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Sodo-Cultural Impacts of titer Resource in the SantaBasin
Oregon State University Corvallis, Oregon
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Project Completion Repor t
Socio-Cultural Impacts of Water Resource Development in the Santia m River Basin
• OWRR Project Nr . B-011, Oregon
Agreement Number 14-01-001-194 0
Principal Investigators : Thomas C . Hogg Courtland L . Smith Associate Professor Assistant Professor Department of Anthropology Department of Anthropolog y Oregon State University Oregon State University
The work upon which this report is based was supported by fund s provided by the United States Department of the Interior, Office o f Water Resources Research, as authorized under the Water Resources Re - search Act of 1964 .
Period Covered by Report : 1 July 1968 - 30 June 197 0
October 197 0
Distribution limited . Copies available from the Water Resource s Research Institute, Oregon State University, Corvallis, Orego n 97331 at $2 .00 each . TABLE OF CONTENT S
Tables i
List of Illustrations ii
Abstract
I . Research Objectives 1
II . Research Setting 2
A . Ecology 4 1. Major Wild Flora and Fauna 7 2. Domesticated Flora and Fauna 8 3. Mineral Resource 9 4. Water Resource 10
B . History 11 1. Cultural Adaptation I 13 2. Cultural Adaptation II 14 3. Cultural Adaptation III 15 4. Cultural Adaptation IV 17
C . The Dams and Their Reservoirs 20 1. Developmental Cycle 20 2. Characteristics 2 2
III . Research Procedure 2 7
A. Orientation To The Research 27
B. The Nature Of Social Facts 28
C. Research Methods 33 1. Data Collection And Analysis 36 2. The Sweet Home Survey 37 3. Life Histories 41 4. Participant Observation 4 3 5. Albany-Lebanon Survey 45 6. Sampling Procedures 46 7. Recreation Survey 47 8. Analytical Procedures 50
IV . Findings 5 3
A. Realization Of Research Objectives 53 B. Local Support And Acceptance 54 C. Social and Attitudinal Parameters 57 D . Staging of Impacts 7 1
E . Impacts 75 1. Impacts on the Social System 7 5 2. Municipal Impacts 79 3. Alternate Hypotheses 82
F . Conflicts Limiting Realization o f Project Benefits 86
G . Problems : Political and Economic 9 1 1. Political 92 2. Economic 99
H . Problems : Social and Attitudinal 103
I . Pertinent Social and Cultura l Variables 109 1. Organization -- Reticulation, Non - Articulation, Articulation 114 2. Territoriality 115 3. Alternatives 116 4. Complimentarity 117 5. Personality Factors 118
V . Implications 119
A. General 119
B . Economic Development and Technologica l Change 120
C . Social Systems and Water Resource Development 122
D . The Evolution of Values and Wate r Resource Development 123
E. Culture Change 12 5
References Cited 12 7
Related Publications, Reports, and Papers 132 I
TABLES
Table I Employment . . . ., . 22
Table II Survey Sample 40
Table III Albany-Lebanon Sample • . .R a R 46
Table IV Recreation Survey Days 49
Table V Recreation Survey Area 49
Table VI Crime Statistics 98
Table VII Economic Impact as Expected 99
Table VIII Income from Dams : . . 100
Table IX Attitudes toward Population and Economi c Growth 103
1 1
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Figure 1 Map -- Santiam River Basin an d Study Area . 3
Figure 2 Sweet Home Population and Construction Man-Hours Worked . 2 3
Figure 3 Map -- Sampling Division of Study Area . 39
Figure 4 Sample Area . 48
Figure 5 Construction Man-Hours Worked . 73
Figure 6 Population Indicators . 76
Figure 7 Adjusted Student-Teacher Ratio
Dollars Per Student . 7 7
Figure 8 School Revenue Sources . 78
Figure 9 Municipal Expenses Per Capita . 80
Figure 10 Commercial "Sellers " versus "Residential Buyers " .102 iii
ABSTRACT
The research project "Socio-Cultural Impacts of Water Resourc e
Development in the Santiam River Basin" assesses the impacts of tw o
dams on the behavioral and attitudinal patterns of Santiam residents .
Research was structured by viewing the dams through a developmenta l
cycle (preconstruction, construction, postconstruction) . The affected
setting was treated as a socio-cultural system experiencing technica l
and environmental changes . The research goal was to get social facts
about these changes relative to the local socio-cultural system . Data
were obtained by standard research methods and special anthropologica l
techniques . Throughout the research was guided by a socio-cultura l
model showing different states of system integration .
Socio-cultural systems in the setting have historically bee n
receptive to innovation and change . Water is no exception . However,
the degree of acceptance or rejection is found to be related to the
.position of the observer in the socio-cultural system and the relation s
of larger socio-cultural systems present . These structure attitudinal
and organizational impacts . Actors and units are constantly evaluat-
• ing, planning, and reorganizing their thoughts and actions throughou t
the developmental cycle .
Socio-cultural impacts are clearly demonstrable throughou t
the developmental cycle in Sweet Home ; for example, schools and municipa l
affairs . However, these impacts are modulated by the fact that Swee t
Home is a part of larger socio-cultural systems . The dams caused iv
increased social non-articulation in Sweet Home s cultural syste m and stimulated quests for new bases of social integration by urba n escapees . However, lack of articulation and planning between element s of the larger socio-cultural system are restricting full developmenta l benefits .
Evidence mounts that people s values and actions must be con - tinuously sought as inputs in the total water resource developmen t process if full benefits are to be realized . Hence, social accountin g will increasingly become a new dimension to water resource developmen t in all of its developmental phases . We believe this report provide s some of the conceptual bases toward this end . I . Research Objectives
The principle purpose of the Santiam project was to asses s
the impacts of the construcion of two dams on the behavioral an d
attitudinal patterns of Santiam residents . These socio-cultura l
impacts occurred at various stages in the development process .
Therefore, the research was historical in order to develop baselin e
data on Santiam residents and communities before development of th e
two dams .
The dams were three years into their operational phase at the
termination of the research period . This provided a time horizon fo r
judging preconstruction, construction, and postconstruction impact s
of water resource development .
Data have been adequate to assess impacts of dam constructio n
with respect to the political, economic, educational, municipal ,
. attitudinal, and organizational aspects of socio-cultural system . II . The Research Setting
The research on which this report is based was conducted i n eastern Linn County, Oregon, during the years July 1, 1968 -
June 30, 1970 . The primary focus for study centered upon two wate r reservoirs and related dams, Foster and Green Peter, and the adjacen t communities of Sweet Home (population 4,050) and Foster (uninco r- porated), Oregon, and their environs .
The research setting is further defined as the South Santiam sub - basin of the Sant .am River Basin, a tributary system to the Willamett e
River Basin of Oregon . The South Santiam Basin is at approximatel y
44° 41° N . latitude and 123° W . longitude . The South Santiam Rive r joins with the North Santiam near the town of Jefferson, Oregon, onl y a few miles from the Santiam s confluence with the Willamette . Both
Santiam stems originate high in the western Cascades, which form th e eastern boundary of the Willamette Basin (Figure 1) .
A substantial portion of eastern Linn County, Oregon, is draine d by the South Santiam River . Approximately 640 square miles, or 409,60 0 acres, upstream from the town of Waterloo are included in this area .
From its point of origin near Jump-Off Joe Mountain, in the rugge d eastern part of the county, the river flows in a general east-to-wes t direction to the community of Sweet Home . Relatively straight and swift-flowing in this section of its course, it falls from abou t
4,000 feet to 510 feet in the space of approximately thirty-on e miles . This represents an average fall of 113 feet per mile . West
of Sweet Home, the river cuts through the surrounding foothills i n
a northwesterly direction and flows irregularly in this directio n
to its confluence with the North Santiam River .
The South Santiam s two major tributaries, the Middle Santia m
and Quartzville Creek, rise in two heavily-forested mountain valley s
to the north and east . Quartzville Creek, the northernmost of th e
two, rises to the east of the old mining towns of Bryant City an d
Quartzville and flows west past these sites before turning south -
southwest and emptying into the Green Peter Reservoir . The Middle
Santiam has been almost completely swallowed by the two reservoirs .
It rises approximately five miles to the southeast of the southern le g
of Green Peter Reservoir, into which it flows directly . From th e mouth of the dam, some ten miles to the southwest, it flows in a man -
ner controlled at the dam, and in concert with the runoff fro m
Quartzville Creek, through a deep gorge about three miles in lengt h
and empties into the northeasternmost corner of Foster Reservoir .
Both tributaries unite with the South Santiam in the waters backed u p by the Foster Dam .
1 A . Ecology
The ecology of the Santiam is easily distinguished into majo r
hill and valley divisions . The hill division constitutes the eastern
part of the basin, in which the river is constricted by surroundin g
heavily-forested foothills and mountains . This area extends from the
1Portions abstracted from student report by John R . Sanders , "Santiam Ecology ." !river s headwaters to approximately five miles west of the town o f
Sweet Home . Much of the hill region is rural, with the small com - munities of Cascadia and Foster being the only sizeable concentra - tions of people above neighborhoods outside the Sweet Home complex .
The valley division of the Santiam extends from just west o f
Sweet Home to the confluence with the Willamette River near Jeffer -
son . This portion of the basin becomes progressively broader an d
flatter west of Sweet Home, opening up into the Willamette Valley , which is broken only by a few buttes . The valley division consist s of many small hamlets and the urban centers of Lebanon (7,000) and
Albany (17,000) . Rural areas of the valley division are character -
ized by larger agricultural landholdings and workings .
Precipitation in the Santiam Basin is quite variable, both i n type and amounts . The hill division (500-6,000 feet) experience s heavier precipitation and high humidity, with rainfall rangin g
from 70-90 inches annually . Sweet Home averages approximately 36
inches annually . Snowfall is heavy in high levels during winter, ._ while lower areas of the hill division generally have a mild, we t winter . Heaviest precipitation is from October to March ; the dry period is during July and August . Valley precipitation is less ,
and mean temperatures are slightly higher, than in the hill division .
Average precipitation is 40 inches, chiefly rain .
The region s soils generally are not rich . The upper basi n
or hill division consists of chiefly pumice subsoils with timbe r
(spruce, cedar, and fir) conserving the sparse humus surface soils .
In the hill division s lower reaches, around Foster and Sweet Home, a fairly rich but shallow loam is suitable for pasturage and horti - culture . Valley division soils productivity is limited by bot h drainage and irrigation problems . High acidity is compensated b y the use of lime, which allows rich yield, particularly in grass see d production .
Vegetation for the basin is quite diverse . Above Foster, i n the hill macro-division, are found the giant Douglas fir forest s characteristic of the west slope of the Cascades . Also found in the area are some cedar and spruce, as well as several species o f small trees and shrubs . Included in this group are snow bush ,
Oregon alder, flowering dogwood, and broadleaf maple scattere d among the Douglas fir, western hemlock, incense cedar, lowlan d white fir, and giant arborvitae . Numerous fungi, lichen, ferns , and grasses are also native ground cover in the region (Orego n
State System of Higher Education, 1940 :105-6) . This vegetation , though less dense, is found in the noncultivated regions of th e
Foster environs, Foster-Sweet Home, below Sweet Home, and borderin g
Foster and Sweet Home . In the cultivated areas, small farms are found upon which diversified fruits and garden crops are grow n
(Hall, 1958 :15) . Flowering plants, grasses, and vegetable plant s common to temperate zones are found in the residential portion s of the area . Tree farms producing Christmas trees and shrubs are also found in this region .
The low foothills along the valley macro-division are ofte n partly covered with white or garry oak . Poison oak, one of the most widespread and constant associates of the garry oak, is found in abundance . This shrub is actually a sumac . It is probable that
there were widespread and extensive prairies in this portion of the
river valley prior to the coming of the white man to western Oregon .
„Pioneers tell that these areas were often filled with fields of tal l
native grasses of great height . These areas were desirable for settle-
ment and were likely quickly replaced by farming lands and induce d
grasses (Oregon State System of Higher Education, 1940 :106-7) . The
cultivated regions of this area are largely devoted to hay, grain ,
and pasture . Fruit, vegetable crops, grasses, and specialty crop s
are also common to the area . Willows, wild shrubs, and marsh grasse s
are common to stream and canal banks in the area . Wild flowers, this-
tles, and bunch grasses border fields and line roads . Residentia l
planting patterns largely follow the form outlined above, with som e
less hardy plants grown with special care .
1 . Major Wild Flora and Faun a
The resource base of eastern Linn County has considerabl e
variability, even though timber production, agriculture, and recrea -
tion-tourism presently are the major means of livelihood for th e
region s inhabitants .
Chief among the wild flora is timber, which, of course, i s
rapidly becoming conceived of as a domesticated flora . Douglas fir ,
spruce, and cedar support the industries of logging, lumber milling ,
plywood, and veneer manufacture ; particle, chip, and flake board ;
and other special products such as shakes, shingles, and Christma s
trees . Some twenty large mills process 300 million board feet of logs each year, with approximately 70 percent of this coming fro m private timber holdings .
The wild flora of the valley have not been exploited as a re - source so much as they have been displaced by domesticated crops .
They are, to some extent, exploited as graze for pigs, sheep, cat - tle, and horses .
Wild animals of hill regions include elk, blacktail deer, bears , beaver, fox, martins, badgers, weasel, fish, otter, raccoon, skunk , muskrat, and civet cats . Birds include grouse, pigeons, pheasant , and quail . The most important fish are steelhead and rainbow trout , kukenai, and salmon . Deer, black bears, cougar and some furbearing animals are hunted ; upland game birds are hunted . The best fishing is in the stocked reservoirs, the South and Middle Santiam, Quartz - ville Creek, and the mountain lakes .
Wild game of the valley are limited by human incursion . Game birds such as pheasant, quail, duck, and geese are prominent . Deer are found adjacent to agricultural lands .
2 . Domesticated Flora and Fauna
As previously mentioned, much timber in the Santiam is secon d growth harvest and thus qualifies as a domesticated resource . Christ- mas tree production is a growing activity in the region . Upper basin agriculture is limited but, in the environs of Foster and Sweet Home , land is utilized for the production of grains, hay, grass seeds, wal - nuts, filberts, strawberries, raspberries, and some truck vegetables .
Major patterns of production are horticultural --- small holdings,
-9-
t 1. intensive agriculture (double cropping), and pasturage .
In the valley region, agriculture is much more extensive, diverse ,
and mechanized . While many of the same crops are grown as in the up-
per basin, commercial agriculture is significantly more important ,
with vast sections of land used for beans, strawberries, corn produc -
tion, grass seeds, hay, and grains . Smaller holdings of the valle y
still adhere to horticultural patterns of local consumption and limit- .
ed marketing (Oregon State System of Higher Education, 1940 :39) .
3 . Mineral Resource
Although the early mineral explorations in the hill macro-divisio n
of the South Santiam River Basin failed due to the low grade of th e
ore in terms of the traditional minerals, gold, silver, platinum, and
copper, the modern mineral resource base is considerable . Zirconium 1 .1
is mined in the area and smelted nearby for use in space-age meta l
products . In addition, according to the Sweet Home Chamber of Com-
merce, the city of Sweet Home and the surrounding area surmount on e
of the largest petrified forests in the world . Rock hunters search
the valleys and hillsides finding fine specimens of agatized petrifie d
wood. To the west of Sweet Home are found the world s only deposit s
of the famous Holley blue agate, a highly valued, dark blue, ribbo n
agate . A rare amber agate is found to the south of Sweet Home a t
Chandler Mountain . A possible resource base is the use of loca l
shales and volcanic ash for the manufacture of rock products .
The exploited mineral resources of the valley division ar e
negligible . 4 . Water Resource
The rivers and creeks of the South Santiam River Basin consti - tute a major resource base of the area . The combined runoff at th e
Foster Dam site averages 1,187,600 acre feet annually . The extremes of recorded runoff intensity have ranged from 95 second feet t o
65,200 second feet . Of the runoff, ninety percent occurs in the eight - month period from November to June . At Foster, the South Santia m
River is flashy, responding quickly to periods of intense rainfall .
The periods of extreme high water are of short duration, lastin g generally from two to four days (U . S . Army Corps of Engineers ,
Portland Division, 1962 :8-9) .
This water resource has always been of great value to the inhabi - tants of the area . To the earliest settlers, it was a source o f fresh water for them and their herd . Although not extensively use d for the purpose, it did support some irrigation . Also, it was th e source of salmon, trout, steelhead, and other fish, an essentia l dietary supplement easily obtained . In the early years of this cen - tury, the South Santiam served as a means for transporting logs fro m the mountain slopes and creek banks to the mills at Lebanon and Alban y in the central valley below . As lumbering became mechanized and a s there was increased local industry, water came to serve many ne w functions . It filled the log ponds or giant storage bins of fores t products and began its service to commerce and industry in the grea t hydraulic and water-cooled machines . At this time it also came to b e used in mass centralized water and sewage systems . The river was not 1 without its detrimental effects, however, and, as the area becam e more built up and more and more of the water-holding timber an d ground cover were cleared, floods began to have severe effects .
As the river became more valuable as a source of water for irrigation , municipal needs, commerce, and industry, the need of flood contro l offset much of its beneficence .
The dams as a technological innovation for control of the en - vironment have done much to eliminate the problems and enhance th e benefits of the water resource, as well as to stimulate power an d recreation development . According to the Army Corps of Engineers , the dams will have the following annual benefits for the region : a flood control benefit of $11,769,000 ; an irrigation benefit o f
$390,000 ; a downstream navigation value of $27,000 ; a power-at-site benefit of $2,357,000 ; a downstream power value of $8,000 ; and a recreation value of $621,000 . These are benefits strictly derived from the Corps contributions to the project . An additional
$532,000 in recreational benefits, for instance, will accrue from works sponsored by other organizations connected with the projec t
(U. S . Army Corps of Engineers, Portland Division, "Project Bene - fits, " 19 :7 .06 7 .08) .
B . Historyl
Sweet Home, Oregon, from its earliest days, has been very much a part of American cultural pluralism . Most of its cultures are stil l
1 Materials extracted from paper under preparation by T . C . Hogg and M . R . McComb, " Cultural Pluralism and Education in Sweet Home . "
manifest in the ideas, behaviors, and preferences for work of it s
inhabitants . Nestled as it is in the foothills of the Cascade Moun -
tains of western Oregon, it has served as the base for bands o f
hunting and gathering Indians, early settlers seeking escape fro m
religious discrimination, robust loggers or "timber beasts" ex -
ploiting the forest by brawn and individual ability, the moder n
logging and milling industries, and, now, water reservoirs promisin g
recreation and local economic growth .
