Journal of Personality and Social 1980, Vol. 39, No. 2, 186-200

A Cognitive (Attribution)--Action Model of Motivated Behavior: An Analysis of Judgments of Help-Giving

Bernard Weiner University of California, Los Angeles

Six experiments examined the relations of causal attributions and affect to judg- ments of help-giving. The first experiment considered the influence of three dimensions of causality (locus, stability, and control) on judgments concerning the lending of class notes. Ratings of help were lowest when the cause of the need was internal to the actor and was controllable (e.g., lack of effort). It was suggested that ascriptions to internal controllable factors maximize negative affect (disgust and anger) and promote avoidance behavior. On the other hand, attributions to uncontrollable factors (e.g., ability or teacher shortcomings) were anticipated to generate positive affect (sympathy) and give rise to approach behavior (help). The next five experiments examined these hypotheses and an attributional model of helping, using a simulational, judgment paradigm with both correlational and experimental designs. These investigations utilized sce- narios describing a drunk or a disabled individual in need of aid (from Piliavin, Rodin, & Piliavin), The data suggested a temporal sequence of attribution- affect-action in which attributions guide our feelings, but emotional reactions provide the motor and direction for behavior. Comparisons and contrasts were made between this approach to helping and other conceptions.

Many behavioral sequences appear to be ini- characteristic or an unbecoming physical ap- tiated following a causal ascription for an pearance. A self-ascription for rejection en- event. For example, in an achievement-related genders a number of negative esteem-related context, an individual may succeed at an exam. affects and "hurt feelings" (Folkes, 1978) The success is then attributed to help from that may in turn initiate actions anticipated others, such as a classmate who lent him or to be instrumental to the avoidance of such her the class notes. Attribution of success to affects, such as not appearing at a party. others gives rise to gratitude (Weiner, Russell, In the above scenarios, following the per- & Lerman, 1978, 1979) and seems likely to ception of an event a cognition (attribution) promote actions instrumental to the mainte- - emotion - action temporal sequence is sug- nance of the relationship, such as the purchase gested in which causal ascriptions produce af- of a gift. In a similar manner, in an affiliative fect (although there are other sources of af- context, assume that an individual attempting fect; see Weiner et al., 1978, 1979), and emo- to establish a dating relationship is rejected. tions, in turn, provide the motor and direction This rebuff could be attributed to an aspect for behavior (see Tomkins, 1963). Thus, a of the self, such as an aversive personality sequential organization between the tripartite division within psychology of thought, feel- ing, and action is proposed. This research was supported by Grant MH2S687-OS from the National Institute of Mental Health and by The postulated motivational ordering is a grant from the Spencer Foundation. Appreciation documented here by analyzing a situation of is expressed to Paul Simon and Kathy Sredl for help-giving first investigated by Piliavin, their help. Rodin, and Piliavin (1969). In the study Requests for reprints should be sent to Bernard Weiner, Department of Psychology, University of conducted by Piliavin et al., an individual (a California, Los Angeles, California 90024. confederate) falls in a subway. In one con-

Copyright 1980 by the American Psychological Association, Inc. 0022-3S14/80/3902-0186$00.75

