A Study of Yuan Shikai's Polygamous Household Patrick Fuliang
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
20 JOMSA Only Foreign Head of State to Receive the Award Was the Taisho Emperor of Japan
(“Grand Merit Order”) instead of Da Bao Zhang (“Grand President Yuan on the anniversary of the Wuchang Precious Order”). Uprising but declined by Sun The sash for the sash badge (Figure 8) was Imperial • Li Yuanhong – awarded October 10, 1912 by President Yuan to Vice President Li on the anniversary of the yellow) and was worn over the left shoulder.21 The Wuchang Uprising insignia was to be worn on formal dress although it could also be worn with informal attire where required • The Taisho Emperor of Japan – awarded November for diplomacy.22 10, 1915 by President Yuan • Feng Guozhang (Figure 9) – awarded July 6, 1917 by President Li Yuanhong to Vice President Feng • Xu Shichang (Figure 10) – awarded October 10, 1918 by President Xu Shichang to himself on the anniversary of the Wuchang Uprising • Duan Qirui – awarded September 15, 1919 by President Xu Shichang to Premier Duan Qirui • Cao Kun (Figure 11)– awarded October 10, 1923 by President Cao Kun to himself on the anniversary of the Wuchang Uprising • Zhang Zuolin – awarded around 1927 by Zhang Zuolin to himself as Grand Marshal of China24 Seven were presidents (or equivalent, in the case of Zhang Zuolin). Notwithstanding the 1912 Decree, the Grand Order was also awarded to vice-presidents and premiers Figure 8: Illustration of the Republican Grand Order sash badge reverse with the name of the Order (Da Xun Zhang, 大勋章) in seal script. Compare the characters to that of the Imperial Grand Order in Figure 5 (www.gmic.co.uk). The regulations provided for the surrender or return of the insignia upon the death of the recipient, or upon conviction of criminal or other offences.23 Given the chaotic times of the early Republic, this did not necessarily occur in practice. -
The Discovery of Chinese Logic Modern Chinese Philosophy
The Discovery of Chinese Logic Modern Chinese Philosophy Edited by John Makeham, Australian National University VOLUME 1 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.nl/mcp. The Discovery of Chinese Logic By Joachim Kurtz LEIDEN • BOSTON 2011 This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Kurtz, Joachim. The discovery of Chinese logic / by Joachim Kurtz. p. cm. — (Modern Chinese philosophy, ISSN 1875-9386 ; v. 1) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-17338-5 (hardback : alk. paper) 1. Logic—China—History. I. Title. II. Series. BC39.5.C47K87 2011 160.951—dc23 2011018902 ISSN 1875-9386 ISBN 978 90 04 17338 5 Copyright 2011 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Global Oriental, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. CONTENTS List of Illustrations ...................................................................... vii List of Tables ............................................................................. -
The Comintern in China
The Comintern in China Chair: Taylor Gosk Co-Chair: Vinayak Grover Crisis Director: Hannah Olmstead Co-Crisis Director: Payton Tysinger University of North Carolina Model United Nations Conference November 2 - 4, 2018 University of North Carolina 2 Table of Contents Letter from the Crisis Director 3 Introduction 5 Sun Yat-sen and the Kuomintang 7 The Mission of the Comintern 10 Relations between the Soviets and the Kuomintang 11 Positions 16 3 Letter from the Crisis Director Dear Delegates, Welcome to UNCMUNC X! My name is Hannah Olmstead, and I am a sophomore at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. I am double majoring in Public Policy and Economics, with a minor in Arabic Studies. I was born in the United States but was raised in China, where I graduated from high school in Chengdu. In addition to being a student, I am the Director-General of UNC’s high school Model UN conference, MUNCH. I also work as a Resident Advisor at UNC and am involved in Refugee Community Partnership here in Chapel Hill. Since I’ll be in the Crisis room with my good friend and co-director Payton Tysinger, you’ll be interacting primarily with Chair Taylor Gosk and co-chair Vinayak Grover. Taylor is a sophomore as well, and she is majoring in Public Policy and Environmental Studies. I have her to thank for teaching me that Starbucks will, in fact, fill up my thermos with their delightfully bitter coffee. When she’s not saving the environment one plastic cup at a time, you can find her working as the Secretary General of MUNCH or refereeing a whole range of athletic events here at UNC. -
Enfry Denied Aslan American History and Culture