This local setting has thus gone through a series of adaptiv e
stages as new immigrants and new modes of subsistence, both carryin g
distinctive forms of human organization and world view, have replace d
the old . Though largely superseded, early stages of Euro-America n
cultural adaptation continue to be manifest, not only in terms o f
values and norms, but also in terms of behavioral patterns .
Each antecedent tradition is viewed in terms of a cultural adapta -
tion and subsequent survival . The following, in schematic form,
are the multiple phases of past adaptations made, and present adapta -
tions occurring, in the setting . Each phase is discussed below :
Cultural Adaptation I : Hunting and Gathering by the Kalapuy a Indians (Prehistorical - 1850) .
Cultural Adaptation II : Agriculture by the Early White Pioneer s and Settlers (1850 - World War I) .
A . First phase . Environmental experimentation by earl y settlers .
B . Second phase . Cultural adaptation through agricultur e for three generations, never wholly com- pleted .
Cultural Adaptation III : Cultural Adaptation to the Fores t (Post World War I) .
A . First phase . Incipient phase, highly individual and nonindustrial .
B . Second phase . Corporate and industrial . Cultural adaptation not completed ; a dualism remains, based on agriculture an d the forest .
Cultural Adaptation IV : Cultural Adaptation to Water, Caused by the Presence of a Technological Innova- tion in the Form of Two Water Reservoir s and/or Dams (1950 s to Present) .
Cultural Adaptation I : The Kalapuya Indians -- Hunting and Gatherin g
Even the South Santiam s first historical inhabitants, the Kala -
puya Indians, offer evidence of a hill-based culture . These Indians
were seminomadic, warlike hunters and gatherers living in semiperma -
nent dwellings located in small clusters . They traded north an d
south with adjacent tribes, stratified their members on the basis o f
wealth in dentalia, and seldom achieved much unity . Chief Sande-am
of the Kalapuya did achieve a degree of unity over several small en -
campments, but such unity was temporary .
Shamans and magicians were very important to the Kalapuya .
Such powers were passed from dead shamans or magicians to close rela -
tives . The mythology of the Kalapuya was filled with a host of trick -
sters, heroes, dunces, villains, and helpers .
These people, who in 1841 numbered some 600, were, through diseas e
and emigration, completely eliminated by 1922 (Collins, 1951) . Cultural Adaptation II : Euro-American Agriculturalist s
Occidental history started in about 1850 with the immigratio n
of settlers from Missouri who sought refuge from religious persecu -
tion . They were joined shortly by others in the migration proces s
who saw in the Santiam an opportunity to work their land unimpede d
by the crowding and conflict they had formerly experienced . This
phase of Sweet Home history is aptly designated the stage of frontie r
and environmental experimentation . Early settlers experimented no t
only with land but with community location and names . Sweet Home s
center changed in locale at least three times ; its name evolved from
"Pilgrim Camp" to "Mossville" to "Sugartown" (Sweet Home) . Early
settler culture was centered about small farming and small business .
The community showed evidence of local stratification on the basis o f
the amount of land owned . Strong family and church orientation s prevailed to hold the inhabitants together, though only in limite d
form .
During the early 1890 s, Sweet Home experienced a process o f
community crystallization of its agricultural base not evidence d
earlier . This was started by the incorporation of the smal l
(population 180) town in 1893 . Agriculture was still the primary mode during this early period, but it was gradually to give way to lumbe r
in the 1920 s. Lumbering growth was not especially rapid unti l
World War I . The key facet of Sweet Home s development during thi s
community crystallization period was a maximization of agricultur e
through improved techniques and mechanization and a gradual shift t o
logging as the value of timber products increased . Still, the town was small and agricultural -- the people were largely seasonall y oriented, cautious of strangers, oriented to church factions (thoug h not all), and tied to family and kin . The larger community buildin g forces of lumber, roads, and other industry had not yet begun t o exert their real influence . Thus, for approximately three genera- tions, Sweet Home developed an agrarian culture with closely pat - terned lifeways .
Cultural Adaptation III : Industrialization and the Fores t
The next phase, that of the growth and boom of lumber, occurre d just following World War I, but did not reach mechanized proportion s until just prior to World War II . A major transition took place be - tween the wars, with lumber and the logger taking on new status an d influence . Emigration of townsmen seeking wage employment cause d an early decline in population and allowed for the numerical expan - sion of a significantly different cultural category -- the logger - - in the face of the resident agrarian norm .
As lumber s importance increased following the Depression, ne w categories of persons emerged, to include the advanced guard of th e town s Oklahoma-derived members . Sweet Home was further opened t o new members and traffic by the completion of Highway 20 in the lat e
1930 s . By this date, Sweet Home had gone through a major cultura l transition . Though the agrarian people were still represented, the new culture and its adherents were dedicated to the "rape of th e hill" -- the extraction of timber . By 1940 this new element, mostly immigrant, but not all, had increased the population from 189 in -16-
1930 to 1,090 in 1940 . Small gyppo operators prospered with the end of the period and superseded Sweet Home s older image . Thus, th e status of a man was no longer measured in terms of agricultural out - put, but shifted to the terms of logging skills and outputs . The town was socially open, not articulated ; people were more mobile , church factions proliferated, and schools were crowded . In short ,
Sweet Home s life style and preferences for living had been radical - ly altered . Again, there were the heroes, the dunces, and the vil - lains . Again, there were small wars ; again, there was stratificatio n on the basis of wealth in money . Again, as it was with the Kalapuya , there was social heterogeneity .
World War II marked a qualitative transition from the previou s lumber era ; it meant the mechanization or industrialization of th e logging process and the bringing of the factory system to the woods .
Mills proliferated in the early war era . The war years generated a head of steam which carried Sweet Home s lumber economy forward, but , after the early and middle fifties, it was apparent that the promis e of the industrial revolution in Sweet Home was not to be fulfilled .
The newcomers -- more Oklahomans, Californians, returnees from th e war -- all faced a depressed lumber market . Those who stayed had to
"hold on . " The small gyppo operators had, for the most part, bee n replaced by larger corporations . Logging and lumber no longer offere d strictly local influence since they were no longer locally controlled .
Nevertheless, the cultural influence of industrialized loggin g and lumber operations remained . A man was no longer to gain a livin g and simultaneously to derive direct satisfaction from manipulating nature by hand . New priorities emerged : the machine, then the man .
The community s heavy reliance on lumber placed it in somewhat of a disadvantage compared with more industrially diverse communities .
Loss of local prerogative in the economy of lumber brought furthe r despair; large timber interests controlled output and jobs . The town was further disintegrated, people were more mobile, and th e population, which had grown to 3,600 in 1950, began to dwindle .
Cultural Adaptation IV : Water
Sweet Home is now posed in a situation of facing another cultura l adaptation -- to that of its newly-found water resource . The recent completion of two dams, the Green Peter and Foster, has opened u p new opportunities and vistas for change on the part of some loca l residents . The period of waiting before adjustment depends ultimate - ly upon the extent to which the dams fit with, or once more alter , existent cultural patterns .
The completion of the two dams and the prospect of constructio n of one, or perhaps two, more in the immediate vicinity yields a poten t new economic and technological option, if not a qualitatively ne w ecological system for Sweet Home s inhabitants . The dams effects in planning and construction phases, notably the redistribution o f land values, the relocation of some natives, and the immigration o f vast numbers of workers and their families, have further contribute d to a loosening of the community s social structure . These factors , particularly the new immigration, energized local governmental an d economic systems, especially during construction ; they established requirements for the temporary expansion of educational, housing, an d entertainment facilities . The dams caused considerable public atten - tion, both within and from outside the community . A town which ha d been regarded by many outsiders to be a raucous, poor country cousi n to the more sophisticated, sedate, or developed towns in the lowe r country became a prospective cultural oasis for the recreator, the re - tired, the urban escapee, and the prospector-developer .
Since the inception of the more quiet operational phase of th e two reservoir systems in the Sweet Home setting, the town has onc e more settled down to a degree of depression . The many jobs are gone ; some local mills have closed . Again, the dream of development is ye t unrealized . Many gambles taken during construction have proven costly .
The makeshift housing and educational facilities remain, but are larg e- ly vacant . A degree of disillusionment pervades public and privat e minds and, yet, there is fundamental and empirical evidence of a potentially better setting which can result from the dams . There is summer recreation, though largely limited by difficult access t o the water s edge . There is the hum of power being generated . There is talk ; there are newcomers with ideas and means for effecting change .
Perhaps even more important is the fundamental fact that Sweet Homers , even though they generally approve of the presence of the dams, d o not agree on the choice of means to new ends nor do they agree on th e ends of this development .
Sweet Home s people and their descendents who represent pas t
Euro-American cultural choices through the setting s culture histor y have not passed this scene . The early settlers, the so-called "timber beasts" of the lumber boom days, the "okies and arkie s" of the lat e
Depression days and early forties, and, later, the old land holders ,
the mill workers, the traditional business and professional people ,
the newcomers of all social strata --- all are here . All have distinc-
tive preferences for the community s image, its social patterns, it s
way of work, and the direction of its subsequent development . New
proposals for the cultural choice in adaptation to harnessed water ,
some of which reflect the urban experience of their adherents, cal l
for a new quality of life . Through all of this, the older culture s
of Sweet Home, save that of the Kalapuya, are still vying for a plac e
and struggling to maintain highly valued ways of life developed throug h
their adaptive response . The collective strengths of anteceden t
traditions are still very strong ; the incipient industrial-urba n
alternative, though increasing in potency, is still ambiguous and ap -
pears as a costly substitution for past cultural success .
Developers have proven hesitant to wait . Even the most prag -
matic traditional peoples are hesitant to give up their ways . Stran-
gers of all kinds are viewed with alarm, suspicion, caution, or a s
new objects to be manipulated under old axioms of order .
Sweet Home appears to exhibit the range of responses to nuanc e
and stranger manifested the world over . The now clear manifesta -
tions of a desire by newcomers and local manipulators to restruc -
ture and/or revitalize the town meet with the antagonism, ambivalence ,
~i- indifference, and support of a pluralistic cultural spectrum . The qo _ multiple orientations of townsmen are more -- much more -- than a
stubborn adherence to conservatism . Their views constitute values which have served well in other cultural challenges, values to whic h
. others, those lacking that experience and socialized in still othe r
idioms of thought, behavior, and thing, cannot relate .
C . The Dams and Their Reservoir s
1 . Developmental Cycle
As part of the Willamette Basin Project, the Foster and Gree n
Peter Dams are also related to the Basin Plan for general control o f
floods and the use of the water resources of the Willamette Rive r
and its tributaries .
Planning for these dams was actually under way during the 1930 s ,
with surveying beginning in 1935 . House Document 544, March, 1938 ,
authorized the project as a part of the multiple-purpose plannin g
which was to become a primary activity of the U . S . Army Corps o f
Engineers . Early plans for the "Sweet Home" dam went awry in
several ways at several times . The first site for the dam, as sur -
veyed in the late 1930 s, was in the narrows between Sweet Home an d
Lebanon . Sweet Home s World War II growth rendered this plan un-
feasible, since construction at the narrows site would destroy th e
town of Sweet Home . A new site was selected shortly after Worl d
War II . This planning entailed three reservoirs, with flood contro l
at Green Peter and at Wiley Creek and a regulating dam at the Whit e
Bridge site on the South Santiam .
The 1950 s saw numerous additional changes . Linn County Cham-
bers of Commerce pushed priorities for the early construction of
Green Peter Dam . The lumber industry of Oregon was in a depresse d
condition and an economic alternative was seen in the recreationa l
potential for the dams . Ultimately actions, hearings, and decision s
were made in favor of the Green Peter site, with Foster becoming th e
locus of the regulating reservoir . A few conflicts emerged betwee n
landholders and pro-dam business interests who eventually won th e
battle by virtue of U . S . Army Corps action (Robbins, 4-6) .
Construction of the dams was begun in 1961, with power produc -
tion available in 1967 and final completion in 1968 . Total land ac -
quisition was approximately 8,600 acres at greater than $1,000 pe r
acre . Costs for all lands associated with the dams was $10,475,000 .
A total of over 175 ownerships were involved with land acquire d
(Robbins, 7) .
The construction program for the dams involved the followin g
timetable :
Green Peter Dam :
7 June 1961 Beginning of Constructio n
October 1966 Limited Flood Control Us e
9 June 1967 Full Project Operatio n
28 June 1967 Power Unit Operation
Foster Dam :
10 June 1963 Beginning of Constructio n
October 1967 Partial Flood Control Regulatio n
15 December 1967 Complete Flood Control Regulatio n
6 September 1968 Power Unit Operation
Workers on the dams are reflected as follows :
Table I
Fiscal Fiscal Total Man-Hours Year Man-Year s
1960-1961 553 .23 1961-1962 191,166 80 . 1962-1963 327,369 137 . 1963-1964 1,065,810 448 . 1964-1965 1,379,188 579 . 1965-1966 2,640,875 1109 . 1966-1967 1,269,977 533 . 1967-1968 146,258 61 . 1968-1969 16,143 6 .8
At its high point, then, construction meant no less than 1,10 0
additional workers in the community . A portion of these workers
commuted daily to the site from as far away as Eugene and Salem .
Many others resided in Lebanon, Sodaville, and surrounding communi-
ties . Sweet Home s population growth during the construction perio d
was patterned similarly to the pattern of man-hours worked on th e
dam (Figure 2) .
Full operations of both facilities began in the fall of 1968 ,
with only operations and maintenance personnel on the site .
2 . Characteristic s III
{ a. Foster Dam and Reservoir N The Foster Dam is on the South Santiam River and affect s
a drainage area of 494 square miles . Foster Dam is a rock-
fill type, 4,565 feet in length and 126 feet high . It has a
concrete volume of 97,600 cubic yards and an embankment fil l
of 806,300 cubic yards . It is located north of the town of _ 23 _
a) t~
cR Foster, and the elevation of the crest is 596 .4 feet above sea level . The pool extends three and a half miles to the east , with a full pool area of 1,220 acres . It has a total storag e area of 61,000 acre feet . Of this total, 30,000 acre feet are for flood control, 3,600 acre feet are for power storage, an d
27,400 acre feet are dead storage . The power plant contain s two Kaplan turbines with a total rated capacity of 20,000 kilo - watts . Foster Dam is approximately seven miles downstream fro m the Green Peter Dam, and, in addition to re-regulation, it i s operated in the interest of flood control, power, navigation , and irrigation .
"The dam has a gate-controlled spillway wit h
a stilling basin, a power penstock through a concret e
non-overflow section, a powerhouse on the south sid e
of the existing rive, an embankment wing dam an d
fish facilities . The power plant is operated fo r
a base load on a daily load factor of not less tha n
80 percent . In the Foster Dam, permanent facilities
for upstream passage of fish consist of an abbreviate d
fishladder leading into a holding pool equipped wit h
a sweep which, in turn, will lead into a transfe r
hopper . Facilities are provided for hoisting the
hopper through a vertical shaft in the dam, trans -
porting the hopper over the dam crest and depositin g
its load of fish in the forebay . "Special provisions have been made to pas s
migrant fish travelling downstream through th e
turbines . By using special features and provisions
in the power plant operation, it is anticipated tha t
survival rate will be excellent" (U . S . Army Enginee r
District, Portland Corps of Engineers, 1968 : Pamphlet) .
The fish passage facilities at Green Peter and Foster have bee n very successful . b . Green Peter Dam and Reservoir
Approximately eight miles to the northeast of Foster, Oregon , is the Green Peter Dam and powerhouse . The dam is a concrete gravity type, 1,500 feet long and 360 feet high . It has a concrete volume of 1,142,000 cubic yards . Its elevation at the crest i s
968 .7 feet above mean sea level . The pool extends ten miles to th e northeast, backing up parts of the Middle Santiam_River and Quartz - ville Creek . The area of the full pool is 3,720 acres, with a total storage area of 430,000 feet, of which 270,000 feet are for floo d control, 63,000 feet are for power storage, and 97,000 feet ar e dead storage . The power plant contains two Francis turbines with a total rated capacity of 80,000 kilowatts . "Green Peter Dam i s a concrete gravity structure with a gate-controlled spillwa y section discharging into a stilling basin . The diversion tunne l is located in the left abutment . The powerhouse, located in th e right bank, is operated as a peaking plant at a daily load facto r of about 40 percent ." This requires downstream re-regulation o f flows, the purpose for which the Foster Reservoir is constructe d . -26-
"On the Green Peter Dam, the upstream passag e
of adult fish migrants is effected by a short fish -
ladder with a collection device at the upper end an d
by a means of hoisting the fish over the dam int o
the forebay . Downstream fish migrants pass through
the dam by use of a fingerling collector which i s
constructed to cover all ranges of water level from
maximum pool to minimum flood control pool .
"The migrating fingerlings are carried acros s
a separator screen via a flexible hose attached t o
lateral openings which go through the dam . Then
they are carried to open channel conditions throug h
the tail race . "
The Green Peter Dam is on the Middle Santiam River below it s confluence with Quartzville Creek . It affects a drainage area o f
277 square miles (U . S . Army Corps of Engineers, 1968 : Pamphlet) . III . Research Procedure s
A . Orientation to the Researc h
This project was undertaken within the conceptual apparatu s of cultural anthropology to describe and explain relationships be - tween water resources and the cultural dimensions of technology , society, and ideology . A careful examination of these cultural dimen- sions through time provides knowledge of the relation between huma n culture and water, particularly in terms of its defined use and ex - ploitation (technology), the patterns of human organization whic h develop from this basis (society), and the configurations of chang e in human attitudes and beliefs about water (ideology) .
Complex societies such as our own are by no means immune fro m consequences of water resource development . Knowledge of the effect s or impacts of such developments upon Americans are essential to dra w meaningful comparisons between our own cultural milieu and the re - mainder of the world undergoing similar types of change .
The setting for research was conceived as a socio-cultura l
system in which significant ecological change was taking place .
Based upon the assumption that the human beings of the setting pos -
sessed integrated behaviors and beliefs, it was expected that th e
ecological change would affect most aspects of their lives to includ e not only their subsistence quest and organization, but their value s
as well . In this sense, then, Sweet Home was conceived in very muc h
the same sense as any other developing area -- as a region being affected directly for the first time by a massive technologica l
change .