186 ANALYSIS OF JUDGMENTS OF HELP-GIVING 187 dition the confederate appears to be drunk rather than affect, is the immediate cause of (carrying a bottle and smelling of alcohol), action: whereas in a second condition he seems to be disabled (carrying a black cane). Piliavin et al. affect related bystander help to the perceived cause falling causal analysis • of falling and a number of other variables. For the present purposes, the two experimental behavior conditions described above are the only fac- tors of importance. Given this model, falling might be perceived, Guided by the proposed model of moti- for example, as resulting from an internally vated behavior, it is presumed that the per- controllable cause, and this attribution would ception of an event (falling) gives rise to a generate both disgust and neglect. search for causation (although this may be a The following series of studies examines secondary appraisal, following reflexive ap- the attributional and the affective determi- proach or avoidance reactions and a primary nants of helping judgments (and, I believe, emotional appraisal such as fear or startle; helping behavior). In Experiment 1, three see Lazarus, 1968). The reasons for falling, dimensions of causality are related to judg- in this case, are made evident by the experi- ments of helping within an academic context. mental manipulations of drunkenness and ill- Experiment 2 then moves to a different social ness. These attributions are then subject to setting, with subjects making judgments about further causal analysis, with the ascriptions causal dimensions and additionally reporting placed within particular causal dimensions that what their feelings would be in the situations describe the basic properties of causes. Three created by Piliavin et al. (1969). In this dimensions of causality tentatively have been manner the presupposed drunkenness - in- identified: locus, stability, and controllability ternal-control - disgust and illness - lack-of- (see Weiner, 1979). In the present context, personal-control - sympathy linkages were the locus and controllability dimensions seem examined. In Experiment 3, following the con- to be of greatest importance. It is reasoned firmation of the proposed linkages, the degree that illness is perceived as not subject to of personal control, the positive and negative personal control, whereas the individual is be- emotional reactions of sympathy and disgust, lieved to be personally responsible for being and the perceived likelihood of aid were rated, drunk. These opposing construals are hypothe- intercorrelated, and contrasted between the sized to give rise to differential affects, here drunk and the ill conditions. In addition, par- labeled pity and sympathy (toward the dis- tial correlational analyses determined the ef- abled person) and disgust or anger (toward fects of perceived control on helping ratings with affect statistically partialed out, and the the drunk). These affects, in turn, respectively influence of affect on judged behavior when beget approach versus avoidance behavior or perceived control was held constant. help versus neglect. Hence, the sequence of The next three investigations were experi- motivated behavior is depicted as: mental rather than correlational, in that the variables hypothesized as mediating between (observation from falling and help-giving (i.e., attributions and Piliavin et al.) affect) were manipulated rather than assessed. falling - help (or neglect) In Experiment 4, the two polarities of per- \ ceived personal control were factorially com- causal analysis bined with the drunk-ill variable; in Experi- (inference) ment 5, the two types of affect were factorially combined with the two perceived causes; Other motivational sequences also may be finally, Experiment 6 employed a more com- hypothesized. For example, it might be pre- plete design (two causes of falling by two sumed that a causal attribution gives rise to polarities of perceived control by two types both affect and behavior so that thought, of affect). In all the investigations the de- 188 BERNARD WEINER pendent variable was the subjects' judgments control; see Weiner, 1979). They suggest that about whether or not they would give help if in the Berkowitz (1969) investigation, the they were present in the situation. causal ascription to the experimenter both is As was just indicated, in this research the external to the subject and is uncontrollable dependent variable was judgment of aid, not by him or her, whereas an attribution to the actual help-giving. The implicit starting point subject's own mismanagement is internal to of this endeavor is the belief that "role-enact- the subject and is perceived as controllable. ment strategies . . . can help us to spread a Hence, two dimensions of causality are con- broad net, to generate hypotheses, and to founded, and it is impossible to conclude build heuristic models of human social be- which of the two causal dimensions is respon- havior" (Cooper, 1976, p. 609). It is not as- sible for the differential help-giving. Ickes and sumed that the rated likelihoods of aid and Kidd (1976), in contrast to Berkowitz actual help-giving are isomorphic; individuals (1969), contend that it is the controllable surely are not aware of all the variables that aspect of the perceived cause, and not the either facilitate or hinder helping behavior, locus, that mediated the disparate help-giving. and they may incorrectly believe that certain In Experiment 1, the three-dimensional variables will influence their actions, when classification of causes was applied to an in- in reality the variables are unimportant. In stance of helping behavior (lending class notes the situations presented here, however, it is to an unknown classmate; from Barnes, Ickes, not unreasonable to presume that the judg- & Kidd, 1979). The causes of the need for ment data in the various experimental condi- aid selected represented eight possible causal tions would correspond to the rank ordering conditions (two levels of locus by two levels of actual aid proffered, if all else were equal of stability by two levels of control). This de- between conditions. sign allowed the determination of which di- mension^) of causality mediate judgments Experiment 1 concerning help-giving. Determination of the causal dimension(s) relevant to helping judg- As already indicated, three dimensions of ments provides a necessary foundation for the causality have been identified: locus (whether subsequent investigations. the cause is internal or external to the actor); stability (whether the cause is perceived as temporary or permanent); and controllability Method (whether or not the cause is subject to per- Subjects were 15 male and IS female students sonal influence—see Weiner, 1979). A number enrolled in introductory psychology at the Univer- of investigators have suggested that aid is sity of California, Los Angeles, participating to determined, in part, by the perceived locus of fulfill a course requirement. The subjects judged the likelihood of help-giving in 16 situations. Two dif- causality, with help more likely when the per- ferent themes ("professor" and "employer"), each ceived cause of a need is an environmental generating eight judgments, were used, with the barrier, as opposed to being internal to the stories presented in two random orders within a person desirous of aid (e.g., Berkowitz, 1969; theme. The order of the themes was counterbal- anced. These themes were selected after extensive Ickes, Kidd, & Berkowitz, 1976; Schopler & pilot studies revealed that the specific stories within Matthews, 1965). For example, Berkowitz re- each theme were classified in the experimenter- ported that individuals were more inclined designated three-dimensional placement by more than to help an experimental subject when the ex- 90% of the judges. perimenter caused a delay in the subject's re- Both themes involved an unknown student asking to borrow the notes from the last class period (from sponse, as opposed to a condition in which Barnes et al., 1979). The "professor" theme con- the subject was perceived as responsible for veyed that the student always (stable) or sometimes falling behind in the experiment. (unstable) did not take notes because of something Ickes and Kidd (1976) have pointed out about himself (internal) or something about the professor (external). Either he was unable to take that the locus of causality explanation sug- good notes (uncontrollable) or did not try (con- gested by Berkowitz confounds the dimensions trollable), whereas the professor either was unable of locus and intentionality (which I will label to give a clear lecture or did not try. For example, ANALYSIS OF JUDGMENTS OF HELP-GIVING 189 an internal, stable, and uncontrollable cause was