Charles Krauthammer, in a dump- economy that nobody would dare pro- Howard Griffin's "Black Like Me"- Martin Luther King,Jr:, a weekbefore hi assassination,at a demo~stration in Memphis. Photograph by Ernest C. Withers. 86 THE NEW YOI\KEI\, FEBI\UAI\Y 10, 2003 who wotild havewanted a definition of at least in these pages, is just as and there is a lot of material that "reporting civil rights" so strict that it good or better. Journalists} didn't startreadingdemonstrates what a loss it was when the excludedthem? until they were in the settled big-format mass magazines Life, Look, Many (amous bylines-Joan Did- columnist-essayistphase of ilieir careers-- Colliers, and The SaturdayEvening Post ion, David Halberstam, Tom Wicker, like Carl T. Rowan and Dan Wakefield- went out of business.Among the specific Hunter S. Thompson, John Steinbeck, appearhere as reporters on the scene.The attractions of the volumes are contribu- tions by Louis E. Lomax, writing as a oj Ralph Ellison, Langston Hughes, John~. Negro press, which was then vital arid Hersey,Garry Wills, and Alice Walker, important, is well represented, wiili first- secretsharer about life inside the black es- 8 to name a few-appear in "Reporting§ rate articles from the Pittsburgh Courier, tablishment; Michael Thelwell, who per- Civil Rights," but it's a particularpleasure the Baltimore Afro-American, and the forms a similar function for the radical ~to read less well-known writers whose New YorkAmsterdam News, among oth- student movement, and also writes beau- THE NEW YOI\KEI\, FEBI\UAI\Y 10, 2003 87 ers,work, tifully; August Meier, who contributed a unseating the N.AA.C.P. from its tradi- tively risk~free for the perpetrators. The very smart essay on King, which, as a tional position of dominance), a remak- corrosive terror of living with the con- work of analysis,stands out in a collection ing of black consciousness, left-wing eco- stant possibility of unpunishable vi~~ that is naturally much stronger on dra- nomic policies, better jobs and better tism comes across vividly in "Reporting matic firsthand descriprion; and William housing for blacks, and black political Civil Rights." In 1942, Hugh Gloster, Bradford Huie, the hot-blooded inves- power. Although the movement was a professor of English at Morehous~ tigative reporter who bribed confessions bira,cial, and wouldn't have succeeded if College, was taken off a bus in Missis~ out of the murderers of Emmett Till. it hadn't been, its white and black mem- sippi and beaten so badly that he had The outstanding piece of investigarive bers generally had different views of what to be "takento the hospitll-not acriine, reporringis an hour-by-hour inside ac- its main purpose was-the whites being In 1961, Herbert Lee, a Ne~o Cotton count of the integration of the University much more likely to think of colorblind- fanner in Mississippi who had tried to of Mississippi, in .1962. The authors, nessand integration as the goals, the register to vote, was shot in the head at George B. Leonard, T George Harris, blacks being more likely to think in terms pomt-bl~ range, in a public plilce in and Christopher S. Wren, con~ both of racial adVancement. King made a point broad daylight, by a white state legis~~ thete~violen~eand danger of that of befriending Malcolm X, who re~ly tor-not a crime. This sort of low-grade, event (for a while, it looked as if the seg- said that he wasn't interested in civil rights and sometimes not so low~grade, terror- regationist mob wollidactually defeatthe or integration; and Kings well-publicized ism continued through the sixties. In federal for~es)~d the duplicity of Gov.' association with Stokely Cartnichae~6f Oxford in 1962, se~eg:Jctionlstsnipers emor Ross Barnett, who kept ~aking SNCC, didn't end when, in 1966, Cat- fired freely on m~mbersoftheNationaI and breaking deals with the Kennedy .mchaelunveilecithe electrifying, polariz- Guard. In Jackson in 1963, Medgar Administration while thesituatiot) it) ing,and implicitly non-nonviolent phrase Evers, the field secie:t~ofclieMissis~ Oxford spun out of cQntrol. ' ~~1. "blat:kpower," during a match that fea- sippi N.A.AC.P.,was~neddown in Wh ats most v~ua ble ab Out "rii;\.eport - tured them both. When the movement front. of his house. Th<,1963 church ingCivilRight$"is that it provides a his; succeeded , ik wasn't com pletel y clear bombingin Binninghatri iliatkilledtbur tory of the civil",rightsmovementwntteIi .c ","'." whichele.nent was winning, and that girls came ~t the end of fifty~~- Ne~o b 1 h , all d " y peope ~o:~er~nt owe to pe.e k ;tmbigUitysurvives toda~t's why both bombings, it11unsolved by the localau+ ahead to the et)ding.A1Ithecompl~ty sides m thea£f1rnlative-actionfight,fot thoricies~lnPhi1~delphi~Mississippi, in and cQnringen~of themQvementcomes exatriple,can claim to be pursuing ~e 1964,thre:youpg civil-rights workers through; it becomes bard to ar~e that true .-g-oals Qfthe civil~.ri g hts movement.
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