B . The Nature of Social Facts
The role of the social scientist is to study a social situatio n
so as to develop the points of view of all the many actors in tha t
situation. The social facts of the social scientist are the identifica-
• tion of the people and groups pertinent to the situation, identifica-
. tion of how they are related to one another, and identification of the
attitudes, values, and goals of people and groups which govern thei r
actions and behavior .
Obviously everyone does not share the same set of actions an d
, attitudes, so the social facts presented by the social scientis t
for a group of people tend to be either measures of central tendenc y
or the formulation of an ideal type . An ideal type is actually a
. configuration or pattern of social facts which explains the actions
and attitudes of people . Nowhere in the population being discusse d
• could one find an individual who fully represented this pattern ,
since the ideal type is a compilation of the actions and attitude s
of the many people in the particular group being studied .
Measures of central tendency -- means, modes, medians -- constitute
another manner of representing social facts based primarily on count -
ing the numbers of individuals who share or do not share specifi c
actions and attitudes . For most of the analysis to follow, measure s
of central tendency will be the kind of data used to develop the dis -
cussion . While measures of central tendency are the modal way of presenting these data, the discussion is also framed in the idea l
type style . That is, discussions will be presented about the view o f
Sweet Home residents, recreation enthusiasts, Corps of Engineer s
officials, the city council, and a variety of other populations .
Keeping in mind, then, that an ideal type is a synthesis of the charac -
teristics of a group of people and does not relate back to any on e
member of that group, an ideal type is useful if the members of th e
group agree, "Yes, that is essentially our point of view ." This does
not mean that it is entirely possible to predict the behavior of a member of the group using the ideal type . The ideal type should, how-
ever, be useful for predicting group behavior .
Measures of central tendency and ideal types are methods fo r
rendering social facts which pertain to many or to a group of indivi -
duals . Often the particular individual performing in the role o f
city manager, superintendent of schools, recreation enthusiast, o r
many other roles is an important element of the discussion . In this
case, the manner in which various roles are played by individuals i s
the means for rendering the social facts of the situation .
The methods used to gather social facts for this study hav e
ranged from survey to detailed observation . It is, for example ,
a social fact that in Sweet Home the economic impact of the dam s
has not been as great as expected . This fact is developed from a
survey of Sweet Home area residents, wherein 60 percent of the respon -
dents said that the impact was not as great as they expected . Other
indicators of this fact are to be seen in the increase of per capit a
taxes in the face of reduced population, the presence of over- designed facilities, and statements of people interviewed on th e
state of the Sweet Home economy .
Social facts come, then, from many sources -- survey, observatio n tiff of actions and behaviors, interview, analysis of tabulated data .
Still, social facts are illusive things ; very often they do not corre -
late with the physical facts or with other social facts . For example ,
research in Arizona showed that, while the physical fact was that 9 3
percent of all water in Arizona was used in agriculture, 40 percen t
of the respondents to a questionnaire disagreed with this physica l
fact (Straayer, 1967 :238 264) . Similarly, while people of Swee t
Home do not believe that the economic impacts of dams have bee n
great according to expectation, they nevertheless feel that an even -
tual payoff will occur .
Divergence between physical and social fact is not totally th e
result of public ignorance of what natural scientists have found out ;
often people refuse to accept physical facts . It is a physical fac t
that Douglas fir is largely a domesticated crop on the forest land s
of the state, private lujnber companies, the U . S . Forest Service, and
the Bureau of Land Management . As a cultigen, Douglas fir, lik e
other agricultural crops, is sowed, fertilized, weeded to keep out
brush, and harvested . Yet recreation enthusiasts flock to the Foste r
and Green Peter Reservoirs to enjoy the "natura l " beauty of the Dougla s
fir croplands which surround these reservoirs . To the recreation en -
thusiasts, the social fact of natural beauty is more important tha n
the physical fact of tree farming .
Physical facts are not absolute, either . Like social facts they,
d too, are abstracted and frequently used to support various socia l positions . In 1969, the State of Oregon prepared a water forecas t
for the state for the next hundred years . By adding the physica l
fact of a large water deficit in eastern Oregon to the physical fac t of a water surplus in western Oregon, the report was able to con -
clude that the state faced a future water deficit of 14 .4 million acre feet by 2070 (Oregon State Water Resources Board, 1969 :v) .
Socially, this was a very sound conclusion in light of the fact tha t
the southwestern United States is looking fondly to the Columbi a
River Basin for water to augment the water-short Colorado . Little does it matter at this point that, in order to meet the water demand s of eastern Oregon or the Southwest, water from the Willamette Rive r would have to be transported across the Cascades or reverse flowe d up the Columbia River Gorge . Thus, although Oregon wH I be a water-
short state by the estimate of the State Water Resources Board♦ th e
difficulty in making the surplus water of the Willamette availabl e to eastern Oregon is nearly as difficult as making water availabl e
for the Southwest .
The manipulation of social facts to support one s point of vie w
or the ignorance of physical facts are realities, too . In our sur-
vey of Sweet Home residents we asked, "From your own experience o r
from what you read or heard, do you feel that there was an increas e
in the occurrence of crime in Sweet Home during the time the dam wa s
being constructed?" Of the respondents to this question, 58 percent
said, "No . " Crime statistics (Section V, Table VI) show a rathe r
marked increase in crimes and legal offenses of all kinds during the construction period .
One of the primary roles of the social scientist, then, is t o
develop a set of social facts upon which each group bases its decisio n
making . But social facts, unlike physical facts, change according t o
people s awareness of them and their judgement of the adequacy of thes e
facts for their position .
Man as an ethical animal makes decisions as to right and wrong ,
good and bad, desirable and undesirable depending on his awarenes s
of his total environment . New awareness creates new particulars fo r
adaptation . For example, Smith (1968 :257-265), in studying the wate r
situation in the Southwest, found that several effects of urbaniza -
tion, such as increasing heterogeneity in terms of the kinds of wate r
users and increasing impersonalness between water users and the water -
managing agency, occurred as long as the water managers were not awar e
of these changes and their effects . When the managers observed th e
consequences of urbanization, they undertook programs to mitigate th e
effects of this process .
So, too, are people presently adapting to their new conscious -
ness of the environment and the impact of man s water works in thi s
environment . Where once water resource development on the Columbi a
River was proudly referred to as a "series of slack water pools "
(Pacific Northwest River Basins Commission, 1969 : 2 ), this engineer -
ing feat is now subject to the questions of people wondering what im -
pact this will have and has had on the ecology of the Northwest .
Thus, in addition to describing what people are involved, wha t
they do, how they interact, and what they think, the process by which -33-
all this occurs is also a relevant element for discussion . The data
► which follow are used to illustrate some of these processes, which
have broader implications for future water management . Emphasis on
processes seems, in the long run, to have greater importance than th e • • specific content of facts used to illustrate them .
C . Research Method s
Research was begun on the Santiam to gauge the effects of wate r
resource development on the technology, social organization, and ideol -
ogy in that river basin, to analyze the relationships existing betwee n
socio-cultural patterns and the progress of the Santiam water develop -
ment project from its construction stages through the operationa l
phases, and, using these data as a basis, to test a socio-cultura l
model of a project in its institutional phase .
The model consisted of a series of related socio-cultural proposi -
tions which were tested throughout the research period . The mode l
proposed by Hogg (1966) is outlined with specific reference to th e
sample area thusly :
(1.) Social settings (Sweet Home-Foster) are comprised of set s
of social units where there exists among the members pos -
sibilities for conflict, consensus, and indifference .
(2.) Social units of Sweet Home-Foster are arranged into thre e
• general structural patterns on different levels : a) reticula-
• tive, b) articulative, and c) non-articulative . In Sweet
Home-Foster, at the community level, there is a predominanc e
of the non-articulative pattern, or one in which structural units do not relate to each other on a manifest dimension s o
as to form a larger social integer . Such articulation as doe s
exist is truncated and limited to separate institutions .
(3 .) Social settings (Sweet Home-Foster) are comprised of a composit e
field of social relationships among their structural components .
These relationship types are :
a) disintegrative
b) integrative
c) persistive
In Sweet Home-Foster, at the community level of analysis, ther e
is a predominance of disintegrative relationships, or those whic h
create more disparate social integers, and persistive relation -
ships, or those which tend to retain the status quo, i .e . ,
permit and encourage the persistence of existing patterns .
Disintegrative relationships are characterized by the followin g
attributes :
a) passive and active conflic t
b) dissociation
c) diminution of positive face-to-face interactio n
Persistive relationships are characterized by the followin g
attributes :
a) ignorance-.
b) withdrawal
c) ambivalenc e
Social integration, through integrative relationships, is
-35-
found in Sweet Home, but not as a predominant condition .
The community would not show the development of more in - . I clusive integers .
(4.) Social conflict is an important feature of dynamics i n r 1 Sweet Home-Foster . Aggregates are formed as issues ar e
• defined, with aggregates encompassing a spectrum of pro -
tagonists, indifferents, and antagonists . Aggregatio n
of interest groups in Sweet Home-Foster is limited, du e
to passivity and indifference of community members .
(5.) Because aggregate formation is limited by passivism an d
indifference, the general Sweet Home-Foster pattern i s
not changing . It remains non-articulated .
In addition to general community level propositions, the fol - . a.
lowing propositions pertain to the model, but relate specificall y
to the influence of the Foster-Green Peter Reservoirs on the Swee t
Home-Foster area :
(1.) The dams in Sweet Home and Foster have, by creating a
higher level of conflict, led to the formation of in -
terest groups aligned to particular sides of new is -
sues .
(2.) The predominant non-articulation of pre-dam Sweet Home -
Foster has been increased since the construction of th e
dams .
(3.) The dams have brought about social processes which hav e
increased and intensified disintegrative social relation -
ships in the Sweet Home-Foster setting . (4.) Social issues generated by the dams have stimulated th e
formation of new social aggregates concerned with subse-
quent change in community values, organization, and technology .
(5.) Many of the social aggregates established since the dam s
advocated major change in the structural and cultural pat -
tern of Sweet Home-Foster . They presently constitute
increased numbers of non-articulated interest groups .
(6.) The structural configurations which characterize rapi d
technological change in Sweet Home-Foster are the sam e
as those characteristics of social and cultural disintegra -
tion .
(7.) Social conflict and non-articulation in Sweet Home -
Foster remain, but are now characterized by more activ e
inter-unit interaction and less indifference .
1 . Data Collection and Analysis
The first phase of anthropological research is often the mos t difficult ; the researcher is in the position of stranger and, al - though a comprehensive review of literature pertaining to the settin g under study has been made, he must make contact with people about who m he knows very little . This initial step was handled with a numbe r of short, open-ended interviews with people exhibiting a range o f socio-economic and interest qualities -- key informant interviews .
Major political functionaries like the mayor, city manager, and schoo l superintendent were represented, as well as a variety of people i n everyday walks of Sweet Home life, e .g ., loggers, mill workers, business- men, police officers, housewives, and ministers . Using this technique ,
the research staff became more closely acquainted with people represent -
ing the social realities with which they were to deal, and the resident s
of the Sweet Home-Foster area were introduced to researchers walkin g
. the streets, eating in restaurants, observing work settings and recrea -
tion, knocking on doors, and sitting in on various meetings .
2 . The Sweet Home Survey
A general questionnaire was administered to a broad-based com -
• munity sample during the summer of 1968 to obtain community attitude s
• on a number of issues and to obtain demographic and sociologica l data relevant to our study . The questionnaire was constructed in
several categories . It began with questions directed primarily at
ecology -- the informant s assessment of the Sweet Home-Foster area s
"liveability" and the reservoirs impact on that liveability, atti -
tudes toward ecological change (i .e ., urbanization, increased popula -
tion, etc .) -- and a general catalogue of attitudes toward the set-
ting s assets or deficits relating to ecology was compiled . An
economics section attempted to outline employment and income proper -
ties of the informant, plus his purchasing habits in various area s
(groceries, appliances, etc .) . Questions directed at the individual s
benefit during the various stages of reservoir construction were als o
asked, as were those pertaining to the prospects for future economi c
opportunity . The "social organization and religion" sector of th e
setting was the most intensively surveyed . It included knowledge of ,
and participation in, various types of organizations, a special section on migrancy and community position (newcomer-stranger, community mem - ber, etc .), and other questions dealing with organizational activities .
The politics and education section of the questionnaire was concerne d with educational and political background, participation, awareness , and the informant s evaluation of the situation regarding local , regional, and national issues in the developmental areas . Question s regarding feelings and attitudes about the frequency of juvenile delin - quency, crimes, and other social problems were also asked of communit y members . Again, the respondents were asked to assess the problems o f the reservoirs impact upon them and the effect upon their lives .
The final section of the questionnaire dealt specifically with recrea - tion, to include attitudes toward the reservoirs, use of facilities , and the evaluation of the reservoirs impact upon the area .
The sample area included all of Sweet Home s six water precincts , the southernmost part of the Pleasant Valley precinct, and the area s of Crest precinct numbers one, two, three and four that borde r
Sweet Home, to include the unincorporated town of Foster and its en - virons (Figure 3) . The first step in the sampling procedure was to map and count all of the habitable houses in the area . l This produce d a total household count of 2,649, which was stratified into seve n ecological and demographic divisions .
1 The 1960 census maps were out of date here, because, precedin g the construction of Foster Reservoir, the town of Foster was move d south of its previous position . -39-
Table II . Survey Sample
Division Number of Households Sample Taken
Rural 320 24
Foster 122 10
Foster-Sweet Home 205 15
4 T Street 588 41
Long Street 561 36
Affluent 708 50
North Bank 195 14
The selection of households within the population for samplin g
was accomplished by means of a standard linear skip interval withi n
each division, based on a requirement of a 7 .2 percent sample, or
every 14th house (190 households) in the region . The interval began
by drawing a number from 1 to 14 ; the count started with that number
and proceeded from northwest to northeast to southwest to southeast ,
with each house numbered 1 being selected for sampling . If the resi-
dent selected was not at home, two call-backs were required ; then the
interviewer selected the house to the left, repeated the procedure, and ,
if necessary, went to the house to the right . In an effort to randomize
the time of day of the interview, 20 percent of each sample for eac h
section was taken in the morning, 40 percent in the afternoon, an d
40 percent in the evening . This procedure also provided for a nea r
balanced, 1 :1 male-female ratio . The time selection was randomize d
by drawing a number from 1 to 5 for each interview : 1 = morning, 2 =
early afternoon, 3 = late afternoon, 4 = early evening, and 5 = lat e
evening. The questionaires were administered by trained interviewer s during a six-week period . Pre-coded and open-ended responses lendin g themselves to statistical use were punched on computer cards . Tabula- tions and mean scores were compiled on the overall sample, as wer e smaller populations defined by their lengths of residence in the area .
More detailed analyses were obtained by sorting populations accordin g to demographic and attitudinal traits .
3 . Life Historie s
The basic units in any cultural system are individual people .
They act within systems, to be sure, but even the most formal an d ritual-bound organizations are a product of the uniqueness of indivi - dual members more than of their charters . Keeping this in mind , life histories of both influential and representative people in th e community were gathered . The pilot interviews provided the initia l materials for many such life histories, and data compiled in th e community sample were used in choosing additional subjects most typica l of the community . The study of life histories was designed to obtain data and insight into the lives and experiences of everyday Swee t
Homers, in addition to people having a direct effect on the political , social, and economic institutions . Accordingly, in addition to community members like the police chief, and councilmen, a lumbe r operator, a semiskilled transient worker, and several others were inter - viewed . Through the use of the life history technique, the intricat e backgrounds, the development of the community, and perceptions of individual members of the community became apparent . From life his -
tories, the research team obtained the time depth on the activities i n
the community and, as in the case of the influential and active sub -
jects, a knowledge of personal impacts of water-based technologica l
change on specific individuals . These data provided important per -
spective on the dams and their effects, just as they made us mor e
capable of control for personality factors while analyzing the genera l
behavior pattern and differentiating the often subtle, yet effectiv e
personal factors from general cultural patterns .
The life history is not a technique to use in analyzing an en -
tire community . Langness (1965) points out many problems in its use :
the ethnographer s personality must not conflict with his respondent ,
it must be recognized that no one person speaks for an entire system ,
and the method is a very time-consuming one . To partially compensat e
for these problems, a list of active community members was kept ,
which included their activities or positions held in the setting ,
occupations, length of residency, and the place from which they mi -
grated . From this list we could, for example, gauge the impact o f
urban immigrants on the political system or even on the ministeria l
association .
In addition to providing personal data and perceptions of th e
. setting, a few of the life history subjects acted as key informants - -
people who, when contacted, could inform the research staff of recen t
events occurring in town . In addition to providing these data, ke y
informants professed information as to who to contact for particula r
I purposes, as well as offering some opinions and impressions that could be cross-checked by further interviewing .
4 . Participant Observation : Behavioral Setting and Institutional . ResearchandAnalysis
Just as the key informants provided personal impressions o f
Sweet Home activity, the participant observation technique was use d
to gather data on a more general level . Members of the research
team attended the Sportsman s Holiday (Sweet Home s annual festival) ,
the Chamber of Commerce Banquet, local coffee shops, a John Birc h
Society meeting, visited in homes, schools, and public places, an d observed many other activities . The main procedural objective was to observe -- to see how Sweet Home-Fosterites and their guests behave d
in various settings and circumstances . One student researcher incor - porated her university requirements for a teaching degree into th e project by student observing in the Union High School . There she observed the normal activities of both high school students and thei r
teachers and followed up those observations by others while attendin g
counseling sessions, discussion meetings between the superintendent o f
schools, teachers, parents, and students, and school board meetings .
The analyses of these situations became most useful in under -
standing the dynamics of the community, because that which was laten t i in everyday life seemed to come to life when conflict occurred . Beals
(1967 :58) found that, by studying the difficult periods in the life o f
a south Indian village, he was able to obtain information on the inter -
relationships between its various castes and families . He states :
"To understand Gopalpur, it is necessary to know how dif - ferent individuals adapt to circumstances in which they fin d themselves and how they behave when their life strategies cros s and become entangled in conflict ." Several conflict situations arose during the research period ,
. and efforts were made to record the whole process from the initia l
conflict to resolution . Interviews were obtained from people repre -
senting all sides of an issue and were geared toward understandin g
why certain problems existed . Detailed accounts were obtained o n
, the respondent s assessment of any potential for resolution, the es -
sence of the conflict that affected the future harmony of the cor -
munity, and how he thought the issues would finally be settled . Major
conflict situations scrutinized were : 1) an incident involving th e
chief of police and the city council, where a large segment of th e
community became involved because the chief of police was to los e
his job, 2) questioning by a number of businessmen desiring a revisio n
of a newly-passed zoning ordinance, 3) a curriculum change, includin g
sex education, which mobilized a number of community members, 4) th e
school district s difficulty in passing their budget, requiring the m
to make substantial revisions, and 5) the consolidation of the Swee t
Home Elementary School District with surrounding districts .