Table 1 that the student was never able to take good notes Mean Likelihood of Helping as a Function, of (low ability), whereas an external, stable, and un- Locus and Control of Cause controllable cause was that the professor was never able to give a clear lecture. Each specific story within the eight conditions elaborated this basic Locus Controllable Uncontrollable scenario. The "employer" theme stated that the stu- dent did not have the notes because he (or the Internal 3.13 6.74 boss) always (or sometimes) was responsible for External 7.35 6.98 his coming late to school, which could (could not) have been avoided. Note, The higher the number, the greater the likeli- Following each causal statement the subjects rated hood of help-giving. the likelihood of lending their notes to the student. Judgments were made on a 10-point scale anchored at the ends with "extremely likely to help" and The above argument assumes that causes "extremely unlikely to help." can be labeled as controllable although they cannot be subject to the personal influence of Results and Discussion the actor. For example, if the teacher, by not trying, is responsible for the student's prob- An analysis of variance (ANOVA) indicated lem, then that cause may be labeled as con- that sex, theme, and stability did not appear trollable, even though from the perspective as main effects or in interaction with any of of the student the cause is beyond personal the other variables. These factors therefore control. Of course, if the disadvantages of are omitted from the remainder of the this forced orthogonality between the causal analyses. dimensions are proven to exceed the advan- The mean helping judgments in the four tages, then a different conceptual analysis is conditions (two levels of locus by two levels warranted in which external causes are not of control) are shown in Table 1. There is a distinguished according to their control- main effect for locus, F(l, 28) = 118.24, p lability. < .0001, and for controllability, F(l, 28) = There is additional evidence that perceived 79.31, p < .0001. More important, there is a personal control relates to a variety of inter- highly significant Locus X Controllability personal judgments. For example, in achieve- interaction, F(l, 28) = 198.47, p < .0001. ment-related contexts effort is a much more Examination of Table 1 shows that helping is potent determinant of teacher evaluation than reported to be relatively equal and reasonably is ability. High effort is rewarded more than high in all conditions except when the cause high ability, given success, and lack of is internal and controllable, in which case effort is punished more than a lack of ability, aid is reported as being withheld. Thus if the given failure (see Weiner & Kukla, 1970). It student did not try to take notes or could is suggested that because effort is perceived as have avoided the lateness, then help appar- internal and controllable, reward and punish- ently would not be given. Rated help is sig- ment for achievement performance are height- nificantly less likely (p < .0001) in this ened. condition than in the remaining three Locus Furthermore, sentiments are also influenced X Controllability conditions. by perceived internal controllability. Peplau, In sum, these data tell a simple but mean- Russell, and Heim (1979) summarize a ingful story and permit an unambiguous number of investigations indicating that per- interpretation of the prior findings in the sons lonely for reasons that are perceived as area. The mismanaging subjects in the Berko- personally controllable (e.g.; do not try to witz (1969) experiment were not aided be- make friends) are less liked and are given cause they were perceived as personally less sympathy than are individuals lonely for responsible (able to respond; Ickes & Kidd, uncontrollable reasons (e.g., no opportunity 1976) for their plight. The interaction of two to meet people). It seems reasonable to sur- dimensions of causality—locus and control— mise that such sentiments also would apply influences judgments of help and, presumably, in achievement-related contexts: A person help-giving. failing because of a lack of effort probably 190 BERNARD WEINER will be disliked, in addition to being judged trollability. The meaning of each dimension was responsible for the failure. Furthermore, an elaborated with specific examples. The rating scales were anchored at the extremes with the poles of the individual's obesity that is attributed to self- dimensions (internal-external; permanent-temporary; indulgence—a deficiency in "try"—gives rise controllable-uncontrollable), and responses to them to disliking of that person, whereas this is not were given immediately following each scenario and the case if the obesity is ascribed to a physio- the emotional reports. For scoring purposes the logical dysfunction—a deficiency in "can" scales were divided into nine equal intervals. (Dejong, 1980). In sum, there is vast evidence demonstrat- Results and Discussion ing the influence of perceived personal control The 240 affects listed by the subjects (40 in interpersonal judgments, including evalua- subjects by two causes by three affects) were tion, sentiments, and as documented here, classified into 13 categories, with a 94% inter- thoughts about help-giving. The questions rater agreement. Table 2 shows the categories, guiding the five investigations about to be the percentage of responses in each category, presented, which are set within the context of and the number of subjects giving a category the experiment created by Piliavin et al. response as their first reaction. The categories (1969), are whether thoughts about helping are labeled sympathy (e.g., pity, feeling are directly mediated by perceptions of causal- sorry); concern (concern and worry); nega- ity or whether causal thoughts are linked tive affect toward the person (e.g., anger, dis- with particular affects that in turn influence gust) ; general discomfort (e.g., embarrassed, judgments of help. The general hypotheses upset); fear; caution; surprise, positive ac- examined are that perceived personal control tion (e.g., seek help); apathy; personal short- for a need generates disgust or anger, whereas comings (e.g., helpless, inadequate); informa- lack of perceived personal control gives rise tion seeking (e.g., curious); description (e.g., to sympathy. These affects then beget ap- a wino); and unclassified. proach (help) or avoidance (neglect) judg- The largest difference between the drunk ments. and the ill conditions involved negative af- fects toward the person. Of the responses Experiment 2 elicited by the description of the drunk per- son, 2T°/o were negative affects directed Method toward him, whereas such negativity char- In Experiment 2, both thoughts about causality acterized only 3% of the responses toward and affects are examined in a help-giving context. the ill individual. In addition, nearly one The subjects were 40 male and female students third (13 of 40) of the subjects listed a enrolled in introductory psychology at the Univer- negative emotion toward the drunk as their sity of California, Los Angeles, participating to ful- fill a course requirement. They were given the initial feeling, but this was not true in any following scenarios (based upon Piliavin et al., 1969, instance for the case of the ill person. Con- p. 291) in counterbalanced order: cerning the more positive outward-directed affective categories of sympathy and concern, At about 1:00 in the afternoon you are riding a there was a trend in the reverse direction, subway car. There are a number of other indi- viduals in the car and one person is standing, with 46% of the responses toward the sick holding on to the center pole. Suddenly, this individual being positive (19 sub- person staggers forward and collapses. The per- jects indicated this as their initial feeling), son is carrying a black cane and apparently is whereas 30% of the emotional responses ill. (Alternate form: The person apparently is drunk. He is carrying a liquor bottle wrapped in toward the drunk were positive emotions (14 a brown paper bag and smells of liquor.) persons stated that this would be their first reaction). The difference between the positive Subjects then read: "Try to assume that you and negative affective reactions in the two actually are on the subway and try to imagine this conditions was highly significant (p < .001 scene. Describe your feelings in this situation." Three spaces were provided for affective descriptions. by the Fisher exact test; only first responses The subjects then rated the causes of falling on were tested to meet the independence cri- the three dimensions of locus, stability, and con- terion). In addition, some of the responses ANALYSIS OF JUDGMENTS OF HELP-GIVING 191