In &a r*tm Enfry Denied Aslan American History and Culture edited by Sucheng Chan Exclusion and the Chinese Communify in America, r88z-ry43 Edited by Sucheng Chan Also in the series: Gary Y. Okihiro, Cane Fires: The Anti-lapanese Moaement Temple University press in Hawaii, t855-ry45 Philadelphia Chapter 6 The Kuomintang in Chinese American Kuomintang in Chinese American Communities 477 E Communities before World War II the party in the Chinese American communities as they reflected events and changes in the party's ideology in China. The Chinese during the Exclusion Era The Chinese became victims of American racism after they arrived in Him Lai Mark California in large numbers during the mid nineteenth century. Even while their labor was exploited for developing the resources of the West, they were targets of discriminatory legislation, physical attacks, and mob violence. Assigned the role of scapegoats, they were blamed for society's multitude of social and economic ills. A populist anti-Chinese movement ultimately pressured the U.S. Congress to pass the first Chinese exclusion act in 1882. Racial discrimination, however, was not limited to incoming immi- grants. The established Chinese community itself came under attack as The Chinese settled in California in the mid nineteenth white America showed by words and deeds that it considered the Chinese century and quickly became an important component in the pariahs. Attacked by demagogues and opportunistic politicians at will, state's economy. However, they also encountered anti- Chinese were victimizedby criminal elements as well. They were even- Chinese sentiments, which culminated in the enactment of tually squeezed out of practically all but the most menial occupations in the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882. -
Yan Fu and the Tasks of the Translator
DAVID WRIGHT YAN FU AND THE TASKS OF THE TRANSLATOR INTRODUCTION1 For Yan Fu Nj (1853–1921) 2 , the ideas of Western philosophy and sociology, and above all the evolutionary theories of the Social-Dar- winists, held a deep fascination. The eight major works he translated were, in many cases, steeped in the language of natural science, and the metaphors which their authors used were often taken directly from the fields of biology, chemistry and physics. In the course of his trans- lations Yan Fu had therefore to deal with many dozens of scientific terms. Some already had translations; others he was the first to render in Chinese. The manner in which Yan Fu approached this aspect of the task of translation is of interest for several reasons. He was by far the most influential translator of his generation, admired as much for his Chinese prose style as for his skill as the greatest contemporary interpreter of Western thought. He stands at the watershed between the translations of the missionaries and the early modern government schools and arsenals—carried out between 1840 and 1895—and the wave of scientific translations from Japanese sources which domi- nated the period from 1900 to the May Fourth Movement of 1919. Finally, he himself played a direct though ambiguous role in the proc- ess of standardization of science terminology in China as Head of the State Terminology Bureau and other similar organizations in the dying years of the Qing regime. 1. YAN FU’S WORK AS A TRANSLATOR Yan Fu first encountered Western science in the English-language section of the Fuzhou Shipyard School, where he studied arithmetic, geometry, algebra, analytical geometry, trigonometry, physics, mecha- 1 I am grateful to Joachim Kurtz for his help with finding various sources on Yan Fu, and for his comments on previous drafts of this paper. -
Provincial Autonomy and the Transformation of Chinese Election Law, 1920–1923
Voter Education: Provincial Autonomy and the Transformation of Chinese Election Law, 1920–1923 Joshua Hill, Ohio University Abstract Beginning in 1909, mainland Chinese governments routinely held elections, and lawmakers devoted considerable resources to writing and revising election laws. The earliest elections, held under the late Qing and the early Republic, utilized laws based on restricted electorates and indirect voting. By contrast, election laws designed during the provincial autonomy movement of the 1920s and the post-1927 Nationalist government featured direct voting in elections with (near-)universal adult suffrage. Each of these two systems of electoral law incorporated different elements of foreign electoral practice with concerns and ideas that arose from the experiences and ideals of late imperial Chinese political thought. The transition between these two systems highlights the surprising influence of the short-lived provincial autonomy movement on the legal structures of the centralized one-party states that followed. Keywords: Republican China, election law Introduction: A Question for John Dewey Three months before the end of a lengthy sojourn in China, American educator and philosopher John Dewey (1859–1952) met with members of the Jiangsu Education Association (Jiangsu sheng jiaoyu hui) for a conversation on “current global trends in elections.” Among the Republic of China’s most influential voluntary associations, this Shanghai-based group included many of the nation’s most prominent political, intellectual, and business leaders. The first questioner at this April 9, 1921, event asked Dewey to comment on an election that had just taken place in China: Of course, republics ought to have parliaments, but the Chinese parliament—both the old one [elected in 1912, but disbanded and reconvened multiple times since] and the new one [elected in 1918 and permanently dissolved in 1920]—is a bankrupt institution. -
China's Role in the Chemical and Biological Disarmament Regimes