The personality factors and the behavioral setting analyse s
made possible a realistic appraisal of the function and position o f
the formal institutional complex . The city council, planning com -
mission, ministerial association, union structure, and other suc h
formal organizations exist as loci of activity . By first studying
their position in the community, it was then necessary to study thei r
function .
Again, participant observation was most useful . Many meetings
of Sweet Home s churches, councils, clubs, commissions, and board s
included an anthropologist sitting as inconspicuously as possible in -45-
the back of the room . The operations of the many different organiza-
tions elaborated the milieu of the culture surrounding them . Formal
meetings complete with shirts and ties, as well as the shirt-sleeve ,
joking meetings that often follow, were attended . The yearly cycl e
that most organizations, such as government, churches, and club s
have, was followed . It was observed how needs felt by some of ou r
respondents were turned into budgetary items and ordinances, whil e
-other ideas were either dropped, forgotten, or voted down .
5 . Albany-Lebanon Survey
In the summer of 1969, a questionnaire was administered t o
respondents drawn from electric company customers in Lebanon an d
Albany . The questionnaire was built to test the differential impact s
Hof the reservoir construction as one proceeds down river, away fro m
the construction site . It was designed to draw comparisons from al l
three towns, so identical questions were asked, substituting, whe n
appropriate, the name of the city being sampled (i .e ., "How do you
feel about more industry coming to Sweet Home/Lebanon/Albany?") .
The content of the Lebanon and Albany questionnaire include d
demographic data, as well as attitudes toward both Sweet Home s an d
the sample town s recreational facilities, economic development, an d
potential for change . Questions were also directed toward attitude s
and both real and anticipated use of present and future water resourc e
development projects . Activity and involvement in social, economic ,
nd developmental organizations was also measured .
As previously stated, the samples from Albany and Lebanon were drawn from the files of the electric company, insofar as house count s and mapping would be time-consuming . Since the area was urban, i t was a good prospect that nearly all people would have electricity .
The electric company files did not differentiate between business an d home accounts, so a larger sample was drawn to compensate . When th e address prescribed turned out to be a business, it was dropped fro m the sample . In using this technique, the sample was not biase d against houses or apartments in the business districts, becaus e these houses had the same probability of being drawn as they did i n residential areas . Addresses were drawn by using a standard ski p interval in centimeters in the electric company s central offic e card file .
6 . Sampling Procedures
Table III . Albany-Lebanon Sampl e
Lebanon Albany,
Number of household s and businesses 4,065 9,647
Length total cards 73 .9 cm 175 .4 cm
Skip interval :
Centimeters 3 .7 cm 8 .0 cm
Cards 20-25 cards 45-50 cards
Sample drawn 196 201
Sample interviewed 142 160
The card interval was determined by counting the number o f cards per ten-centimeter block four times and averaging the results .
The sample areas included all areas under the Albany and Lebano n electric service (Figure 4) .
The questionnaires were administered during a one-month perio d by trained personnel . Again, the samples were stratified into demo-
graphic divisions . As in Sweet Home, the times of interview wer e
divided into mid-day, late afternoon, and evening .
Only one call-back was required during this interviewing session ,
after which the interviewer would go to the house left of the original ,
then right, and finally across the street .
Again, the data obtained were punched on computer cards an d
tabulated . Percentage scores were compiled on the various questions ,
so that general comparisons among the various towns could be made .
Recreation Survey
There had been much discussion among Chambers of Commerce, cit y
end county government officials, and water resource development per -
sonnel on the impact of the recreator, so still another survey question -
naire was devised to be used at the reservoirs and other recreatio n
sites . Data obtained from recreationists included demographic character -
istics, their reasons for coming to the area, their major activities ,
and the amount of money they had spent in the area .
No background data were available for constructing a sample ;
therefore, different time periods were used in order to obtain repre -
sentativeness . Table IV indicates the dates and sample number, an d
Table V shows the place of interview . -48 -
Table IV . Recreation Survey Days
Date Number of Interviewees
July 12, 1969 (Saturday) 9
July 26, 1969 (Saturday) 25
July 27, 1969 (Sunday) 33
August 23, 1969 (Saturday) 28
August 24, 1969 (Sunday) - 47
August 30, 1969 (Saturday) 41
August 31, 1969 (Sunday) 25
September 1, 1969 (Labor Day) 31
Total number days -- 8 239 Total sample
Table V. Recreation Survey Are a
Place of Interview Percent of Sample
Foster Lake 29
Green Peter -- Dam to and includin g Whitcomb Creek 39
Green Peter -- East of Whitcomb Creek :. to Quartzville 3 3
The interviews were again administered by trained personnel . The
procedure consisted of simply walking around sites and selecting inter -
iewees as judiciously as possible . To the maximum extent possible ,
representation was sought based on activities and numbers of person s
t a site . Comparisons with data from the Linn County Parks and Recrea -
ion Department show that our sample is slightly biased because of th e
time and area sampled . Those biases are : 1.) Weekend, midsummer users were favored in the sample .
2.) Interviews were conducted on land and most often in develope d
areas .
3.) The sample s average party size was 5 .1, while the depart-
ment s average was 3 .7 . The department s data was for Whit-
comb Creek campground only .
In spite of limitations, the data were useful in analyzing the popula -
tion of recreators . Further data were gathered from the payment fe e
envelopes used by the Linn County Parks and Recreation Department ,
which include number in the party, length of stay, and state in which th e
car is registered . Also, checks were made of the Corps of Engineers
vehicle counters, which gauge the relative amount of traffic and th e
approximate number of visitors to the reservoirs .
8 . Analytical Procedure s
Analysis of Santiam materials has involved the systematic develop -
ment of pattern descriptions of community, special institutions, an d
behavioral settings, as well as life histories of individuals in th e
• setting . Descriptive reports have been obtained for an area history ,
ecology, social organization (to include welfare and social service s
and migrancy), education, political organization, religious organiza -
, tion, aesthetics, and world view . Each of these reports represent s
preliminary analysis of pattern correlation with different stages o f
the dams developmental cycle .
Both computer-aided statistical techniques and typological analyse s
of data have been used on these Santiam materials . Further manipulations -51-
of data are to be accomplished through portions of the next year ,
with the results of these activities to be submitted as appendice s
to this completion report . In a real sense, all data will be analyzed
over a period of time, beyond the requirements generated for this re -
search .
To this date, limited statistical manipulations have been ac-
complished on data derived from the three general population survey s
in Sweet Home-Foster, Lebanon, and Albany . Initial tabulations an d
mean scores for questionnaire responses have been obtained, from whic h
community level demographic and attitudinal characteristics wer e
developed . Comparisons of these patterns have also been accomplished .
The Sweet Home-Foster questionnaire was considerably more in-depth ,
and carried more conceptual breadth, than those administered in Alban y
and Lebanon . Because 7 percent of the householders of Sweet Home wer e
interviewed, greater stratification of the Sweet Home sample has bee n
,possible .
Analyses from questionnaire data have included treatment o f
variables such as migrancy patterns, values involving "quality o f
life" in Sweet Home, and political orientations of residents .
These have been correlated with major developmental stages of th e
dams, as well as such factors as economic status, length of residence ,
land community position, depending upon the hypothesis under test . Ulti-
mately using computer assistance to the maximum extent possible, analyt-
ical procedures will identify more detailed attitudinal and organiza-
tional correlates of each stage of the dams development . Present
analyses, mostly from graphic pattern analysis and comparisons, yield general configurations which are presented in the findings section o f
this report .
Participant observation data have been incorporated to provid e
a Sweet Home-Foster interpretation of social facts as they are dis -
closed . Behavioral setting experiences and records provide contextua l
information on the behavioral significance of values and attitudes ob -
tained through the use of the questionnaires . Life histories have provided individual contexts for these same data . Together, thes e materials allow for a more complete integration of materials and ,
therefore, a more accurate explanation of social and cultural system s
affected by Santiam water resource development . IV. Findings
A. Realization of Research Objectives
As presently analyzed, data disclose that the general researc h objectives have been realized . In some cases, such as communit y social structure, information is partially limited and full attainment s
re not yet reached . Here, -subsequent analysis will allow fulle r
ealization of objectives . In other instances, such as community
olitics, results have gone far beyond expectations and data no w
llow the pursuit of quite new hypotheses at other levels of th e
evelopmental process .
One of the primary limitations faced with objective one, impac t analysis, was in establishing the baseline characteristics of Swee t
Home prior to construction . Recent historical data were very scat- tered and most of the official records dealt primarily with economi c and political data . Most difficult was the retrieval of attitudina l and sociological attributes of community members just prior to con - struction . Operations phase data were immediate and more adequate from the start .
Objective two, involving analysis of socio-cultural pattern s and Santiam water resource development projects, was essentially a n explanation of the impacts observed in pursuit of objective one .
Present analysis shows satisfactory achievement of this objective , and it is our intention to continue such analysis, expecting the ful - lest possible realization . . As is stated in the transmittal letter to this report, subsequent analyses through the next year are to b e submitted as appendices to this document .
As in the case of achievement related to objective two, analysi s to date on a test of the socio-cultural model of development ha s yielded very substantive conclusions .
B. Local Support and Acceptance
From our research in Sweet Home, there would appear to be littl e problem in stimulating local support and acceptance of water resourc e development projects . The people s commitment to water resource develop- ment persists in spite of the creation of some hardships (see Findings ,
Staging of Impacts) . A general explanation for this rests with a prev- alence in America for people to define economic development as good an d beneficial to the people experiencing this kind of change . Spurred by this belief we eagerly seek out development projects for our community , state, and region, and we regard economic development as the panace a for underdeveloped nations of the world .
With this kind of value emphasis, economic development proceeds , based on faith as much as, or more than, on carefully weighing th e benefits received against the costs . True, the economic developmen t institutions of our culture do calculate project benefits versus projec t costs before economic development projects are undertaken, but, throug h the management of basic assumptions, definitions of terms, incorporatio n of qualifying concepts and language, these analyses often become exercises in adjusting the means to justify the end (Altouney, 1963 ;
Bain, Caves, and Margolis, 1966 ; Eckstein, 1958; Freeman, 1966 ;
Hirshleiger, DeHaven, and Milliman, 1960 ; Marshall, 1956 ; McKean, 1958 ;
Young and Martin, 1967) .
Moreover, projects normally are justified in terms of national o r regional economies, not in terms of specific local contexts . In fact, analysis of the impacts of development projects, such as highways , dams, missile sites, and power plants, on local communities is not a part of the decision-making process at present . To make the situatio n even more perplexing, specific or local analyses point to some very in - teresting and conflicting conclusions about the benefits of suc h developments . One specific analysis of reservoir development in 1e.en- tucky, evaluated for the county level of government and not the com - munity level, indicates that the fear of a "significant adverse fisca l F `effect" is unfounded (Bates, 1969 :120) . This conclusion, when con- fronted with data from other areas of the country, cannot be a vali d general conclusion, since other local contexts of economic developmen t can be shown to have received questionable benefits from such develop - ment.
Within the western United States, where populations are sprea d out, most economic development projects bring large numbers of con - struction workers to an area for a short period of time . In rural communities such as Sweet Home, where most of these projects are con - structed, the construction phase of the project brings significan t short-term expansion and, then, in late stages of construction an d early operations, a decline in the local economy (Hogg, 1968) . The local residents must bear much of the burden of construction b y providing school facilities for children of construction worker s and increasing levels of municipal service, not to mention expansio n of commercial services .
Sweet Home s economy has been, and still is, tied to the unpre - dictable upswings and downswings of the lumber industry . Many of its leaders welcomed the hopes and aspirations laid out for them by th e
Corps of Engineers as it presented the benefits and costs of the Gree n
Peter Project . Local Sweet Homers had accepted the idea that ofte n water resource development is the basis for other economic develop - ment ; it attracts new industries, recreation enthusiasts, retire d people, and activities which stimulate economic growth . Well before major construction began in 1964, community groups whose laten t function would seem to be perpetuating the social psychology o f economic growth had seized on the dam construction as a new hope fo r
Sweet Home s economic growth . Their activities and statements wer e aligned toward generating public enthusiasm and support for water - based development . Community rites and ceremonies were established which oriented toward water resources, voluntary associations base d on water recreation were established, and community publicity place d the water resource in a prime place of preference to attract new - comers and their potential employees . Yet, in spite of all this activity , when surveyed in the summer of 1968, 95 percent of the local resident s said that they did not think the impact of the dams on Sweet Home wa s as great as they had believed it would be . Ironically, three fourths of the people in Sweet Home favor construction of the new Cascadia Dam, -57-
but a few miles upstream .
In actuality, there is very little local involvement in wate r resource development planning . The local people are viewed, and they view themselves, as recipients of water resource development . At the public hearing, the Corps of Engineers presents the plan it ha s developed . Usually the Corps places primary emphasis on the benefit s of the project and plays down any costs . Any significant local costs ,
such as the loss of a historic park or payment of channel improvemen t
costs, to which there is negative local reaction can force a redesig n of the project . The overall form and intent of the project, however, remains basically the same . The objectionable features are modified by relocating the dam or deleting channel improvements, at least thos e chargeable to the local citizenry .
The alternatives provided by the Corps are normally those whic h require its additional services . Other possible alternatives which might be implemented without Corps of Engineers expertise normally ar e not offered or considered . A very harmonious relationship exists , therefore, between the Corps and the community . The Corps brings to the community large construction expenditures which cost the people ,
at least overtly, nothing . We perceive, however, as local community
awareness increases, that this situation may be changing .
C . Social and Attitudinal Parameters
The extent to which the impacts of water resource developmen t projects occur in the form of social and attitudinal parameters depend s
on much more than the scale of the project . Sweet Home is a community which is part of Linn County, it is in Oregon ; economically, its lumber output is tied to the national economy . As a community linke d with the much broader social and economic community, Sweet Home wa s subject to the inflationary pressures brought on by the Viet Nam Wa r and the increased costs of municipal and school services which resulte d from that inflation . Sweet Home competes for a range of items from industry to teachers amongst other communities with more resources an d even with teachers demanding more pay and willing to strike to get it .
These pressures and many others affected the way in which the constructio n of Green Peter and Foster Dams affected the community .
The following statement abstracted from one of the student-prepare d project reports illustrates the interrelationship and interdependenc e of dam construction with Sweet Home s place as part of a much greate r community . This report, concerned primarily with welfare and socia l services, provides a view of the impact of dam construction from a local employment office . Note the interplay between dam construction and the timber industry which is the basis of Sweet Home s economy, a s well as people s attitudes regarding a good place to live, climati c factors, governmental fiscal policies, and management-worker relations . )
The Lebanon Employment Office first reported "some
influx of workers coming in anticipation of work on th e
Green Peter reservoir project " during May, 1961 . June ,
1961, repeated the noticeable influx of workers, who wer e
"speculating employment with the Green Peter reservoi r
1 Abstracted from research report on Welfare and Social Service s prepared by Mary Lemhouse, 1970 . -59-
project and seeking work at the new plywood plant ." The
August, 1961, comments included, "Immigration from othe r
states continues in spite of a lack of permanent wor k
-opportunities . "
General Assistance caseloads, including Emergenc y
Assistance, show yearly fluctuations reflecting the lumber -
ing cycle . The peak each winter depends on the severit y
of winter rain and snows, which keep loggers out of th e
woods . For example, in 1961 General Assistance caseloads
reached a peak in March, 1961, at 339 G . A . cases . The
number dropped to 190 for April and 147 for May, with con -
tinued decrease to an August low of 66 G . A. caseloads, an d
then a gradual rise from September through January and Feb -
ruary, 1962 .
The October, 1961, activities comments from th e
Employment office again refer to the continued "influx o f
workers from other states, particularly California workers "
(10-31-61) . Interstate claims were expected to increase as
more workers came into the area speculating on work in th e
Green Peter and Foster Reservoir projects .
Relevant comments concerning immigration to the are a
and employment placements were made by the Lebanon offic e
in the November 30, 1961 report, as follows : "Immigration o f
claimants from the nearby states has remained relativel y
high . Among the prominent reasons for leaving their home
states are the cost of living, particularly in real estate and transportation ; greater freedom from congested living areas ; equal or better work opportunities even during our depressed work season " (11-30-61) . Workers from heavily populated regions in California comprised the large per - centage of interstate claims . Many of these persons immi - grated in speculation of manual labor at the dam constructio n sites . They were joined by friends, families, and "clingers - on" anticipating some kind of job opportunities, but nothin g specific . Interstate claims increased, as insured unemploy - ment was restricted to state residents . Applications fo r work and subsequent interviews often reflected willingnes s to be placed in almost any job that was available, whil e some applicants limited the placements they would accept .
By the end of December, 1961, the period of unemploymen t that had been experienced, due primarily to weather con- ditions, had reached a peak and was expected to decline .
Reasons for industrial layoffs indicated an anticipate d return to work in most industries early in January .
The Employment Office noted that, during February, 1962 , the immigration of workers was continuing, but at a "reduce d rate . " The interstate claims filed had droped 13 percent fro m
January, 1962, but were. 31 percent higher than February, 1961 .
Through April, 1962, weather conditions had improved to sub - stantially decrease the numbers of unemployed persons . The number of Oregon weeks claimed and the number of initial claims both dropped almost 50 percent for logging, re -
forestation, and construction work . June, 1962, indicated
continued influx of workers from other areas . In addition ,
youth were just entering the labor market, which increase d
the total new applications taken . Local workers were grad-
ually being reabsorbed, particularly in the lumber industry .
Oregon insured unemployment continued to decline, while inter -
state initial claims remained "relatively high ." Interstat e
continued claims, though, took a notable decline . The influx
of out-of-state workers continued during June, but July brough t 1 a slowing of interstate claims . According to Employment Offic e
comments, "Possibly those potential applicants are beginnin g
to realize that construction jobs on the Green Peter Reservoi r
project will not be available in quantity until early in 1963 "
(7-31-62) .