were action oriented rather than representing 3 pursues further the findings reported in what is usually meant by feelings and emo- Experiment 2, using a methodology that per- tions. Of the responses toward the ill person, mits more complex statistical analyses. 10% were help related, whereas \% implied apathy. Conversely, 2% of the responses Experiment 3 toward the drunk were help related, whereas Method 7% conveyed a lack of concern. Concerning the ratings of the three causal The subjects were 28 male and female students dimensions, drunkenness was perceived as enrolled in introductory psychology at the Univer- sity of California, Los Angeles, participating to ful- more controllable, t(39) = 7.39, p < .0001, fill a course requirement. They again were given and more internal, <(39) = 3.46, p < .0001, the drunk and the ill scenarios in counterbalanced than illness, whereas the two causes did not order. Following each scenario, the subjects rated differ in perceived stability (t < I). the degree to which the cause was perceived as personally controllable (under personal control-not In sum, the results of Experiment 2 en- under personal control), their feelings of pity and couraged further pursuit of the belief that sympathy (a great deal-none), their feelings of affect, as well as attributions, mediates judg- disgust and distaste (a great deal-none), and their ments of help-giving. As anticipated, there likelihood of helping (definitely would aid - definitely was evidence that negative emotions such as would not aid). The order of the attribution and affect scales was counterbalanced so that neither disgust and anger were more likely to be would always immediately precede the helping judg- experienced when people were exposed to the ments. For scoring purposes the scales were divided drunk individual, whereas positive emotions into nine equal intervals. It was thus possible to such as pity and sympathy were more likely determine the relations between personal control, affect, and ratings of help, as well as to compare to be experienced in connection with the ill the differences in these variables between the drunk person. These other-directed emotions were and the ill conditions. cited as the initial feeling by nearly 60% of the subjects. Furthermore, the causes differed Results and Discussion in their degree of perceived personal control- lability or how responsible the person was Table 3 shows the correlations across both perceived as being for the cause of falling: the drunk and the ill scenarios between per- One is judged as personally responsible for ceptions of personal control, positive and neg- being drunk, but not for being ill. Experiment ative outward-directed affects, the resultant of

