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Caste, Discrimination and Reservation Politics in India

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Caste, Discrimination and Reservation Politics in India Contesting Community and Nation: Caste, Discrimination and Reservation Politics in India Tina Virmani A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in Political Science York University Toronto, Ontario May 2014 © Tina Virmani Abstract This dissertation traces debates about reservation policy in India. Reserved quotas in public institutions for communities stigmatized on the basis of caste comprise an enduring and comprehensive form of affirmative action. However, the policy provokes deep resentment among upper castes, manifested in virulent protests, judicial challenges and failed implementation. The purpose of this dissertation is to understand how meanings of caste, community and nation are shaped within and through debates about reservation and in turn, how the politics of reservation contribute to the formation of political subjectivities. Drawing on a variety of sites, including the Constituent Assembly debates, the English press and government reports, I chart the development of a dominant discourse about reservations. I interrogate this discourse in relation to anti-caste perspectives on the issue, found in creative and activist writings and studies of Dalit activism. I argue that dominant discourses conflate the issue of caste discrimination with a series of terms that designate inequality more broadly, such as poverty and unemployment. This enables the portrayal of “lower caste” beneficiaries of reservation as inferior subjects that are unable to understand their “real interests”. Thus trivializing discrimination, the discourse naturalizes caste privilege and conceals the historical contestations over the meaning of the quota. In anti-caste discourse, advocacy of reservations is articulated to a critique of the domination of upper caste interests in Indian democracy and the hegemonic vision of the nation through which this domination is naturalized. Thus, power and representation are underscored as integral to assessments of reservation policy. Attending to the affective registers of the debate, I demonstrate that statements about the quota are also statements about history, nationalism and political subjectivity. Reading dominant discourse through anti-caste analytics reveals that the anger against reservations as a threat to the nation is historically related to the antagonism of institutionalized nationalism towards Dalit politics. Through rights claims, Dalit activists contest dominant meanings of caste and in turn, the meanings of community and nation. This epistemological challenge illustrates the contingent relations of group rights and social transformation, as struggles against discrimination generate novel understandings of difference, commonality and personhood. ii Acknowledgments I have written this dissertation with the support of many individuals and institutions. I would like to thank my dissertation supervisor, Ananya Mukherjee-Reed and my committee members, Radhika Mongia and Gerald Kernerman. Since I began graduate studies at York University as an M.A. student, Ananya has encouraged and inspired my research interests and provided guidance throughout. Her advice that I be patient with the research process and the formation of arguments, rather than attempt to make premature conclusions, has been invaluable. Radhika has taught me the importance of engaging the arguments of others with care, of approaching writing as a craft and revising with rigor. Her commitment to teaching and learning is a source of inspiration. Thank you for your critical comments and for encouraging me to run, which renewed my energy in the final months of writing. Gerald provided me with the opportunity to explore new ideas in his course and challenged me to read and ask questions differently. I would also like to thank Anna Agathangelou, whose graduate classes greatly influenced my thinking. The knowledge and perspectives I gained from her have critically shaped my approach in this project. In New Delhi, the kind staff at Nehru Memorial Museum and Library helped me access a vast amount of research materials. I am grateful for the resources and insights provided by the Dalit Foundation, the National Confederation of Dalit Organizations, and the Indian Institute of Dalit Studies. Members of the Backward and Minority Communities Employees Federation generously shared experiences and knowledge. The staff of the Press Archives division of Jawaharlal Nehru University Library provided a wealth of information for Chapter 3. I could not have written Chapter 4 without the important documents of the Pasmanda Counter-Public Archive, collected by the Patna Collective. I am deeply grateful to Khalid Anis