The October, 1962, Columbus Day Storm resulted in a
number of employment opportunities in the construction in -
dustry, private homes, and utilities companies . The immediate
need for emergency crews resulted in additional Employmen t
Office hours on the Saturday and Sunday just following th e
storm . Prior to the storm, the office indicated that lumbe r
and wood products employment had increased slightly . "The storm
had little effect on the logging industry except that most crew s
went back to their regular work and had to clear many of thei r
roads . Extensive damage to standing timber will require muc h
salvage work during the next year" (10-31-62) . Linn County Public Welfare Department statistics indicat e
the usual seasonal trends for 1962, with no particularly sig -
nificant increase during the October storm period . If any
increase in numbers of recipients occured because of the storm ,
the Abundant Foods Program would mostly reflect the additiona l
assistance . Again, seasonal increases were evident, but th e
monthly changes were not significantly high .
The Employment Office reported for May, 1963, "Heav y
influx of workers seeking employment on the federal da m projects accounts for the increase in new applications fo r work . The local office has been processing applications fo r
the primary contractor this past month . As yet little work has become available on this project . Major hiring will be
accomplished through the various craft unions hiring hall s
in July and August . Local supply of common labor will be
far in excess of anticipated demands" (5-31-63) .
While insured unemployment precentages continued t o
decline from May through July, 1963, the number of Abundan t
Foods Program recipient households decreased substantiall y
in June, increased through July and August, and then droppe d
again until seasonal increases were noticeable in December .
The variations may be due partially to the vast lumber an d plywood operations strike during June and July, 1963 . Some
1,315 strikers were directly involved, and an additiona l
90 workers were laid off . These workers "have taken up all -63-
slack in the harvest and other parts of the labor market , causing a very limited area of job openings" (7-31-63) .
Agricultural migrant workers, among others, were forced t o compete with a large labor market during this period, in- evitably leaving many jobless . At the same time, nearly 40 0 persons were employed for contract construction on the Gree n
Peter complex . Through August, this total had gradually in- creased to well over 400 workers involved in contract con- struction, primarily from the federal Green Peter Dam an d allied activities . In addition, interstate filings reflected _ a continued immigration of workers from neighboring states , though at a slightly decreased rate .
According to the Employment Office report of September ,
1963, "Employment opportunities came from food processing , logging and lumbering, service and retail trade, private households, and construction industries, in that order . How- ever, the belief that construction industries offered th e greatest of any job openings is fairly certain, but would no t be reflected in this report since most of the hiring for thi s industry occurs through the various craft unions " (9-30-63) .
Unemployment levels held down well during September and October , aided greatly by relatively mild weather "which permitted bot h logging and construction work to continue without interruption "
(10-31-63) . During November, 1963, the Employment Office re - ported a steady increase of new applications, due partly t o the continued influx of workers who were both directly and indirectly involved with the various construction projects o n the Green Peter Dam complex . "This is an indication that ther e are more people in the area than were present a year ago "
(11-31-63) .
The Linn County Abundant Foods Program in 1963 distri - buted more food to recipient households than in any othe r previous or succeeding year . This tends to substantiate th e
Employment Office s statement regarding population influx o f that year . However, there were no marked increases in th e
General Assistance caseloads of the Linn County Public Welfar e
Department .
Linn County "Annual Average Construction Employment " figures indicate a significant increase in this field fo r
1963 . Construction employees numbered 930 that year, an increase of 440 or 89 .8 percent, over the 1962 number of empolyees, 490 . The 1964 Construction Employment figures fo r
Linn County indicate 1,210 employees, an increase of 280, o r
30 .1 percent, over the 1963 total .
Poor weather conditions brought about a large percentag e of active claimants with job attachments in logging or con - struction industries during February, 1964 . In addition , according to the Lebanon Employment Office, "Interstate ne w and additional claims were expected to remain higher tha n usual due to the Green Peter Reservoir project" (2-28-64) . At the same time, new and additional Oregon claims were the lowes t for any February since 1957 . Lumler mills made a number of placements, while unemployment insurance claims were primaril y
from the logging industry . By April, 1964, it was noted that .
an increase in mill employment levels resulted in a 62 percen t decline in initial Oregon claims, aiding a 53 percent increas e over placements at this time in 1963 . The weeks claimed during
April and May, 1964, were primarily results of intermitten t work schedules, due to inclement weather, for logging and con - struction crews . In addition to weather restrictions on employ- ment, a temporary labor dispute over a two-week period in Ma y resulted in a construction rise of insured unemployment .
Total Abundant Foods Program recipient households reflecte d
the inclement weather of 1964, particularly February and Marc h highs . January through March figures for Public Welfare Genera l
Assistance recipients reflected the inclement weather, thoug h the totals were lower than 1963 winter totals .
The Employment Office reported a rise of 37 percent ove r
1963 initial interstate claims, though the number of interstat e weeks claimed made a slight decline from 1963 (which was th e only August higher than 1964) . Office comments suggest that ,
"The immigration of workers is a result of two factors : first , the large construction project near here and second, what seem s to be a growing dissatisfaction with living conditions in th e metropolitan areas of California" (8-31-64) .
In December, 1964, flood damage (a 50-year flood in Corp s of Engineers terms) resulted in unempolyment totals far abov e average, particularly affecting "the Green Peter Reservoir
project which released nearly 600 all totaled" (12-31-64) .
January, 1965, marked the continuation of unemployment tha t
was expected to persist due to intense flood conditions . Both
logging and construction industries were hampered by extremel y
poor road conditions . Flood damage conditions were definitely
reflected by total Abundant Foods Program recipients . The Jan-
uary, 1965, total of 5,778 was the highest since the program s
inception in 1961, followed by the second highest total of al l
months, 5,643 recipient households in February, 1965 . The
Abundant Foods office indicated that many farmers experiencing
flood damage were recipients during these months .
The Employment Office further indicated that "tota l
• joblessness during the month (January, 1965) was the highes t
January since 1958 . Interstate claims were well above any
previous experience in this area" (1-29-65) . By February
the office reported, "Interstate claims activity remain s
slightly higher than usual as many of those workers are de -
pendent upon activity in the construction industry . . . ." (2-
26-65) . The office indicated that Foster Dam work had bee n
accelerated somewhat to help offset the flood damage on th e
Green Peter Reservoir project . By March, 1965, economic out-
look was improving, though interstate filings remained up du e
to the Green Peter Project flood damage .
The Employment Office reported an improved economic outloo k
partially due to continuing good weather, from May through almost -67 -
all of December, 1965 . Reduction in unemployment insuranc e and a decline in new job applications and in initial and con- tinued claims were significant indications of the "better tha n average economic situation" (7-30-65) and the continuation o f a "very favorable labor market" (8-31-65) . Extreme inclement weather during the last week of December was reported to hav e halted virtually all outside work except on the Green Peter and Foster Reservoir projects . In January, 1966, these con- struction activities were curtailed a few days due to freezin g weather .
May, 1966, marked the beginning of a "periodic gradual decline" (5-31-66) of construction on the Green Peter projec t according to the Employment Office . By August, 1966, it was noted that work on the Green Peter project was near completio n and that work on the Foster project was "well ahead of schedule "
(8-31-66) . The office expected interstate filings to continue rising, as employment opportunities would gradually be reduced .
September, 1966, marked an increase in new and additional Orego n claims, partially attributed to the continued reduction of con- struction crews at the reservoirs . In November, 1966, the Em- ployment Office commented : "Completion of contracts related to the Green Peter and Foster Dam projects has caused a continuin g increase of unemployment levels . Economic conditions are such at this time that temporary curtailments of the work force ar e rather frequent . Contract construction is expected to continue at a rapid rate of decline as the various-projects reach . a stage,, . of completion . Both dams are nearly one year ahead of schedule
and are expected to be turned over to the Army Engineers aroun d
July 1, 1967" (11-30-66) .
Apparently, either unemployment claims took the impact o f
the declining number of jobs available or many unemployed lef t
the area, because 1966 Abundant Foods Program and Public Welfar e
General Assistance caseloads were hitting all-time lows . Job
placements in other industries may have compensated for curtail-
ment on the Green Peter and Foster projects .
Early 1967 brought about "phasing out of the major construc-
tion in the Sweet Home area," according to the Employment Offic e
(2-28-67) . Construction crews decreased more rapidly, and many
construction workers left the area . Thus, fewer employment applica-
tions were received, and interstate claims continued to declin e
due to this phasing out . The office also reported inclemen t
weather and poor lumber markets, with both price and deman d
- remaining poor during the spring and summer months of 1967 .
Complete forest closure was experienced as of August 1, 1967 ,
including recreational usage as of August 31 . The lumber
industries faced extreme low humidity problems . The fores t
closure was removed September 18, resulting in many job opening s
and therefore a drop in new employment applications . While June ,
1967, had witnessed the last remnants of construction on the Gree n
Peter and Foster projects, October, 1967 finally marked operatio n
of logging industries at full capacity .
The Abundant Foods Program experienced rather averag e
monthly totals of recipient households, with no dramatic in.L
creases . Except for budgetary cutbacks previously mentioned,
Public Welfare caseloads experienced no dramtaticchanges . These
somewhat moderate trends were experienced during 1968 as well . ,
The Employment Office reported layoffs and increased new
and additional Oregon claims due partly to an oversupply of log s
and inclement weather conditions . Further, "Announced closure
of the . . .Foster Sawmill (by July 1, 1968) plant of the Willamette
Industries probably tended to restrict turnover in the Sweet Hom e
area . The Sweet Home area has suffered the most from these de -
clines during the past two years" (3-29-68) . Immigration o f
workers from nearby states and areas was noticed during May, 1968 .
June, 1968, comments included references to various closures, a s
well as job openings : "Just this month the Mid Plywood Plant
near Sweet Home returned to operation with about 35 employees .
This plant has been down over a year . The Willamette Industry
plant at Foster, Sawmill Division, is being curtailed and wil l
be eliminated by the end of July . However, a large portion of
the men employed in this operation will find work with the Swee t
Home Sawmill Division of Willamette Industry on a swingshif t
that has been added . "
This description of the impact of the dam construction from the van-
tage point of the local employment office illustrates how people s action s
and attitudes toward the construction are part df, and dependent upon, many other factors . Each of these factors are specific to the particular
construction context. Dissatisfaction with the quality of life i n
California led to the influx of migrants from the area speculating
on the availability of work on the dams .
From this description of the social and attitudinal impacts o f
the dams, as seen through the local employment office, two point s
become clearly focused . One is that, the position of the observe r
. in the system and the point in time at which he is making his observa-
tion determine, to a large extent, what he is going to see in term s
of social and attitudinal impacts from the dam construction . From
the point of view of the residents of Sweet Home, the planning phas e
for the construction of the dams stimulated them to think differentl y
of their community . They saw the need to make Sweet Home more attrac-
tive to the recreation enthusiasts and retired people who might b e
attracted to the community if its appearance were improved . Sub-
sequent Chamber-of-Commerce-stimulated cleanup programs, merchants
modifications of the center strip through the town, and a new zonin g
ordinance have all been toward this end . An interesting anecdote to
this episode is that, in 1968, 56 percent of Sweet Home resident s
perceived their community as an attractive town in which to live ,
while only 38 percent of people surveyed in Albany perceived Swee t
Home as attractive . This, again, reflects the point that the position
one takes to observe a cultural system and the time of observation ar e
important factors in determining what one is going to see .
The second point which this illustration emphasizes is the myriad
of factors which are in interplay with each particular construction . project . The local area experiencing the impact of construction worker s
cannot be viewed in microcosm as a closed system . It has to be viewe d
• as an open system experiencing many other inputs and dependent of man y
. other factors other than dam construction . When dam construction began ,
Sweet Home was experiencing a lumber recession . When the dam construction
was completed, the timber industry was healthy again, and this facto r
greatly mitigated the effects of the rapid decline in the availabilit y
of construction work .
The succeeding sections will elaborate additional and more specifi c
social and attitudinal parameters associated with water resource develop -
ment . In every case, however, both the position of the observer i n
the system and the interplay with elements in the larger cultura l
system are general parameters affecting each specific impact .
D . Staging of Impacts
The impacts of water resource development occur differentiall y
during the project developmental cycle . While the tendency of plan-
ners is to define the project development cycle in terms of planning ,
construction, institutionalization, and evaluation, our preferenc e
now is to think of the project developmental cycle as preconstruc -
tion, construction, and postconstruction . We think it is less ap-
propriate and disfunctional to think of the planning, institution -
alization, and evaluation as stages in the development cycle .
These -- planning, institutionalization, and evaluation -- ar e
activities which should not be segmented with respect to time an d
space ; rather, they should be continuous and always in process . During the preconstruction period, some of the local citizen s of Sweet Home made the evaluation that dams for Sweet Home could b e gotten more readily if an organization were institutionalized to lobby for the construction project . The intent of this organizatio n was to speed up the planning for the dams . This example document s the actuality of continuous planning, institutionalization, an d evaluation of water resource development projects, and, in addition , shows that sometimes evaluation leads to institutionalization whic h in turn leads to more vigorous planning . For this reason, then, we prefer to distinguish the developmental cycle purely in physical an d technological terms -- before construction of the artifact, precon- struction ; the period of environmental alteration, construction ; and the period after which the artifact is completed, postconstruction .
In many situations, these periods could overlap . For example, th e
Cascadia and Holly Dams are now in the preconstruction phase, whil e the Green Peter and Foster Projects are in the postconstruction phase .
The period of construction is critical to the placing of th e project developmental cycle in time and space . Figure 5 gives the general shape of the construction period for the Green Peter project .
Facilities construction began in the early spring of 1963 and continue d into late 1966 . From the magnitude of man-hours worked, the constructio n period was defined as encompassing the fiscal years 1963-64, 1964-65 ,
1965-66, and 1966-67 . Preconstruction encompassed the time before th e
1963-64 fiscal year, ranging back to the 1930 s ; postconstruction refered to the period to the present after the construction period . sNnOHNdw Several kinds of social and cultural impacts are correlate d with the preconstruction, construction, and postconstruction periods .
The discussion of welfare and social services in the preceding sectio n indicates an inverse relation between construction and the need fo r welfare and social services . In this section, data indicate th e changes which occurred in community education and municipal services .
Moreover, they illustrate the difficulty of distinguishing the magni - tude of the impact from water resource development due to the myria d of other processes going on at the same time . l
1 The sections which follow -- "Impacts on the School System" , "Municipal Impacts", "Alternate Hypotheses", and "Implications" - - are abstracted from a paper in preparation by Smith, Hogg, an d Reagan . -75-
E . Impacts
1 . Impacts on the School System
The most direct impact on the school system was an increase of several hundred students from the beginning of the 1963-64 schoo l
ear to the 1965-66 school year, and then a decline to preconstructio n
tudent population levels with the 1967-68 and 1968-69 school years
Figure 6) .
Looking at two measures of educational quality, student-teache r ratio (Figure 7) and the dollars spent per student (Figure 7), indi - dates a relatively constant student-teacher ratio during the construc -
-Jion period . In fact, the decline in student-teacher ratio during th e
1965-66 school year is difficult to explain . In the postconstructio n period, the student-teacher ratio dropped below the state average - -
11 .5 compared to 17 .8 for all other districts of Sweet Home s type .
Only one other district in this category had a lower student-teache r ratio than Sweet Home (Oregon Education Association, 1969 : 3) .
I A second measure of potential educational quality, dollars spen t per student, shows an improvement similar to the student-teache r ratio -- improvement in the dollars spent per student through th e construction period with large increases in the postconstructio n period . Indeed, if dollars spent per student and student-teache r ratios are indicators of educational quality, then educational qualit y improved significantly during the postconstruction period, exceedin g the preconstruction period .
Who paid for these increases? Figure 8 indicates very little
v H
0- 0- c o~ +- -u -. nn ._ v 4 ■ c 4- c c LN. y c E cn o m c m ey 3 ■ E w a 4- c c ~ im. 0 go a u o. e lb- • N = c .c :_ a c co o
m m cn ~ o ~ t 1 as ~W woo oaa.N 3 U e o 4 9 D a L O O ~wae Lt-) o F- N SeI31N01Sn0 30IA83S 018/103/3 `S1N30n1S `31d03d - 838WfN
1000 Figure 7. Adjusted Student-Teacher Rati o and Dollars per Studen t W 750
DOLL ARS /STUDEN T 25 500
I 1 STUDENT/TEACHER RATIO 250 /
0
CQ"N,,$'F'RUCTIQN MANM&XII $ w
/ / /r
60-61 61-62 62-63 63-64 64-65 65-66 66-67 67-68 68-6 9 FISCAL YEAR Source : Office of Superintenden t of Public Instruction 1,000,000
750,000
Q J 500,000 J 0
250,000
60-61 61-62 62-63 63-64 64-65 65-66 66-67 67-68 68-69 FISCAL YEAR Source : Office of Superintenden t of Public Instruction -79-
help was received from-state, county, or federal sources . Federal
help under the Educational Adjustment Act (PL 814) was only 4 percent
of the total budget, and it did not come into the budget until a year
after the peak student demand had passed . Most of the added tax
urden, therefore, was paid by local people through increased propert y .
axes . The income taxes paid by the construction workers went to th e ti tate government, which, as Figure 8 shows, actually reduced support
f the local school system . The local tax base comes primarily franc "
roperty taxes . The construction workers filled the trailer parks
d rentals, but this did not add appreciably to the local tax bas e
xcept through income to some local landholders and landlords . In
addition, several new commercial establishments were constructed to
I accommodate the construction workers, whose payroll was over $1,000,00 0
per month at the peak of construction . These did add additional ta x
revenues, but, since Oregon has no sales tax, the bulk of the tax .
burden was still born by the local property owners on behalf of th e
construction workers .
2 . Municipal Impact s
Total municipal expenditures followed the pattern of dam con -
struction, rising sharply during the fiscal years 1965 and 1966, peaking,
and then dropping off in 1968 . Like the pattern for school expenditures ,
municipal expenditures began to rise again in the postconstructio n
period (Figure 9) . The major expense categories reflected this same
pattern in the areas of water and sanitation, fire protection, an d
street maintenance .