Table 2 Emotional Responses, Including All Reactions and Only the First Reaction for Each Subject

III Drunk Initial Initial All reac- response All reac- response Affective category tions (%) (no.) tions (%) (no.)

Sympathy 33 14 25 13 Concern 13 5 5 1 Negative affect 3 0 27 13 Discomfort 6 0 9 3 Fear 10 4 3 0 Caution 6 3 3 2 Surprise 7 7 4 3 Positive action 10 2 2 0 Apathy 1 1 7 1 Personal shortcomings 5 0 1 0 Information seeking 5 3 4 2 Description 1 1 6 1 Unclassified 0 0 4 1 192 BERNARD WEINER

Table 3 Correlations Between the Judgments of Control, Affect, and Help Including Both the Drunk and III Conditions

Variable 1

1. Control — -.77*** .55** -.73*** -.37* 2. Sympathy (S) — -.64*** .90 .46** 3. Disgust (D) — -.91 -.71*** 4. S-D — .65*** 5. Help —

V < .05. **p<.01. ***£<.001.

the positive minus the negative emotions, and help-giving, whereas disgust was negatively judgments of help-giving. Because each sub- associated with judgments of help. In sum, ject made ratings in both the drunk and the Table 3 strongly supports the hypothesized ill conditions, Table 3 includes only the re- linkages of lack of personal control, sympa- sponses in the drunk condition of the 14 thy, and help, and between perceived personal subjects judging the drunk individual first control, disgust, and neglect. and the responses in the ill condition of the Further analyses were conducted in which remaining 14 subjects judging the ill person attributions were related to ratings of help- first. When the other one-half of the data for giving with affects statistically held constant, the 28 subjects are used in a separate (al- and affects were related to helping judgments beit not independent) analysis, there is a with personal control partialed out (see Table clear replication of the findings reported in 4). Column 1 of Table 4 reveals that when Table 3. sympathy or disgust are held constant, the Examination of Table 3 reveals that per- correlation between personal control and ceptions of personal control were negatively judgments of help is no longer significant. On related to feelings of sympathy, positively the other hand, Row 2 of Table 4 shows that related to feelings of disgust, and negatively the correlations between disgust and help related to judgments of help. That is, personal ratings and between resultant affect (sympa- responsibility for falling was accompanied by thy minus disgust) and help are scarcely the absence of positive affect, the presence of reduced when personal control is statistically negative affect, and neglect. Furthermore, held constant. These findings are further sympathy was positively related to judged elaborated with stepwise multiple regression analyses. These analyses indicate that re- Table 4 sultant affect by itself contributes 42 % to Correlation of Variables With Judgments of R'3, whereas the addition of personal control Helping, Including Both the Drunk and III contributes only an additional 2% to the Conditions, With Individual Variables variance accounted for in the helping judg- Statistically Partialed From the Analysis ments. When personal control is entered as the first predictor, then it contributes 13% to R2, Partialed whereas the addition of resultant affect ac- variable 2 3 4 5 counts for another 31% of the variance. In 1. None -.37* .46** -.71*** .65*** sum, the affect variable independently con- 2. Control — .30 -.66*** .60*** tributes 31%, and attribution independently — 2 3. Sympathy (S) -.02" — -.61*** contributes 2%, to R , with 11% of the 4. Disgust (D) .04 .01 — — 5. S-D .20 — — — variance accounted for jointly by these two variables. a Indicates the correlation between perceptions of Table 4 also suggests that disgust is the control and helping ratings, with sympathy ratings partialed out. more influential of the two affective ratings. * p < .05. ** p < .01. *** p < .001. However, this was the only effect not repli- ANALYSIS OF JUDGMENTS OF HELP-GIVING 193