ERIC CRODDY China’s Role in the Chemical and Biological Disarmament Regimes ERIC CRODDY Eric Croddy is a Senior Research Associate at the Chemical and Biological Weapons Nonproliferation Program, Center for Nonproliferation Studies, Monterey Institute of International Studies. He is the author of Chemical and Biological Warfare: A Comprehensive Survey for the Concerned Citizen (New York: Copernicus Books, 2001). odern China has been linked with the prolif- least—and with considerable diplomatic effort—China eration of nuclear, chemical, and missile weap- broadcasts its commitment to both the CWC and the Mons technology to states of proliferation con- BWC. cern, and its compliance with arms control and disarma- Few unclassified publications analyze the role that CBW ment is seen as key to the effectiveness of weapons of have played in Chinese military strategy, nor is much in- 1 mass destruction (WMD) nonproliferation efforts. In this formation available on Beijing’s approach to negotiating context, the answer to Gerald Segal’s question, “Does CBW disarmament treaties. This is not surprising: China 2 China really matter?” is most definitely, “Yes.” In the is an extremely difficult subject for study where sensitive realm of chemical and biological weapons (CBW), military matters are concerned. A 1998 report by Dr. Bates Beijing’s role is closely linked to its view of the multilat- Gill, Case Study 6: People’s Republic of China, published eral disarmament regimes for CBW, namely the Chemi- by the Chemical and Biological Arms Control Institute, cal Weapons Convention (CWC) and the Biological and was the first to seriously address the issue of China and Toxin Weapons Convention (BWC), and of related mul- CBW proliferation. -
China's Xinhai Revolution and Political Fluctuations in Japan
China’s Xinhai Revolution and Political Fluctuations in Japan Book synopsis by author Sakurai Ryōju (Reitaku University) Translated by Christopher D. Scott In this book, I take up the Xinhai Revolution of 1911—a critical event that signaled the de facto start of political disorder in China—and its influence on later Japanese politics. Japan’s policy toward China became confused during the 1910s and veered off course during World War I, in part because of the instability of the Chinese political situation. With the outbreak of World War I, Japan’s policy toward China disengaged from international cooperation and became more active. At the same time, Japan’s involvement with China also became more diversified. Thus, the government and private citizens of Japan reacted to the ups and downs of the Chinese political situation by trying to secure their influence over China while displaying either so-called “autonomous” or “cooperative” responses vis-à-vis the great powers, which were being either “coercive” or “friendly” toward China. This was a departure from the fundamental policy of Japanese diplomacy following the Russo-Japanese War, which was to gradually expand influence over China while maintaining a foundation of cooperation with both Britain and Russia. Mine is not the first study to deal with the relationship between the Xinhai Revolution and Japan. Earlier studies have shown, for example, that Japan became a base for the revolutionary movement due to the fact that some Japanese people (such as Miyazaki Tōten and Umeya Shōkichi) supported the Xinhai Revolution and many Chinese exchange students had come to Japan before the revolution. -
A Case Study of the Chinese (Re)Translations of the Science Text Evolution and Ethics and Other Essays
TranscUlturAl, vol. 12.1 (2020), 48-72. http://ejournals.library.ualberta.ca/index.php/TC From Social Reform to Knowledge Dissemination: A Case Study of the Chinese (Re)translations of the Science Text Evolution and Ethics and Other Essays Hua Tan Huazhong Normal University Introduction The translation of non-literary texts, especially science texts, compared to that of literary texts, tends to receive less attention not only from general readers in public, but also from scholars. One phenomenon of such tendency is that non-literary texts are far less retranslated. Different from literary texts, which could have as many as dozens of retranslations, such as the English novel Jane Eyre, which has more than thirty Chinese retranslations, non-literary texts in general have much fewer retranslations, with many of them never retranslated. The reasons for retranslation of non- literary texts differ from those for literary texts. Literary texts are retranslated, as investigated by many researchers, often because of particular consideration of new target reader groups, language, style, aesthetics, commercial interest, and the like; while non-literary texts tend not to be retranslated for that many different purposes, it is commonly agreed that knowledge dissemination is the major motive behind their retranslations. The earliest study on retranslation in some sense dates back to the 19th century, as in Goethe’s discussion of the three epochs of the translation of foreign literature (Robinson, 1997). While more recent studies focusing on retranslation have flourished since the 1990s, increasing with a greater impetus in the first decade of the 21st century (Tian), many focus on literary translation, uncovering the motivations of retranslations, examining their reception, investigating the factors that facilitate the retranslation of certain works, and so on. -