-80 -
S?db -1 -lO O O 0 O 0 O 1 O
v U
a, 0.
o (0 0 a) 4 t on U
I l a) I 1 U 0 o 0 0 0 L o It) O o o 0 0 N VIld /O/SeIV -1 -100 I -81 -
One interesting pattern is that of expenditures for the polic e
department . These expenditures increased sharply in the 1965 fisca l
year ; however, they did not drop off significantly at the end of th e
construction period . One statistic which more closely reflects th e
actual social disruption caused by the construction-workers is that f
fines and forfeitures collected as a result of citations issued b y
the police department . This followed the same pattern as the constru c-
tion work on the dams (Figure 9) . 1 From the revenues side, taxes per capita remained relativel y constant through the construction period and did not increas e
significantly until the postconstruction period (Figure 9) . Property
tax revenues play a relatively small part in meeting municipal expendi -
tures . They provided an average of 16 percent of the total revenue s
of the city . The true cash value of Sweet Home property increase d
25 percent, in part due to new commercial establishments . The
increased numbers of construction workers added revenues responsiv e
1 to population number -- parking meter receipts, liquor tax rebate ,
gas tax refunds, cigarette tax . Thus, the influx of construction
workers cannot be argued to have added to the municipal tax burde n
of Sweet Home residents during the construction perio d
What does seem important with respect to municipal financing i s
1 the anticipated population and economic growth . The water system was expanded to accomodate a service capacity of 12,000 people, thre e
times the 1970 population of Sweet Home . Municipal bond isstes pre-
sented for public approval were justified on the potential populatio n
and economic growth . Sweet Home had to plan for all the people who were soon to move to the community . The construction workers cam e
and then left . None of the planners provided for this event, no r were they warned to do so . The cost of the new facilities an d services created as a result of dam construction now have to be met .
The increased per capita tax burden of the postconstruction perio d reflects the town s problem of meeting this commitment . Also, the slowness of growth has necessitated other compensatory moves i n
adjusting the city s finances . Less of the revenues from the wate r and sanitation system can now be committed to supporting the othe r municipal services . The decline in these supports since 1965 has been nearly one third and prompted a water rate increase in 1969 .
Thus, city services in Sweet Home were improved during th e
construction period . These improvements, stimulated by the influx
of construction workers, were as much to prepare for hoped-fo r population and economic growth as to accommodate increased number s of local residents . As with the school system, improved city
services can be viewed as benefits to the people in the postcon -
struction period . This is because the numbers of schoo l
children and city residents who have to be served decreased ,
and the per capita service capacity improved . Associated with
these benefits, however, were increased tax burdens .
3 . Alternate Hypothese s
The explanation of these curves in terms of commitment to
economic development does not fully explain the increases in pe r
capita expenditures in both the school system and city governmen t
after the dam workers left Sweet Home . Several factors suggest -83-
that Sweet Home s position in a larger cultural system resulted i n
is continued steady rise . Other important factors are the attitude s
f Sweet Home residents, the image of their community on the part o f the resident, rise in migrants in urban and suburban areas of th e community .
Nationally, the postconstruction period was one of rapid in -
ation which affected all sectors of the national economy . During the same period, teachers, police, and firemen were getting significan t iicreases in salary ; Sweet Home could not escape this . Inflation and increased salaries to some public servants explain some of the in- c4eases in school and municipal expenditures . For example, comparin g
Sweet Home with Reedsport, Oregon, a town of similar population, tru e cash value, and tax allocation proportions, indicates that these factor s are not adequate to explain all the variation observed in Sweet Home .
Reedsport s total tax increased only 40 percent from 1960 to 1970 , while Sweet Home s increased 200 percent .
From observation of community actions and a survey of communit y opinion in 1968, several other elements of the explanation see m pertinent . The first factor was developed by the community surve y encompassing 7 percent of the households in Sweet Home and the sur - rounding area . This factor relates to community attitudes regardin g taxes . Of the respondents to this survey, 45 percent were eithe r somewhat or strongly in favor of increasing school taxes, while onl y
40 percent were somewhat to strongly opposed . The percentage support- ing increasing taxes for municipal services was only 28 percent, whil e
52 percent were against. Thus, in 1968, at least for school budget matters, the opposition to more spending was not that strong . Sub-
sequently, strong opposition has developed . Sweet Home is experienc -
ing public reaction to methods of school financing, as is the wide r
cultural system . In 1968, only 29 .3 percent of the school budget s
voted on in Oregon went down in defeat . In 1970, this figure wa s
43 .0 percent, and Sweet Home was among those experiencing a budge t
defeat .
Observation of community participation in school district an d municipal matters indicates that, in 1968, people were not involved .
Significant here is the response by 71 percent of the sampled pop - ulation that they seldom or never were involved with the school s
and 93 percent who said the same thing with respect to involvemen t with city government .
Such noninvolvement leads to still another hypothesis for ex - plaining continued postconstruction budget increases in school an d municipal services . School and municipal adminstration are, in a
sense, in competition with taxpayers for their disposable dollars .
New equipment, new gadgets, new machinery, and additional personne l
are always required to better administrate and operate the school s
and municipal government . In a situation of limited public in-
volvement (one in which Sweet Home is by no means unique), skillfu l
manipulation of this condition actually can result in greater ta x
allocations to school and municipal services .
A third factor in explaining the increased cost of municipa l
services relates back to the impact of the dam construction on th e
local community . The dams have stimulated change in the community - 85-
slplf-image . For many, Sweet Home was regarded as a dirty logging town, and such people sought a new image -- that of a town whic h aspires to be neat, clean, and orderly and to be attractive to sub- urbanites from the metropolitan areas such as Portland and Salem . With the conception of the dams as a probable reality for Sweet Home in the late 1950 s, externally oriented people in the community voiced thei r attitude of changing Sweet Home s image . Many public officials, the
Chamber of Commerce, and other service groups, largely in an effor t to attract recreation enthusiasts and retired people to the community , stimulated appearance-oriented activities . The median down main stree t has been embellished with floral trappings, and a concerted effort has been made to condemn decaying buildings, and a new zoning ordinance wa s passed to improve community appearances .
I A change in community self-image, as held by involved communit y members, has stimulated some citizens to willingly contribute to a n improved Sweet Home . The idea of the planning for construction of dams appears to have gone far to restructure this self-image . Moreover, the change seems to have been stimulated by an infusion into the communit y by urban and suburban migrants . These people have experienced the urban- suburban neighborhood, emphasizing good schools and adequate municipa l services . Their impact on Sweet Home was to intensify the developmen t of such an environment . Many of these new immigrants have taken im- portant positions in the community, positions which influence not onl y community imagery, but the allocation of resources . Such persons as the superintendent of schools, city manager, newspaper editor, an d president of the Chamber of Commerce are new migrants with urban ands suburban backgrounds . Their substantial influences in communit y
decision making with respect to the allocation of community resource s
contribute even more substantially to subsequent postconstructio n
changes in Sweet Home .
F . Conflicts Limiting Realization of Project Benefit s
Only a very small portion of the total project benefits were t o
accrue to Sweet Home residents ; these were primarily in the area o f
recreation . Thus, one of the major limiting factors on the realizatio n
of project benefits is the tendency to justify water resource develop - ment projects based on regional economies and to pay correspondingl y
little attention to the local economy .
In regard to the present benefit and cost allocation procedures ,
Sweet Home becomes mostly a pawn in a much larger game of resourc e
development chess . The Corps of Engineers has to compete in Congres s
and in the executive branch of government for its funds . Its succes s
is widely known and has been criticized (Brues, 1970 ; Douglas, 1970 ;
Maas, 1950) . Sweet Home in this national political game is of littl e
matter, except to Sweet Homers .
Thus, when the financial demands of the Viet Nam War and th e
corresponding inflation and national economic disruption demande d
cutbacks in the level of federal spending, the major benefit to Swee t
Home, recreation development, became defined as nonessential to projec t
purposes and funds were cutback . In terms of national political priorities ,
this decision would seem sound . So, too, was the decision by the local
Corps of Engineers officials to use those funds which were allocated to -87-
add hydroelectric generation capacity to Columbia River dam s
1in order to meet electric demands which were rapidly outstrippin g
resent capacity . From the point of view of Sweet Home residents , who saw their undeveloped lakes, but remembered well the promise d developments, the decisions made by national and regional policy makers did not provide the recreation developments they felt wer e weeded and had been promised .
One of the multiple benefits calculated in the feasibilit y
4tudies, benefits from recreation, was projected at $621,000 a yiear . This represented 4 percent of the total yearly benefi t from the project . The calculation was based on $532,000 in benefits accruing annually from the creation of the site an d
$89,000 for the construction of recreation sites .
Our survey of recreation enthusiasts indicated that recreatio n expenditures in 1969, the third year the dams had been in operation , averaged $1 per person per day ; using the Corps of Engineers figures for area usage, this would mean about $300,000 i n benefits or about half that projected . One reason for the low pe r person expenditure is that 32 percent of the people we surveye d using the reservoirs were from the local area -- Sweet Home ,
Brownsville, Lebanon .
While these benefits are less than projected, the developmen t of recreation sites has been less than projected . Only one campin g area has been constructed . Each lake has only two paved boat ramps .
I Additional facilities seem definitely needed (71 percent of respon - dents in the recreation survey indicated expansion or improvement o f facilities was needed) . It is important to note that there was a small but significant segment of people, 12 percent, who specificall y recommended no further developments because of the added people thi s would attract .
The dams and their relation to recreation have had two othe r important impacts . First, the recreation potential of the dams has stimulated local citizens to look more closely at the image thei r community conveys . This has resulted in a number of beautificatio n programs which, in part, express the purpose of being able to attrac t recreation users to the reservoirs . These programs date back to a t least 1954 and 1955, when a street sweeper and twelve trash can s were purchased . Later, the trash cans were painted purple and called
"purple paper eaters ." This created some conflict as to what color s were most aesthetic for Sweet Home, but the beautification though t was sown, no matter how biliously executed .
A second impact is in recreation benefits which were not par t of the calculation initially made . No calculation was made of th e impact of dam construction on the purchase of recreation equipment .
We suspect this impact is much greater than the money recreation enthusiasts bring to a region . Nearly 25 percent of the household s surveyed in the Sweet Home area owned a boat . Responses for Lebano n
and Albany were 26 and 16 percent respectively . People in each o f
these communities said that there were very few boats in the area befor e
construction . If the Boating Industry Association is right in its -89-
estimate that $3,292,000,000 was spent on new and used boats and
for accessories, fuel, insurance, maintenance, repairs, docking ,
registration fees, and storage during 1969 by the nation s 8,646,00 0 boat owners, this is an average expenditure of $380 per boat owne r per year . Assuming our sample is representative, this would mean
fiat, in the Sweet Home area alone, over $260,000 per year is spen t
on boats and boat accessories . Obviously not all of this figure
can be attributed to the dams, but, if what people say about th e pre-dam period is true, a sizeable portion of this is attributabl e
tc the dams . Further, this is only for the Sweet Home area, and peopl e
from Lebanon, Brownsville, Albany, and Corvallis regularly use th e reservoirs . Also, this is only for boats and does not account for expenditures for truck campers, travel trailers, camping equipment ,
fishing gear, etc. Quite likely, one of the most important impact s of recreation development in the national economy is the stimulu s it gives to the purchase of recreation equipment .
` Many of the recreation enthusiasts can be viewed as urban - suburban to rural migrants . These are people from the more urban- suburban oriented areas of Eugene-Springfield, Salem, and Portland .
When compared with local recreation enthusiasts, they differ i n two significant ways . First, more indicate that the physical environ- ment is the principal mode of attraction and, second, more indicat e that the closness to home of the reservoirs is not a factor i n selecting the Foster and Green Peter reservoirs . More often, th e urban-suburban migrant is looking for a new place .
Even more interesting is the diversity of recreation tastes among the urban-suburban migrants . Some desire fully develope d areas with marina, grocery store, camping, boat launch, etc . , bundled together with lots of people, very much like the urban - suburban neighborhoods they just left . Others come seeking quiet , uncrowded areas ; these tend to be the people least concerned with development .
The Foster-Green Peter Reservoirs are well suited at the presen t time to meeting the tastes of each . However, with the Forest Service ,
Corps of Engineers, Bureau of Land Management, and Linn County Park s and Recreation Department all vying for a development role, and wit h the State Highway Commission eager to publicize this area to reliev e the pressure on its already overstressed parks, no centralized plan - ning is being accomplished to perhaps provide a diversity of recreatio n experience for the different recreational tastes . Development i s where the action is and each agency is working to develop as much a s it can .
While each agency has carefully-drawn plans, interagency conflict s and a shortage of funds have prevented their realization . For future recreation development, the situation boils down to one of the goal s of the planners . If development is the goal, then many recreatio n sites will be constructed complete with cable television . If a diver - sity of recreation experience is the goal, then this, too, can b e created, but not with the present structure of non-articulate d agencies .
Recreational development could go forward under the aegis of th e
Bureau of Land Management, which has surplus revenues it is willing to -91-
devote to recreation . Again, conflicts within the national politica l bureaucracy enter at present to hold up and possibly prevent this %
,alternative . The decision, approved by local Corps of Engineers and Bureau of Land Management people, rests in Washington amid th e conflict between agencies for jurisdiction . The Corps of Engineers controls all the land to the high water level of the reservoirs . The
ureau of Land Management, which owns land suited to recreatio n development, must have the Corps permission to cross this territor y
o gain access to the lake . The decision whether to cooperate o r
hether to maintain bureaucratic divisions and responsibilities ha s not been made, although many Sweet Homer residents wait as the wide r political chess game continues .
The conclusion drawn from this and a number of similar incident s is that Sweet Home is a part, and only a small part, of a much large r social and political system . The conflicts of that larger system have a direct bearing on the alternatives open to residents of th e
Sweet Home area in obtaining the benefits following construction .
This is not to say that, if given the opportunity, Sweet Homers ar e behind one unified plan of action . What it does say is that, what- ever plan of development is decided upon, Sweet Home residents, unde r present conditions, will have little say regarding their own desire s and ends .
G . Problems : Political and Economi c
Underlying social and cultural patterns contributed to th e problems of political and economic adjustment to water resource development in Sweet Home . In the political area, the problem wa s
one of conflict between increased legalism and formalism being im - posed on a community which has functioned previously through usin g more personal and less formal mechanisms of social control . Economi c problems, too, were created by the underlying faith and assumptio n
that dam construction would lead to population and economic growth .
1 . Politica l
In traditional Sweet Home, being a participant in the activitie s
of city government was not highly valued, nor was it, for many,a pres -
tigious role (cf . Hogg and Beard 1966 : 66) . Eighty percent of thos e persons surveyed indicated that city government has not directl y
affected their life, nor were residents inclined to participate i n
governmental matters . With this low degree of involvement and concer n
for city government, it became difficult for government even to ge t
candidates for the city council and other important committees .
One important element of political conflict stems from th e
presence of people who came during the construction of the dams o r
at the end of the construction period and assumed important role s
in the governance of the community . These people include the cit y
manager, the superintendent of schools, the president of the Chambe r
of Commerce, several members of the planning commission, and th e
newspaper editor . Each came from an urban-suburban background, an d
each has attempted to influence Sweet Home s growth in the urban an d
suburban image of a clean, neat, orderly environment with well kep t
houses and good schools . This effort has entailed formalizing many -93-
procedures which previously had been informal, developing structur e where previously there had been little or none, and increasin g legalism in the form of paperwork and official reports where befor e there were few . These new political actors with urban-suburban backgrounds have directly advocated or backed beautification programs , improvement in the lighting and decorations of the median strip o n
Kain Street, and the passage of a new zoning ordinance patterne d after the urban and suburban centers of Eugene and Lake Oswego .
Increased formalism and legalism have led to conflict withi n
Sweet Home . Law enforcement is an area which particularly shows this relationship . l
,t Sweet Home s Police Department has been a concer n
- of both political actors and non-actors for many years .
Some controversy stems from the chief of police s inter -
actional and organizational style, which often seems un -
orthodox to both outsiders and formally legal-oriente d
Sweet Homers . This style is marked by a relativity an d
personalness which result in a department with limite d
set rules, procedures, or techniques . The police chie f
prefers using his knowledge of the social situation a s
a primary factor in enforcing the law, rather than th e
more formal definitions of legal versus illegal behavio r
as these are acted upon by power of arrest . Therefore,
he has the reputation for preferring to drive intoxicate d
1 Abstracted from a report on city government by Ron Hart, 1970 . persons home rather than arrest them ; rather than auto- matic referral to the courts, he has often referre d breaches to the family of the offender ; and he holds a very judicious attitude towards punishment of offense s that do not, in his mind, harm the social setting of th e town .
The internal organization of the department reflect s the same style . The officers are not totally tied to any specific rule books by which they order their activities , and the direction of each shift s activities follows n o set pattern . Two sergeants do occupy leadership positions , but they are not rigidly subordinate-superordinate ones .
Instead, they depend on the sergeant s individual person - ality and enterprise . In 1969, the department consiste d of only twelve people : four matrons, five patrolmen, two sergeants and the chief . Thus, partly due to the size o f the agency, the real need for set rules, positions, an d duties was lacking and, even if the need were there, th e
range of problems to be dealt with by few people neces -
sitated a knowledge and skill level encompassing a larg e
area .
The Sweet Home Police Department has assumed a
function much broader than the formal term "polic e
work" entails, because, in order to operate on a persona l
level, a high level of community knowledge must be obtained .
The chief therefore must know exactly what is happening most of the time . He participates in community activities ,
ranging in content from attending the annual Chamber o f
Commerce Banquet to attending the John Birch Society meetin g
which developed in response to sex education in the high
school . With knowledge so developed, his advice is sough t
and used by many people . There are frequent visitors to
his office who have many different problems ; he gets call s
from credit bureaus and banks asking about character refer -
ences ; and a social worker from the county agency onc e
told me that the chief "was the only one up there (in
Sweet Home) that understands the people . "
The feeling on the chief s part that people must b e
taken into account is evident in his style . To use the
example of the introduction of radar, he first publicize d
the event in the local paper and then went to all of th e
service clubs and told them how it worked and why it wa s
being introduced . Next, he set up neighborhood demonstration s
where cars were stopped at random, the drivers told how fas t
they were going, and how the officer knew . He wanted i t
known that radar really worked . Finally, after three months
of demonstrations and publicity, the first ticket for speed -
ing was issued . Another example involved changing the colo r
of the patrol cars flashing lights . A state law was passe d
requiring police cars to use two blue, rather than two red , r flashers . The chief changed only one light on each ca r
because he wanted the people to get used to the blue light, and he said that some day he would change the whole thing .
This style, according to the chief, is a very effectiv e
one for Sweet Home, but it is seen as "old fashioned" an d
conservative by some people in other formal politica l
organizations .