Table 5 Correlations Between Judgments of Control, Pity, Disgust, and Help

Variable 1

1. Control -.55** .46* -.55** -.36 2. Sympathy (S) -.53** — -.68*** .92 .61*** 3. Disgust (D) .15 -.17 — -.91 -.67*** 4. S-D -.42* .83 -.69 — .69*** 5. Help -.12 .17 -.34 .32 —

Note, Correlations within the drunk condition are shown in the upper right half; correlations in the ill condition are shown in the lower left half. V < .05. **/><.01. *** p < .001. cated using the second half of the data set, for another 35% of the rating variance. In where sympathy and disgust emerged as sum, affect independently contributes 35% to equally strong associates of the helping judg- /?2, and personal control independently con- ments. Thus, this finding is not considered tributes nothing, while these two variables further. share 13% of the variance in the helping rat- Correlations were then computed within the ings. drunk and the ill conditions. Because of se- The lower half of Table 5 shows the correla- vere restrictions in range, it was anticipated tions within the ill condition. It is evident that the correlations reported in Tables 3 and that these correlations are greatly reduced, 4 would be reduced in magnitude. The upper although the directions of the findings are half of Table S shows the correlations within consistent with what has already been re- the drunk condition, whereas the lower half of ported. That is, helping judgments relate Table 5 reports the data within the ill condi- negatively to personal control, positively with tion. Examination of the judgments within the sympathy, and negatively to disgust. Further- drunk condition reveals the identical pattern more, resultant affect uniquely contributes 9% as that shown in Table 3, without the antici- to R2, whereas personal control independently pated reduction in the magnitudes of the accounts for no additional variance, and the correlations. Personal control correlates nega- two variables jointly share 1 % of the variance. tively with sympathy, positively with disgust, One probable reason for the stronger rela- and negatively with helping judgments. In tions in the drunk than in the ill condition is addition, sympathy correlates positively, and that the variances in the former condition are disgust negatively, with helping ratings. The partial correlations within the drunk condition are also consistent with the overall Table 6 Correlations of Variables With Judgments of analyses and do not differ in magnitude from Helping, in Only the Drunk Condition, With the data in Table 4 (see Table 6). With af- Individual Variables Statistically Partialed fective ratings held constant, causal attribu- From the Analysis tions are only marginally related to judgments of help (see Column 1, Table 6). On the other Partialed hand, with personal control statistically held variable 2 3 4 5 constant (Row 2, Table 6), the correlations between the affects and the helping ratings 1. None -.36 .61*** -.67*** .69*** 2. Control — .52** -.60*** .63*** are only slightly reduced. Stepwise multiple 3. Sympathy (S) -.04' — -.44* — regression analyses reveal that resultant affect 4. Disgust (D) -.08 .27 — — by itself contributes 48% to jR2, whereas the 5. S-D .03 — — — addition of personal control accounts for no " Indicates the correlation between perceptions of further variance. When control is entered as control and helping ratings, with sympathy ratings the first predictor, it then contributes 13% partialed out. to R-, whereas the addition of affect accounts *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001. 194 BERNARD WEINER