Ansari and Sanjay Ingole for sharing their invaluable knowledge and critical insights on the politics of caste, culture and knowledge production. Many thanks to Amita Joseph and Mohamed Ali for helping me navigate Delhi. My love and gratitude to Suman Sachdev, Durgesh Sachdev and Dhruv Sachdev for welcoming me into their home and making me a part of their family. In Mumbai, I had the privilege of learning from the late Dr. Ashgar Ali Engineer, whose passion and commitment were truly moving. Thank you to the Centre for Society iii and Secularism for providing me with space and access to research materials. Aruna Bhatia and Alka Bhatia generously hosted me. Thank you for your kindness. I am grateful to Omme-Salma Rahemtulla, Vanessa Rosa, Alejandro Campos Garcia, Salima Vaiya, Zahir Kolia, Nashwa Salem, Beenash Jafri and Ian Hussey for their comments on various aspects of the dissertation, especially in the formative stages. Thank you to Nishant Upadhyay for carfully reading various chapters, pointing to connections I missed and asking engaging questions. Apeksha Kumar, Shivani Dhawan and Ruby Sadera joined me in Mumbai and Delhi, and have taken care of me in innumerable ways. Lina Nadar has been listening patiently and sharing her energy since the day I started graduate school. Thank you to Jaspall Sidhu for listening and making me laugh. I could not have completed this dissertation without the love and support of my parents, Ajay Virmani and Monica Virmani. Their strength and devotion to family is unwavering. Thank you for everything you have given me. My best friend, toughest critic and greatest champion, Razaq Shaikh, has seen me through every phase of this project. He has given me strength in times of self-doubt and exhaustion, encouraged me to reflect on this process as a journey and accept my limitations with a sense of humor. I cannot imagine my life without him. Thank you for your amazing love. iv Table of Contents Abstract……………………………………………………………………………….ii Acknowledgments…………………………………………………………………...iii Table of Contents……………………………………………………………………..v Introduction…………………………………………………………………………...1 Chapter One. Feeling Difference, Differentiating Feelings: Caste and Minority Rights in the Constituent Assembly Debates…………………………………………………....54 Chapter Two. Representing Reservations: Caste, Class and Untouchability in Narratives of Social Mobility……………………………………………………………………..98 Chapter Three. Waging Caste Wars: Imagining Community and Nation in the Mandal Commission Debate…………………………………………………………………...145 Chapter Four. Interrogating Minority: Difference, Discrimination and the Muslim Reservation Debate……………………………………………………………………195 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………….245 Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………..272 v Introduction On 8 July 2012 the popular Sunday morning talk show Satyamev Jayate (Truth Alone Prevails) explored the issues of untouchability and caste-based discrimination in Indian society. As a guest on the program documentary filmmaker Stalin K. Padma informed host Aamir Khan that this was the first time these issues were being discussed on national television. “It took us 65 years to get here. Shame. However, Congratulations.” Satyamev Jayate aired its first episode on the subject of sex selective abortions and female feoticide on 6 May 2012. Over the following weeks it presented a range of problematic social issues, such as domestic abuse, child abuse, alcohol addiction and medical malpractice, with the intention of raising awareness and inspiring social change in society. The program’s ability to discuss difficult subject matter and attract a wide audience is attributed to its narration of social issues through a number of “affective tropes” that include cathartic revelations, shocking testimonies, interviews with experts and cutaways of shocked or tearful studio audiences.1 In the 90 minute broadcast dedicated to untouchability, Professor Kaushal Pawar described the meager income that her family earned sweeping and removing waste from the homes of upper castes, and the segregation and exclusion she faced in her village as a child. She had experienced constant harassment and humiliation by fellow students and professors as a graduate student at Jawaharlal Nehru University, an institution reputed for its commitment to progressive politics. Several portions of Stalin K. Padma’s film India Untouched were included in the episode to show how caste discrimination affected children stigmatized as untouchable from a very young age.2 A twelve year old interviewed in the film explained that he had dropped out of school because it was too humiliating to be made to sit separately from other students during meals. Other children Padma interviewed were 1 Shohini Ghosh, “Dil Se Nahin Dimag se Dekho: Thoughts on Satyamev
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