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Television Studies The SAGE Handbook of Television Studies Edited by Manuel Alvarado†, Milly Buonanno, Herman Gray and Toby Miller BK-SAGE-ALVARADO_ETAL-140444.indb 3 11/13/2014 5:39:56 PM 24 From the Networks to New Media: Making Sense of Television Audiences Laura Grindstaff INTRODUCTION This chapter explores some key movements and moments in the study of television audi- For the past half-century and more, television ences, which necessarily means exploring has occupied a central place in American concepts such as commodification, reception, domestic and national culture. Unsurprisingly, consumption, and participation. This explo- much time and energy has been devoted to ration is far from exhaustive, of course. The studying television audiences. And yet, para- bodies of work focused on television audi- doxically, the more we know, the less coherent ences, broadly conceived, stretch wide and the concept of the audience becomes. deep. They encompass different theoretical Particularly in the multimodal, multiplatform, traditions, countless methodological choices convergent, digital-interactive, ‘new media’ era, and competencies, varied national and inter- what constitutes ‘television’ let alone the ‘tele- national industrial systems, local and global vision audience’ is by no means self-evident. interdependencies, and different cultural/ What we now call television is an inseparable intellectual priorities. Mine is one perspective, part of media streams that people encounter shaped by the specificities and idiosyncra- everyday across a wide variety of contexts. In sies of my own training and social location, her 2004 article ‘The challenge of changing including the American context. audiences: Or, what is the audience researcher In what follows, I first provide a brief to do in the age of the internet?’ Sonia summary and overview of key theoretical Livingstone characterizes the television audi- traditions that grapple with broad questions ence as a ‘moving target’ for scholars. Surely it regarding the role and place of television in is that. This movement hasn’t so much deterred American society. Conceptualizations of the research as posed new questions and chal- television audience are implicit rather than lenges, especially in terms of methodology. explicit in much of this work, often couched BK-SAGE-ALVARADO_ETAL-140444.indb 339 11/13/2014 5:40:45 PM 340 THE SAGE HANDBOOK OF TELEVISION STUDIES in a language of influences or effects. I then SOME THEORIES OF TELEVISION examine three different empirical approaches AND SOCIETY to researching audiences – three different interventions – that represent distinct ways Historically, scholarly interest in the social of thinking about audiences. The first is role and impact of television has been driven industrial, in which the audience is a com- by the medium’s pervasiveness, as well as modity measured and sold to advertisers its ability to bring the outside world into by media companies. The main focus here the home and thereby connect disparate indi- is on measurement and ratings. The second viduals to one another in virtual space via intervention reflects a body of academic notions of ‘the audience’. The fact that mil- work that typically goes by the unsexy label lions of people watched the same program ‘reception studies’, in which viewers/readers simultaneously formed the basis for caring actively interpret television texts under and theorizing about television. As Leo specific socio-cultural conditions. Included Bogart wrote in 1956, ‘with no other form of here are ethnographic approaches to televi- impersonal communication has the sharing sion audiences, by which I mean approaches of experience been possible on so universal that demonstrate various degrees of interest a scale and to so intense a degree as with in and attention to material context (under television’ (p. 2). In the early years as today, what circumstances do people watch/use television – and mass media more generally – television?) instead of or in addition to sym- prompted considerable debate about the bolic content (what meanings do viewers changing nature of society, the public sphere make of what they watch?). The third is the and the public good. scholarly study of fans and fandoms, which In a positive vein, social scientists such as could be subsumed under reception and/or John Dewey, William James and Robert Park ethnographic approaches but which I treat believed that mass media, if managed well, separately because fandoms hold open the could strengthen democracy by socializing promise of moving us away from notions of people into a common set of norms and val- ‘audiences’ toward notions of ‘publics’, an ues (Grindstaff and Turow, 2006). Marshall important distinction I borrow from Daniel McLuhan (1964) posited an even more optimis- Dayan (2001). These three approaches do tic (some say celebratory) view of electronic not so much reflect chronological develop- media as enabling a global village transcend- ments in the study of television audiences ing time and place, a thesis later explored in (note, for instance, that industrial ratings are a more detailed and historicized fashion by more sophisticated and influential than ever Joshua Meyrowitz (1985). Less optimisti- before) as different methodological choices cally, the rise of mass communications, in stemming from different assumptions about concert with industrialization and technologi- presumed passivity versus activity on the cal change, was said to breed cultural medi- part of viewers/users. Finally, I conclude ocrity (according to mass society critiques) with a brief discussion of some key chal- and/or inhibit revolutionary class conscious- lenges associated with studying television ness (according to Marxist critiques). Adorno and television audiences in the new media (1957), for example, in concert with other era. In their recent book Spreadable Media, scholars of the Frankfurt School, denounced Henry Jenkins and his colleagues ask ‘what television for insinuating the capitalist mode constitutes meaningful participation’ in our of production into everyday leisure, includ- contemporary media environment? (Jenkins ing into people’s psychic lives. Baudrillard et al., 2013, pp. 153–194). Their insights are (1983) also took a pessimistic/deterministic particularly relevant for the study of televi- stance, suggesting that the primary effect of sion, and for understanding persistent inequal- television was to substitute a representation ities surrounding media access and use. of reality (simulacrum) for reality itself. BK-SAGE-ALVARADO_ETAL-140444.indb 340 11/13/2014 5:40:45 PM FROM THE NETWORKS TO NEW MEDIA 341 In her now-classic essay ‘Audience Control’ and Douglas Kellner (1981), among others, Muriel Cantor (1980) notes how both the all of whom emphasized television as a site of mass society and Marxist critiques of televi- contradiction where meaning is struggled over sion, which mirrored concerns about forms of and not simply given or assumed. Newcomb mass media preceding television, contained in particular helped shift the discussion of implicit assumptions of audiences as power- television from a discourse of ‘mass commu- less and manipulable – either by technology nication’ to a discourse of ‘popular culture’, or capitalist ideology or both. Television had with an attendant shift in the degree of agency negative ‘effects’ on society because audi- accorded audiences. In TV: The Most Popular ence response was said to be determined in Art, Newcomb emphasized the complexity of large measure by the industrial nature of the television entertainment with regard to plot, medium. Unsurprisingly, this stood in stark character and genre, and the multiple levels of contrast to early industry discourse about meaning available to viewers in making sense the television audience, which positioned of television narratives. viewers as ‘in control’ of television content It was Raymond Williams (1974) and in the form of ratings. As Cantor points out, Stuart Hall (1980), however, who were most the industry perspective didn’t necessarily influential in shaping the study of television position the audience as active, but nor did within the context of the emerging field of it position the audience as a passive, undif- cultural studies in the UK and abroad. I will ferentiated mass; rather, the audience was discuss Hall in a later section, for it was his understood to be a market of specific demo- encoding-decoding model that inspired much graphic characteristics, some subset of which of what we now call reception studies, includ- was said to shape programming through rat- ing the empirical study of television audi- ings (more on this topic shortly). ences. Williams’ influence was in some ways Antonio Gramsci’s concept of hegemony more mobile and wide-ranging, inspiring a complicated Marxist critiques of the media new generation of scholars in the humanities and paved the way for another set of influ- (particularly those trained in film analysis) ential theories of television, beginning in the who welcomed ways of thinking about tele- 1970s. In arguing that particular relations of vision as something other than discrete pro- ruling prevail not because they are imposed grams to be analyzed or a capitalist institution on people against their will but because they to be condemned (see Spigel, 1992). His 1974 are accepted as common sense by the rulers book, Television: Technology and Cultural and the ruled alike, Gramsci offered a more Form, elucidated the concept of ‘flow’ – the nuanced
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