greater, with significant differences between 2. You know that this illness is under control of the variances of the disgust judgments (p < the person and that he is refusing to take .05), whereas all the other variance compari- the medication that he should. sons approach statistical significance (p < B. The person who falls is drunk. He is carrying a liquor bottle wrapped in a brown bag and .10). The mean of the judgments of disgust in smells of liquor. the ill condition was only .70 (on a 9-point 1. You think that drinking is not under per- scale), SD = 1.2S. Judgments of disgust in sonal control and is an addiction. the drunk condition reveal M = 4.73, SD = 2. You think that one should be able to control 2.80. There may be other factors operative the amount that one drinks. that gave rise to more pronounced effects in The subjects were asked to "imagine that these the drunk than in the ill condition, but vari- thoughts truly characterize your beliefs in the situ- ance limitations do appear to be among the ations." Subjects then rated the amount of help that causative factors. they would be willing to give on a scale anchored at the extremes by definitely would aid - definitely Analyses of the ratings over both conditions would not aid. For scoring purposes the scale was also revealed highly significant differences divided into nine equal intervals. There were four between the drunk and the ill individuals, random story orders. with drunkenness perceived as more person- Experiment 5 followed the same format, varying stated affective reactions rather than beliefs about ally controllable, less provoking of sympathy, control. The subjects read: more evocative of disgust, and less likely to lead to help than illness (all ps < .0001). The person who falls is carrying a black cane [is Hence, further evidence is provided that drunk]. drunkenness is associated with personal con- 1. You feel disgust and distaste. 2. You feel sympathy and pity. trol, disgust, and neglect, whereas illness is associated with a lack of responsibility, sym- Again the subjects were asked to assume that the pathy, and help. descriptions characterized their feelings in the situa- tions, and help was rated on the scale previously described. There were also four random story orders. Experiments 4 and S The subjects were 42 male and female students en- rolled at the University of California, Los Angeles, Although the two previous experiments were participating to fulfill a course requirement in intro- correlational, it has been contended that there ductory psychology. is a causal sequence of events in a motiva- tional episode. In Experiments 4 and 5 the Results and Discussion attributions and the affects believed to medi- ate judged help-giving were manipulated in a Figure 1 shows the data given the personal factorial design and were related to judgments control (left half) and affect (right half) of aid, thus providing additional evidence manipulations. Analyses of the ratings given concerning the issue of causal relations be- the personal control manipulation reveal sig- tween the variables. nificant main effects due to the drunk-ill variable, F(l, 39) = 58.04, p < .0001, and Method due to perceived control, F(l, 39) = 27.23, p < .0001. Illness and perceived lack of Subjects in Experiment 4 were 41 male and female students enrolled at the University of California, Los personal control promote the judged likelihood Angeles, participating to fulfill an introductory psy- of helping. The respective variances accounted chology course requirement. The subjects were given for in the judgments, computed with w2, are the two scenarios used in Experiments 2 and 3. In 47% and 6%. The interaction term did not this instance, however, the scenarios were factorially combined with two levels of perceived personal approach significance (F < 1). control. The subjects considered the following four Analyses of the judgments given the affect situations: manipulation reveal significant main effects due to the drunk-ill variable, F(l, 40) = A. The person who falls is carrying a black cane and apparently is ill. 48.75, p < .0001, and due to the affective 1. You know that this illness is not under con- factor, F(l, 40) = 99.60, p < .0001. Illness trol of the person. and positive affective reactions toward the ANALYSIS OF JUDGMENTS OF HELP-GIVING 195