The 1919 May Fourth Movement: Naivety and Reality in China
The 1919 May Fourth Movement: Naivety and Reality in China Kent Deng London School of Economics I. Introduction This year marks the 100th year anniversary of the May Fourth Movement in China when the newly established republic (1912-49) – an alien idea and ideology from the Chinese prolonged but passé political tradition which clearly modelled the body of politic after post-1789 French Revolution - still tried to find its feel on the ground. Political stability from the 1850 empire- wide social unrest on - marked by the Taiping, Nian, Muslim and Miao uprisings - was a rare commodity in China. As an unintended consequence, there was no effective control over the media or over political demonstrations. Indeed, after 1949, there was no possibility for the May Fourth to repeat itself in any part of China. In this regard, this one-off movement was not at all inevitable. This is first the foremost point we need to bear in mind when we celebrate the event one hundred year later today. Secondly, the slogan of the May Fourth 1919 ‘Mr. Sciences and Mr. Democracy’ (kexue yu minzhu) represented a vulgar if not entirely flawed shorthand for the alleged secret of the Western supremacy prior to the First World War (1914-1917). To begin with the term science was clearly confined within natural sciences (military science in particular), ignoring a long line of development in social sciences in the post-Renaissance West. Democracy was superficially taken as running periodic general elections to produce the head of the state to replace China’s millennium-long system of patrimonial emperors. -
Scanned Using Book Scancenter 5033
Ill DEMCHUGDONGROB’S EARLY CAREER 1919-1928 The Ruling Prince of His Own Banner After the old Prince Namjilwangchug died, there was not an actual ruling prince of the Sunid Right Banner for almost seventeen years. Therefore, Demchugdongrob’s assumption of power as jasag was a momentous and happy occasion for the whole ban ner. It also relieved, at least ostensibly, his “ official” mother (the Turned khatun, the first wife of his father) and the elderly officials of the banner of their heavy responsibilities.' During 1919, Prince De’s first year in charge of the banner administration, a group of Buriyad Mongolian intellectuals initiated the Pan-Mongolian movement, and in late February convened a meeting of delegates from Buriyad and Inner Mongolia at Dau- ria, in Siberia. They decided to organize a government for all Mongolia and sent repre sentatives to the Paris Peace Conference to strive for international recognition ofMon golia’s independence. Because it had already established its own government. Outer Mongolia rejected the invitation, but some Inner Mongols, especially the leaders of the Hulunbuir area in the far north of Inner Mongolia, were willing to Join, and the Naiji- Toyin Khutugtu of Hohhot Turned (Inner Mongolia) was recognized as their leader. Though this movement failed to achieve its goal of recognition at the Paris con ference, it influenced all of Mongolia. Even though the activities of Japanese militarists and the White Russian leader, Semenov, overshadowed this movement, it still helped to rouse a common Mongolian desire for unity and independence. Although Demchugdong- rob was not involved in these matters, he was inevitably influenced by them. -
The 1911 Revolution and the Korean Independence Movement: the Road to Democratic Republicanism
The 1911 Revolution and the Korean Independence Movement: The Road to Democratic Republicanism KIM Bong-jin 1. Foreword The Xing Zhonghui 興中会 (Revive China Society) started by Sun Yat-sen( 1866-1925) and Wang Zhaoming 汪兆銘( Wang Jingwei, 1883-1944) merged with the Hua Xinghui 華興会 established by Song Jiaoren 宋教仁 (1882-1913) and Huang Xing 黄興( 1874-1916) on August 20, 1905 in Tokyo to become the Zhongguo Tongmenghui 同盟会 (Chinese Revolutionary Alliance). Sun Yat-sen was selected to head the organization, and Huang Xing to run general affairs. Various documents were adopted, including the “mili- tary government proclamation,” “general articles of the Tongmenghui,” and “revolutionary strategy.” The Tongmenghui issued as their organizational publication the Minbao 民報, which adopted the general principles advocated by Sun of “expel the Manchus and restore China, establish a republic, and equalize land rights.” Subsequently, they fomented uprisings all over China, but all ended in failure. The Wuchang New Army successfully revolted against the Qing govern- ment on October 10, 1911. Other provinces followed suit by declaring inde- pendence from the central government. On January 1, 1912 the Provisional Government of the Republic of China was established in Nanjing, with Sun Yat-sen as provisional president. On February 12, however, Yuan Shikai (1859-1916) compelled the child emperor Puyi( 1906-1967) to abdicate. The next day Sun Yat-sen turned in his resignation as president and recommended to the provisional National Assembly that Yuan take the position. On February 15 the provisional National Assembly agreed on Yuan’s appointment and to designate Nanjing as the capital.