The police department is now under the supervisio n
of the city manager . The relationship between the chie f
and the manager is a working one . The manager does no t manifest the chief s style, to be sure, as his is mor e
formal and legalistic . The manager has learned, as hav e
the councilmen, that the police chief has a very fir m popular position, and the efforts made to direct th e
department towards a more legalistic style of operatio n
and a more formalized organization must be made in a mos t
subtle manner . The council also realizes the chief s
position and, although they possibly see him as a remnan t
of "pre-developmental" Sweet Home, they respect tha t
position . The council is very much aware that the chie f
holds what may be called real political power .
The council-manager relationship with the polic e
department has not, however, been an entirely unbeneficia l
one . The manager realized that fact in 1969 when ne w
uniforms and facilities for the police were put on th e
budget and passed, along with many of his proposed items ,
because a large "support your local police" effort was i n
progress . The relationship is a working one, then, but the police department is clearly a representation of wha t
some "progressives" see as "unprogressive . " To many
of those new development-minded political actors in Swee t
Home, the police department, ideologically, at least, i s
personal, informal, and more a social welfare, as oppose d
to a legalistic, agency .
The technique of education for social control rather than legalism and adjudication seems to work well in Sweet Home, but it is a techniqu e requiring a high degree of interpersonal interaction and contact . Obviously , the influx of construction workers would severely stress these informa l means of law enforcement . Using 1962 as a base year, Sweet Home crime statistics indicate an increase in every category of offenses during th e
construction period as a result of the influx of construction workers .
The construction workers were not familiar with, and were harder t o interact with on, the personal law enforcement basis . Note, however ,
(Table VI), that, after the dam workers left, most crime categories returne d to just above pre-dam levels .
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2. Economi c
As was discussed under "Staging of Impacts, " one impact of the
construction of dams on Sweet Home was the stimulus to expand municipa l
and school services to meet the needs of the construction workers an d
in anticipation of population and economic growth . The growth did not
take place as anticipated ; thus, Sweet Home taxpayers have the impro ved
services but higher taxes to pay for them .
The impact of the dams in sustaining population and economi c
growth seems to have been overstated . This was due both to the tendenc y
of the Corps of Engineers to emphasize the project benefits, but not t o
realize the costs, and to local action groups, like the Chamber of Commerce ,
who pushed for the dams, assuming population and economic growth would
come with them . The survey of people living in the Sweet Home area
conducted in 1968, showed the following results when respondents were -
asked if the economic impact of the dams on Sweet Home had been as grea t
as it was believed it would be .
Table VII . Economic Impact as Expected
N=190 Percent Yes 25 . 3 No 60 . 0 No response 14 . 7
The direct economic impact of the payrolls from dam constructio n
on people who were Sweet Home residents or who remained in Sweet Home .
after the construction was 10 percent of the total payroll . Our . surveys of Sweet Home, Lebanon, and Albany, 5, 18, and 31 miles , respectively, from the construction sites, indicate the followin g percentages of people deriving household income from constructio n payrolls during the planning, construction, or operation phases o f the dams .
Table VIII . Income from Dam s
Planning Construction Operation
Sweet Home 4 16 4
Lebanon NA 7 NA
Albany NA 6 NA
The direct impact of increased income to people operating traile r court, rentals, taverns, grocery stores, and other service activitie s was more substantial . The exact magnitude of this impact can only b e determined from what people say . Their impression was that busines s people did quite well during the construction period . People ranked recreation supplies as most affected, then restaurants and taverns , main street merchants, and motels and trailer parks . We suspect that the trailer parks, especially, did better than people estimate . Taci t evidence of this is the number of unoccupied concrete slabs poure d for trailer patios .
It may be too early to tell whether the dams will contribut e to sustained economic growth . The construction of recreation site s has heen held up by a cutback in construction funds as a result o f the Viet Nam War . People may also be overly anxious . With time and the availability of the lakes, people and industry may move to Swee t Home . So far, few more have moved to Sweet Home than have left , due to lack of opportunity . What residents of Sweet Home have observed is good pay during the construction period . Then, when construction was completed, the boom turned into a recession .
Storekeepers point out that most of the stores which were in - tended to exploit the payrolls of the construction period ar e still there . Some stores greatly expanded their facilities to b e ready for the construction workers . Now, with the drop-off, thes e stores compete with one another . Figure 10 shows the continue d increase in commercial electric customers, while the number of res - idential electric customers have dropped off . The number of commer- cial electric customers is indicative of the number of sellers , while that of residential electric customers is indicative of th e number of buyers .
Not all businesses have experienced a gross sales curve whic h has a hump correlating with the construction period . Sporting goods stores indicate continued higher gross sales, as do some ga s stations . The pattern for many recreation enthusiasts using the lake s is to gas up in Sweet Home either on their way to the lakes or on th e way home from the lakes .
Dam construction has not stimulated the population and economi c growth Sweet Home residents had expected . This resulted in a period
f boom during the construction and then a recession as the . economy returned to the pre-dam level . Many still hope for population an d
economic growth resulting from the recreation enthusiasts drawn t o the dams, from increased numbers of retired people moving to the .
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s4uno33d io iagwnN area, or from new water or recreation oriented industry drawn t o
the area . Others feel it is more realistic not to depend on the ldams for population and economic growth . They feel new industry
will have to come before Sweet Home will begin to grow again .
The question might be asked, "Why should Sweet Home want to grow? "
Most Sweet Home residents, when surveyed in 1968, accepted the popula -
tion and economic growth psychology (see Table IX) . Clearly, the local
citizenry retains its faith in this process (see Impacts) .
Table IX Attitudes Toward Population and Economic Growt h
How do you fee l How do you fee l about a population about industry increase? coming?
Highly favor 39 .5 69 . 5
Favor somewhat 31.6 24 . 7
Undecided 6 .8 1 . 1
Disfavor somewhat 13 .2 2 . 6
Highly disfavor 6 .3 1 . 1
Dont t know 1 .1 -
No response 1 .6 1 .1
H . Problems : Social and Attitudina l
Attitudes toward population and economic growth, the actions and r
attitudes of urban-suburban migrants to Sweet Home regarding legalis m
and formalism, and the community s image of itself have all been factors ,
discussed in previous sections, which have necessitated social and atti -
tudinal adjustments by the people of Sweet Home . The nature of the social and attitudinal integration in Sweet Home is an additiona l factor explaining this, or any community s, adjustment to an ecolog - ical change such as dam construction .
For the type of social integration in a community, the con- cepts of reticulation, articulation, and non-articulation have bee n developed by Hogg (1965 and 1966) . The distinction between re- ticulation, articulation, and non-articulation is based on determin - ing whether the people and groups in the community are differentiate d or undifferentiated and whether the relations between them are specifi c or nonspecific .
The reticulated pattern is one in which the people and groups ar e undifferentiated, that is, all of the same kind ; they are highly inter - related, but have little or no specificity . A community in which th e people and groups are differentiated, are not all of the same kin d
(pluralistic), and do not relate to one another is called a non - articulated cultural system . The case between these two extremes , articulation, is a situation in which the people and groups are highl y differentiated or pluralistic, but in which they are highly interrelate d and have specific purposes .
The explanation for the highly integrated nature of reticulate d cultural systems is homogeneity in the kinds of people and in th e uniformity in their actions and attitudes . What, then, is the ex- planation for the integrated nature of articulated cultural systems ?
The explanation rests in an attribute of culture which is no t
well recognized . This is the observation that cultural system s
operate not just because of the uniformities held by the actors : rather, cultural systems operate based on the complementary inter - actions of differentiated and specific actors . Articulation emphasize s that communities not only function based on the similarity betwee n actors and their attitudes, but that communities also function base d on actions and attitudes which complement one another .
This may be a situation in which different actors, havin g different attitudes, participate in the same activity because th e activity allows each to achieve mutually compatible but differen t goals . For example, commercial and sport fishermen have differen t goals in harvesting salmon . The sport fisherman is interested in recreation ; the commercial fisherman is interested in profit . Both , however, participate in activities to conserve the salmon resource , but for very different goals .
A second kind of complementarity explains the resolution o f conflict in pluralistic situations so that an action can be accomplished .
This is a situation where the actors have conflicting goals and comple - mentarity is obtained when a balance is achieved between these competin g goals . Agreements regulating the methods for catching various fish ofte n achieve a balance between the preservation goals of one group and th e harvest goals of another .
Before the construction of the dams, Sweet Home was a more artic - ulated community than in the postconstruction period . The preconstruction patterns of social integration were specific with extensive role dif - ferentation, but were interrelated and interconnected to the loggin g economic base of the community . The influx of construction workers which increased the loca l population number and disrupted the existing patterns of integratio n created a more non-articulated social situation . That is, the pattern s of social integration remained specific, but were less interrelate d and more segmented .
This trend toward a more non-articulated community was furthe r intensified by the influx of the urban-suburban migrants . The increased legalism and formalism imposed by the urban-suburban migrants resulte d in more segmentation of community interaction patterns . This seg- mentation can be seen in Sweet Home s annual rites . The 1970 Chambe r of Commerce Banquet took on a much more precise time schedule . To save time, guests were introduced while people were eating dinner .
In keeping with the efficiency criterion, the "River Rats," a grou p who each year showed up in outlandish costumes and played a pran k of some sort, were encouraged not to attend this year . The banque t was strictly an efficiently run, formal, coat and tie affair .
Other annual rites, e .g., The Sportsman s Holiday, and othe r daily rituals, e .g., operation of city government, reflect the shif t to more non-articulated patterns of social integration . The new
Elks Club is the place where the urban-suburban migrants can go to escape from conflicts with their major cultural systems :
Thus, on the face of things, Sweet Home appears to be becomin g more non-articulated and more segmented . This, however, seems to be a functional part of Sweet Home s adaptation to its new self . Non- articulation results in the eradication of the old structure, to be replaced by a new one . From the preconstruction point of view ,
Sweet Home, the tough logging community subject to the booms an d
recessions of the lumber industry, has become more non-articulated ,
first due to the influx of construction workers, then due to th e
influx of urban-suburban migrants .
From the point of view of those attempting to make over Swee t
Home s environment, the community is becoming more articulated, no t
in the logging patterns of behavior, but in the urban-suburba n patterns of behavior . Sweet Homers are learning the new pattern s of legalism and formalism from the Chamber of Commerce Banquet ,
from the conflict between the police chief and the city govern- ment, and from the conflict over some provisions of the new zonin g ordinance . Each of these situations and many others have the functio n of shifting the basis for social integration in Sweet Home away fro m
logging to urban-suburban patterns . These urban-suburban patterns o f
a neat, clean, orderly community with good schools and municipa l
services and more formalism and legalism in interaction are emergin g
as a new set of articulated patterns for Sweet Home . These new patterns, still in the developmental stage, will be the basis for a new community articulation . The function of the construction worker s
in this process was to upset the preconstruction balance, when loggin g was the theme integrating Sweet Home . Now, logging, in associatio n with the urban-suburban emphasis, will provide the new base of articu -
lation, just as, in the 1940 s, logging was the new base of articulatio n merging the Oakies, Arkies, timber beasts, mill workers, business men , gyppos, and industrialists and synthesizing their cultural patterns for -108-
Sweet Home, the logging community .
The above describes an organizational process of communit y
change, from a stage of articulated patterns of social integratio n
to a stage of more non-articulated patterns, as a result of a sig -
nificant ecological change . This is followed by increased artic-
ulation based on a new theme .
Switching from the local community to the wider communit y
beyond Sweet Home, we find that Sweet Home has an insignifican t
role in impact on the community . The local community is non-
articulated in terms of the planning process . Recent legislation
which has created river basin commissions (e .g ., the Pacific North -
west River Basins Commission and, in the Willamette Valley, the Wil -
lamette Basin Task Force) has provided greater articulation betwee n
state agencies and federal agencies . The local communities, however ,
still remain non-articulated .
This is not to say that non-articulation is either good o r
bad; in different contexts it is both . For goals of planning ef-
ficiency, that is, getting a plan developed as rapidly as possible ,
the non-articulated framework is highly efficient, because a fe w
experts who know what has to be done can quickly prepare a plan . For
goals of optimizing environmental quality, a non-articulated syste m
is not good because the definition of environmental quality depend s
on the input of the attitudes and goals of people in the communities .
For non-articulated planning to work effectively, the planners goal s
must parallel those of the people for whom they are planning . The
widely held positive evaluation of population and economic growth provides this parallelism . As population and economic growth becom e increasingly subject to question, and as other goals in our cultur e become increasingly subject to question, planners must have bette r awareness of people s values, attitudes, and goals . To achieve this , a greater degree of articulation is needed . That is, a greater degree of complementary interaction has to occur between groups each having specific purposes .
I . Pertinent Social and Cultural Variable s
From our analysis, the most critical social and cultural variabl e pertinent to water resource development and planning is the analysis , in terms of roles, as to just who are the people who benefit fro m water resource development and just what are the benefits they derive . l
The definition of the benefits derived by beneficiaries depends on a second element of analysis -- the definition by people of "what is a benefit?" A good job can be a benefit from water resource develop- ment, just as a beautiful lake can be a benefit ; both depend on what people define as benefits . At one time, the straightening of rivers was perceived as a flood control benefit . With greater concern for anadromous fish migration and bird populations, river straightenin g has to be re-evaluated in light of new public definition of good river development .
1 Portions of the following are abstracted from a paper being pre- pared for publication by Smith and Hogg . The benefit and cost terminology associated with water develop -
ment project evaluation have to be expanded beyond just dollars an d
cents variables . They have to be looked at as "people " variables .
The definition and measurement of benefits implies the identificatio n
of a group of people whose welfare is enhanced by a particular project ;
these people we choose to call beneficiaries . The definition and
measurement of costs implies the identification of a group of peopl e who must bear the burden of paying for the project ; these people we
choose to call benefactors .
If a social system can be shown to exist in which people fill a t
least two operationally distinct roles, beneficiaries and benefactors , what kinds of questions would be raised by studying groups of peopl e who fill the role of beneficiary or benefactor? The kinds of question s which this role analysis must answer deal with the interplay betwee n
groups of people and their values, with how people define the benefi -
ciaries and benefactors of a water resource development project . The
discussion should illustrate how this interplay of beneficiaries an d benefactors constitutes a complex set of interrelationships amon g
people, and how systemic analysis by social scientists can mor e
clearly elaborate beneficiary and benefactor relationships .
From the general context of American culture, analysis of th e
evolution of water resource development decision making reveals a
fundamental shift from a situation in which the beneficiaries an d
the benefactors are the same individuals to one in which the two role s
become increasingly occupied by different individuals . To illustrate
this shift, we will briefly compare the first reclamation project to begin construction, the Salt River Project in Arizona, wit h the Green Peter Project built near Sweet Home .
When the Salt River Project was authorized in 1904 by th e
Secretary of the Interior, the authorization was contingent o n the willingness of the farmers of the Salt River Valley to repa y the costs of construction, which were estimated at $1 .50 per acre per year (Salt River Valley Water Users Association, 1903, p . 39) .
For such early reclamation projects, each farmer made his own benefit - cost analysis and decided whether he should commit his land to th e irrigation project . In the Salt River Valley, landowners were th e benefit-cost decision makers . This was because they were perceived at the time to be the principal beneficiaries and should, therefore , be the benefactors as well .
By contrast, the Green Peter Project, begun in 1963, was created as a multiple-purpose project . The purposes were flood control , power generation, irrigation, navigation, and recreation . The benefit - cost calculation for the construction of this project was not made b y the benefiting flood plain landowners, electric customers, farmers ; boat operators, or recreation enthusiasts, as the farmers of the Salt Rive r
Valley had done ; rather, the benefit-cost calculation was made by reps._, resentatives of the general public, the Corps of Engineers, the Burea u of the Budget, and Congress . For this project, the beneficiaries we-re not asked to commit themselves to the costs of construction of th e project as were the farmers of the Salt River Valley .
The structure of this situation, where most of the beneficiarie s did not bear any of the direct costs of construction, other than in their role as taxpayer, is very different from the more direc t involvement characteristic of the Salt River irrigation development .
The value for maximizing benefits over costs remained, but the valu e of the role of beneficiary was such that people worked to place them - selves in the role of beneficiary without performing the role o f benefactor . Obviously, no one reason fully explains this shift . The shift can, in part, be explained by changes made in the methods fo r calculating benefit-cost ratios . New concepts, indirect benefits , nonreimbursible costs, and multiple-purpose projects have been added to the benefit-cost considerations and the benefactor-beneficiar y categories . From a systems point of view, these new concepts signif y significant changes in the composition of the social system involve d with water resource development . The beneficiaries are no longer a relatively homogeneous population of farmers, each receiving a com- parable benefit ; they are a more heterogeneous population of farmers , electric customers, flood plain landowners, sportsmen, sightseers , campers, boaters, etc . With a heterogeneous population, it is much more difficult to assess the degree of each group s benefit and to organize people as benefactors . Further, the benefits cannot b e measured with one uniform quantity such as dollars and cents . We know the worth of water to a farmer, but what is the value of a beautiful lake with snowcapped mountains behind, or what would have been the value of not having the lake at all and keeping the stream in its natural state ?
People s values play an important part in explaining the shif t from beneficiaries and benefactors being the same individuals to -113-
multiple purpose projects in which beneficiaries are benefactor s
only in the sense that they are taxpayers . The role-playing shif t
is a structural change . Correlated with this structural change ha s been a shift in people s values regarding role assignment in wate r
resource development .
Benefit-cost analysis, whether applied by the federal governmen t or by private citizens, is an evaluative process for determining th e
ratio of benefits to costs in economic terms . Translated into socia l
action, benefits are indicative of the role of beneficiary and cost s
are indicative of the role benefactor . In American culture, th e objective is to maximize benefits over costs and to maximize partici - pation in the role of beneficiary over participation in the role o f benefactor . Where the role of beneficiary and benefactor become in -
creasingly separated, as in the case of the Green Peter Project, an d
the same individuals do not perform in each role, the social psychology of the situation becomes one of getting something for nothing .
We are not suggesting that benefit-cost decision making shoul d be abandoned in our culture . We do suggest, however, that peopl e recognize that benefit-cost decision making is a reflection of th e value structure of our culture . To the extent people accept thes e values, it is a useful tool . To the extent people are not satisfie d with the environment which this social psychology has created, othe r alternatives should be sought .
To this end, better decisions could be made if greater concer n was paid people and their values regarding participation in the role s of beneficiary and benefactor . This means expanding project analysis -114-
from measurement of benefits to identification of populations o f beneficiaries and from measurement of costs to identification o f populations of benefactors . With this modification, the true nature of the social situation reveals itself not as benefits versus costs , but as beneficiaries versus benefactors .
More explicit and detailed role analysis, we feel, is mos t pertinent to social and cultural questions facing water resourc e development planning . From this the analysis naturally leads t o the nature of the operation of the socio-cultural systems for wate r resource development . Our approach to the analysis of socio-cultura l systems is summarized as follows :
1 . Organization -- Reticulation, Non-Articulation, Articulation
These concepts developed by Hogg (1965 and 1966) illustrate three different kinds of integration in socio-cultural systems .
As previously stated, the distinction between the concepts is base d on determining whether the people and groups of a socio-cultura l system are differentiated or undifferentiated (different or similar ) and whether the relations between the people and groups are specifi c or nonspecific in purpose (specialized or unspecialized) .
The reticulated pattern is one in which the people and group s
are undifferentiated, that is, all of the same kind ; and they are highly interrelated with little or no specificity, that is, they are
unspecialized. A cultural system in which the elements are differenti -
ated, or not all of the same kind, and in which the elements are non -
specific, or do not relate to one another, is called non-articulated . Between these two extremes is articulation, a situation in whic h
the elements are differentiated and have specific purposes .
Reticulation, non-articulation, and articulation are concept s y for describing the integration of socio-cultural systems . The nature of integration has implications for economic development, stimulu s
to innovation, and acceptance of planning ideas . Observational and
questionnaire techniques have been developed to measure these variable s
for the study of the impacts of water resource development in th e
Santiam.
2 . Territoriality
Territoriality is a concept concerned with the relation betwee n
the boundaries of the ecological system and the spatial orientation s
of the groups of the socio-cultural system (Service, 1961 : 20-23) .
This ecological and socio-cultural system interplay has been calle d
"water space" (Padfield and Smith, 1968) . Smith and Padfield (1969) ,
comparing a number of water resource development projects on a world -
wide basis, have found that economic development occurred more readil y
in situations where there was territorial commonality between th e
spatial distribution of the water resource and the territorial inter-
ests of planners and managers of the water resource .
The measurement of territoriality is straightforward . The rive r
basin boundary can be identified from the analysis of terrain, an d
water managing institutions generally formally define the area fo r
which they maintain jurisdiction in terms of terrain features .
Techniques for measuring economic growth (increased real income
per capita) are relatively well developed . Economic development, how- -116 -
ever, includes institutional changes and measurement techniques whic h are not as well developed (Moore, 1966 : 5-6) . Smith and Padfield relied mostly on economic growth in their discussion ; however, from our experience, some of the institutional changes which accompan y
the increase in output are significant, and more explicit indicator s need to be developed for them .
3 . Alternatives
With water resource development, there is an increase in th e number of alternatives available to the people and groups involved .
An alternative is a way of doing things which is known to some, bu t not all, of the people (Linton, 1936 : 273 ; Redfield, 1941 : 347-348) .
New alternatives are formulated by specific groups of people dependin g on their creativity in seizing on the alternations made to the physical ,
social, and cultural environment by a water resource development project .
So far, the measurement of alternatives has been through the ob -
servations of the activities of people experiencing water resourc e
development . Measurement of this variable has been accomplished b y
comparing before and after inventories of the ends and goals held b y
groups of people . Yet determining before from after is no simple task ,
because incipient water resource development stimulates a number o f
responses before any modification to the physical environment take s
place . Thus, the mental image which people hold of the project ofte n
stimulates an expansion of alternatives .
For the Green Peter Project, migrant workers began to appear in
the area three years before the project was funded ; residents of Sweet Home became increasingly concerned about community appearance wel l before construction of the dams began . The Sweet Home-Green Pete r
Boat, Yacht, and Regatta Association, formed to expedite planning , claimed the largest membership of any such club well before any earth had been turned to construct a dam which would impound water .
4 . Complementarity
Two kinds of decision making have been observed to be prevalen t in water resource development . One is cooperation between people and groups because of mutually compatible ends . The multipurpose concep t would be an example ; the construction of a dam might be undertake n because it reduces flood losses for floodplain landowners, increase s hydroelectric power production for industrial electric customers, in - creases recreation space for recreation enthusiasts, and provide s irrigation water for farmers . The floodplain landowners, electric customers, recreation enthusiasts, and farmers support the projec t because it optimizes the particular ends which each holds . This is a different kind of decision making from the situation where the federa l government agrees to increase the rate on Bonneville power project s to 4-7/8 percent, but restricts this increase to new constructio n projects . People from areas not benefiting from electricity mad e cheaper by the lower 3-1/4 percent interest rate pressed for an in - crease on all projects, new and old . Officials in the Pacific North - west argued that to increase the interest rate would force an increas e in Bonneville industrial power rates, which would impair the industria l development of the Pacific Northwest . These officials argued for the continuation of the 3-1/4 percent interest rate . The final decision
represented a balance between the two competing extremes .
Measurement of the kind of decision making has been based on th e
judgment of individual researchers using descriptive examples, as th e
above . The next step is to develop the procedures for easier and mor e
objective identification .
5 . Personality Factors
People play the roles of State Water Commissioner, mayor, industr y president, and all the other positions necessary to plan and execut e water resource developments . In every instance, these people leave
the imprint of their personalities .
Did the mayor really fire the police chief because he did not lik e
fat people? Was the dynamism of the members of the Chamber of Commerce
responsible for the funding of the project where previous chambers ha d
failed? The answers to these questions depend on analysis of the actor s personalities .
The personality dimension is not something which can be measure d
by existing psychological tests . This dimension of personality i s
more an assessment of individual qualities and their impact on wate r
resource development decision making . It includes such qualities a s
leadership, ability to predict the responses of others, self-imag e
and self-awareness, personal values, and dynamism . Improved tools are
required in order to explain the impact of individual qualities on wate r
resource planning and development . V . Implication s
A . General
This project was designed to focus upon the problem field arising from the relationship of water resource development projects to th e inhabitants of the setting undergoing change . It has disclosed both the types and complexity of social and attitudinal requirements which develop in the face of local ecological modifications and it has pro- vided a new knowledge of impacts beyond the formal economic and politica l spheres . It has also revealed how water resource development decision s external to a local setting are transmitted to social actions in th e local setting .
The research has revealed the cultural complexity and heterogeneit y that exists within communities affected by such changes, just as i t provides evidence of cultural differences between the water resourc e development system and most of the recipients of its actions . It has revealed that, in spite of these complicated differences, Euro -
Americans generally view massive technological products as beneficia l to their lives . In this sense, then, the technological emphasis o f our larger cultural system is a general American trait, while human organization is less emphasized and frequently constitutes a limitin g factor on the full realization of technological developments .
The heterogeneous and pluralistic cultures of American communitie s would not appear to present barriers to technological change . They assure that the technological development will be differentially define d in positive terms, in spite of any real negative influences it migh t present. Water in western culture and water resource development in th e
United States constitute an extremely important problem field for th e public and for social research . The capacity of these developments to restructure and reorient social and cultural systems of indigenou s
inhabitants and immigrants to a setting is tremendous . These socio- cultural systems determine the acceptance of the developments an d the extent to which local people can organize, establish resources , and orient themselves to participate in the role of beneficiary .
The exogenous socio-cultural system from which the water resourc e development stems holds the important resources from which all, some , or none of the local recipients will ultimately benefit . The extent to which all participants goals are known, articulated, and ar e complementary is the basis on which project benefits may be extended .
B . Economic Development and Technological Change %
Dam construction and a faith in economic development have stimulate d
Sweet Home to expand its school and municipal services . The hoped-for economic development did not occur . The construction workers came an d left . Now Sweet Home residents are the beneficiaries of improve d
services, but they are the benefactors as well . They have had to
accept increased tax burdens rather than have the costs absorbed by a
growing community .
The notion of economic development as a stimulus to subsequen t
community benefits has actually become a bewildering array of socia l
and cultural consequences of activities related to technologica l
change . The benefits of technological development many times fall, -121-
on the cost side of the ledger, depending on whether the individua l
}s performing the role of citizen benefiting from improved communit y services or taxpayer . Economic development conceived in such term s becomes a panacea to the beneficiaries only and a perplexity to thos e who conceived themselves as beneficiaries but ended up paying th e costs of these benefits because the hoped-for economic developmen t h}as not yet materialized .
Sweet Home, Oregon, represents a case where consideration o f multiple factors is necessary to provide an adequate explanation o f the consequences of technological change . It discloses that ne w expanded services are still to be supported by local taxpayers unde r
he condition of increased tax severity . It shows that the relationship between Sweet Home and the larger cultural system was, in part, responsibl e for this situation . Rapid inflation and the acceptance of increased cost s of school and municipal services, especially with regard to salar y increases, were changes occurring on a national level . The attitudes and noninvolvement of Sweet Home residents allowed newcomers with urba n and suburban backgrounds to direct programs to make over the community .
Sweet Home s noninvolved public remains so . They see the beauti- fied median strip down Main Street ; they see the efforts to remove the blight of dilapidated old buildings in the town . The old-timers have seen this pattern before and a few write it off as inevitable but in - effectual . To the newcomers the ineffectuality is a myth, but to a few old-timers the promise of economic development has been a myt h which has been replayed on several occasions in their memory . They have begun to suspect this process which has failed Sweet Home before . Economic development, then, has not been a panacea for Swee t
Home ; it has resulted in perplexity . Sweet Homers now benefit fro m improved school and municipal services which they provided expectin g economic development, but which they have ended up providing mostl y for themselves . Sweet Home as a specific context of economic develop - ment carries important implications for establishing knowledge of th e process of economic development and cultural change . Yet, here is an example of a community which embraced the process and did not realiz e its expectations . Perhaps more interesting and indicative of th e entrenchment of the value of economic development is the fact tha t three-fourths of those surveyed have not lost hope . They articulate the desire to see Cascadia Dam, a third dam in the area, constructed .
C . Social Systems and Water Resource Development
Water resource development is one of the many arms of the industrial - technological system in the United States . As such it constitutes a major influence on American social systems, to include those of loca l populations and regional and national planners of water resource develop - ment . Local communities are more the recipients of social impacts tha n they are contributors to the design of water resource development .
The implication of this statement for water resource developmen t is to suggest that procedures be developed for greater communit y involvement in the preconstruction phase where plans for water resourc e development are made, evaluated, and institutionalized . Further, this community involvement should be carried through the construction an d postconstruction phases so that the community is continually planning, r -123-
evaluating, and institutionalizing, as well as continually makin g
an input to planners of the values, attitudes, and goals to b e
optimized .
Community input into planning is not the only additional inpu t
required, but it is an input which this study has shown to be clearly
inadequate . Other inputs might include better interagency coordination .
The example of the conflict between the Bureau of Land Management an d
the Corps of Engineers over recreation development is an example of a
lick of effective interagency interaction .
Thus, like the process by which the community moves from articulatio n
ai new cultural patterns are integrated, the relationship between Swee t
Home and the state and federal agencies for water resource developmen t
shliould follow the same pattern . Currently, the relation between Swee t
Home and the larger community is very non-articulated .
D . The Evolution of Values and Water Resource Developmen t 1
The general value structure for water resource development plannin g
appears to be undergoing a fundamental change . Review of the histori c
goals behind water resource development suggests three quite differen t
stages for water resources definition and use .
The first stage involves the value of water resource develop -
ment as a stimulus to population and economic growth in the West .
Growing from the frontier ethos, public policy was established t o
use water resource development as a means to realizing the full develop -
ment of the land s potential . The second stage, still in process ,
adopts a dominant cultural norm which sees water resource development as inevitable, if not necessary . Water resource development is no t now needed so much to stimulate growth as it is to keep up wit h growth. A third stage to this evolutionary process is incipient .
Future cultural values and thinking with respect to water resourc e development will be to look at development as a means for controllin g or managing both the location and quantity of population and economi c growth .
Study of the history of water resource development in the Unite d
States, specifically for projects in the Willamette Basin of Oregon , amplified the point that current planning concepts are at the secon d evolutionary stage posed . Increased environmental awareness suggest s that a new approach to water resource development is in the offing .
In order for new bases for planning to be created and accepted, plan - ners must think of population and economic growth as dependen t variables . This calls for a shift in the totality of the cultural values relating to these variables .
It appears essential for this new planning that planners shoul d receive inputs of people s attitudes and goals and, second, receiv e inputs of people s actions, as they both relate to environmenta l quality, population, and economic growth . A planning process broader in scope which develops concerns for the total environment, bot h ecological and cultural, is one basic requirement . Planning institu- tions must be configured to incorporate many ecological and cultura l systems in a dynamic process of continuity and change . Second , planners must sensitize their approaches to incorporate publi c actions and attitudes as essential components, because these actions and attitudes become the foundation on which the plan rests .
People will demand that project benefits and costs be expande d beyond the narrow economic sense to include consideration for man s adaptation to his total environment . The major benefit of thi s consideration is man s continued survival ; the major cost for no t considering man s adaptation could be his future extinction .
In addition to this most basic benefit, people will demand con- cern be given to the problems of getting a living which enables th e individual to meet the subsistence needs of self and family, to es - tablishing community which provides for cooperation among individual s and the management of conflict, to establishing improved communicatio n which promotes interpersonal interaction, and for fostering innovatio n which provides the new ideas necessary to adapt to new environmenta l situations .
With this kind of water resource development planning which become s total resource planning, man s culture is the vital driving force . T o consciously incorporate cultural elements, our culture will have to be a n element of continual investigation and evaluation so that planners hav e up-to-date information on people s actions and attitudes .
E . Culture Change
The process of cultural change may be approached and explaine d in numerous ways . Just as each resident of Sweet Home perceives th e
Foster and Green Peter Dams differently according to his persona l experience, so, too, do anthropologists approach the tools, behaviors, and ideas of man in different terms . The complexity of the social an d cultural system in Sweet Home, Oregon, as well as the region and natio n of which it is a part, do carry implications and provide perspective fo r several different viewpoints of the process of culture change and fo r assessing the present placement of the United States in that process .
First, industrial technology and its sustaining values are by n o means diffused to all sectors of the United States . Folk traditions , customary law, and personalized interaction still persist in America n communities, even though their members may obtain a livelihood from th e industrial technology . As Sweet Home indicates, industrial developmen t in the United States did not begin to penetrate rural areas and to markedl y affect most rural peoples until the World War II era . It would therefore appear that much of the United States in general cultural terms is experienc - ing the same process of technological change as the so-called underdevelope d world . Shorn of our unique cultural content, Americans are adjusting t o industrial technology simultaneously with the rest of the world .
Second, much of rural America, particularly the rural west, i s culturally pluralistic and its organization manifests this pluralism .
In structural terms, this means that many small rural communitie s manifest markedly urban traits, particularly when their technolog y involves extractive industry . Thus, perhaps social and organiza- tional traits of many rural areas of America are "developed" in a far greater sense than we usually think of rural regions . Still , rural communities provide their members as immigrants to the city , but with a promise for new development they also receive migrants -127-
from the city, that is, those who would escape its limited alterna -
tives . These "urban escapees" contribute heavily to the pluralis m
of rural America .
Third, exogenous impetus for cultural change may come in term s
of ideas and behaviors appropriate to a given technology, even befor e
the technology arrives . Thus, communities may be restructured and re -
oriented to a particular new way of life well in advance of developin g
that new subsistence system . This implies that technological change ,
even in situations of exogenous impetus, is not necessarily causall y r related to changes of organization and ideology . Furthermore, i t implies that settings may, through unique historical circumstances ,
endogenously develop the ideological and organizational bases for a ne w
technology well in advance of that technology s development .
1
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1965 A preliminary land use plan for the Lebanon area of Lin n County . Eugene, Univerisity of Oregon .
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Drew, E . B . 1970 Dam outrage : the story of the army engineers . Atlanti c 225 :51-62 . (April 1970) .
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1968 Socio-cultural impacts of water development . In People and Water . Proceedings of the Oregon State University Wate r Resources Research Institute .
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1
Service, Elman R. 1961 Primitive social organization, an evolutionary perspective . New York, Random House .
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U. S. Army Engineer District, Portlan d 1957 Design memo no . 2 . hydrology and meterology, Green Pete r Reservoir -- Middle Santiam River, Oregon .
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1968 Green Peter Reservoir (pamphlet) .
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1950 House Document #531 . Columbia River and tributaries . Northwestern United States . Vol . V, March 20 . Washington , U. S . Government Printing Office . RELATED PUBLICATIONS, REPORTS, AND PAPERS
Publications
Hogg, T. C . and Marlin R . McComb, "Cultural Pluralism and Its Implications for Education," Educational Leadership, December 1969 .
Hogg, T. C . and Marlin McComb, "Cultural Roulette and Educational Adaptation : Local Educational Systems in Changing America, " Submitted for publication .
Smith, C . L . and T . C . Hogg, "Benefits and Beneficiaries," Water Resources Research, (forthcoming) .
Reports
Hogg, T . C . " Socio-Cultural Impacts of Water Resource Develo p- ment in the Santiam River Basin," Annual Report submitte d to OWRR through Water Resources Research Institute, Oregon State University, July, 1969 .
Smith, C . L ., R. Hart, and J . Sanders, "The Socio-Cultura l Impacts of Water Resource Development in the Santiam, " Report on Current Research presented to the Annual Meetin g of the American Anthropological Association, November 20-23 , 1969 . New Orleans, La .
Papers
Hogg, T . C ., "Education and Cultural Pluralism in Sweet Home, " address presented to the Linn County Mental Health Symposium , Mental Health : People, Schools, Community , Sweet Home, Oregon , August 1968 .
Hogg, T . C ., "Cultural Pluralism," paper presented to the meeting s of the Linn County Intermediate Education District, Lebanon , Oregon, October 1968 .
Hart, Ronald, "The Urban Escapee and Backwoods Politics," pape r presented to the meetings of the Northwest Anthropologica l Conference, Oregon State University, March 1970 .
11 Manuscripts in Preparatio n
Articles :
Smith, C . L ., M. Reagan, and T . C . Hogg, "Economic Development : Panacea or Perplexity . "
Hogg, T . C., "Social Systems and Technological Change . "
Smith, C . L ., and R . Hart, " Urban Escapism : Patterns i n Migrancy . "
Smith, C . L . and T . C. Hogg, " Cultural Patterns in Water Resourc e Development : Past, Present, and Future , " invited paper for American Water Resources Association Annual Meeting Octobe r 26-30, 1970 .
Books and Monographs :
Hogg, T . C ., Dam the River .