person increased the judged likelihood of help- EXPERIMENT 4 EXPERIMENT 5 8-1 ing. The respective variances accounted for in the judgments, computed with w2, are 15% UNCONTROLLABLE and 45%. The interaction term did not ap- 1 7 proach significance (F < 1). O- UJ _ PITY In sum, independent of perceptions of per- i 6 sonal control and the specified affective reac- u_ tions, falling because of drunkenness versus O Q 5 illness gave rise to differential judgments of O helping. This may be due to any number of O reasons, some of which could be affective D 4 (fear of the drunk), cognitive (anticipating UJ that one's clothes might be soiled when help- Q ing the drunk), script guided (stay away UJ DISGUST from drunks), and so forth. Some possible CONTROLLABLE determinants of helping in addition to attri- 2- butions and affects are considered in the dis- cussion section of this paper. But the most 0- dominant determinants of helping judgments were the specified affective reactions, which is consistent with the data reported in Experi- DRUNK ILL DRUNK ILL ment 3. Perceptions of personal control also Figure 1. Mean helping judgments given drunk and significantly influenced the helping ratings. ill individuals as a function of perceived control- However, this effect was smaller than the lability of the cause (left half) and affective reactions drunk-ill or sympathy-disgust manipulations toward the person (right half). and accounted for relatively little variance. Furthermore, it may be that the effect was know that this illness is under volitional control of the person and that the person is refusing to due to the fact that disparate perceptions of take the medication that he should. personal control elicit differential affective reactions. That is, the significant effect does There were four different orders of stories, and the not ensure that attributional beliefs are di- order of the affect and the control information was rectly linked to judgments and behavior. This counterbalanced. question is pursued further in Experiment 6. Results Experiment 6 An ANOVA revealed significant main effects Experiment 6 follows the same general for- for the drunk-ill variable, F(l, 97) = 78.21, mat as Experiments 4 and 5. However, a more p < .0001; for perceptions of personal con- complete design is employed, using the three trol, /?(!, 97) = 54.31, p < .0001; and for critical variables of drunk-ill, attributions, affect, F(l, 97) = 116.82, p < .0001. The and affects. person most likely to be helped, according to the judgments, was ill, the cause was perceived Method as not personally controllable, and the affec- tive reaction was sympathy. The respective Subjects were 99 male and female students en- variances accounted for by these effects, com- rolled at the University of California, Los Angeles, participating to fulfill an introductory psychology puted by a w", were 18%, 4%, and 16%. requirement. The subjects rated their likelihood of None of the interactions approached signifi- helping in eight conditions (two causes of falling by cance. two levels of personal control by two types of affect). For example, after reading the falling sce- nario the subjects read: General Discussion

The person who falls is carrying a black cane and The six experiments allow some general apparently is ill. You feel disgust and distaste. You conclusions to be drawn, although many ques- 196 BERNARD WEINER tions remain unanswered. First, there is no proach or avoidance behavior and immediate doubt that there is a union between drunk- affective reactions to the event, such as startle enness, perceived personal control, negative or fear (these are untested relations, shown in outward-directed affective reactions, and Linkages 1 and 2 in the diagram). Individuals judgments to neglect, as well as between ill- ness, perceived lack of personal control, posi- tive outward-directed affective reactions, and falling judgments to help. Regarding the determinants of helping judgments and, presumably, helping behavior, there is little doubt that drunks are helped less than ill persons in the situation described. initial causal analysis The judgment data are consistent with the (drunk vs. ill) behavioral observations reported by Piliavin et al. (1969) and thus increase our confidence in the validity of the role-enactment method- elaborated causal analysis affect ology. As indicated previously, the correlates (causal dimensions) of the drunk and ill states that beget neglect or help are doubtless numerous and range from specific fears and cost-benefit calcula- then engage in a causal search, seeking the tions to general moral beliefs. reasons for the event (Linkage 3). This is an It also is quite clear that affective reactions assumption of attribution theorists, but there are an important determinant of stated reports is evidence that unexpected events are particu- about helping. In the correlational investiga- larly likely to elicit an attributional search tions affects were highly related to helping (Lau & Russell, 1980; Wong & Weiner, in judgments even when perceptions of personal press). The cause of falling is then deter- control were statistically partialed from the mined, in this case quite easily on the basis of analysis. And the highly significant F values the descriptions provided. In other situations, and substantial variance accounted for by the a causal conclusion might prove quite difficult affective manipulations in Experiments 5 and to reach and would require information search, 6 support the findings in the correlational such as looking for a medical bracelet or dia- studies. betic card. The ascription to drunkenness or Finally, thoughts about personal control at illness gives rise to help or neglect independent best only weakly exert direct influence on of an elaborated causal (dimensional) analy- helping judgments. If perceptions of personal sis (Linkage 4). This linkage was suggested control do directly influence these judgments, in the judgment research reported here, al- then that influence is less than that of the though as previously stated, some intervening affects employed in the present experiments. cognitive processes are likely, such as thoughts It appears that much of the relation between about the "cost" of helping. In addition, it is the judgments of personal control and rated possible that perceptions of drunkenness or help exists because perceptions of control are illness give rise to particular affective reac- strongly related to affective reactions. tions that are independent of further causal consideration (e.g., one is saddened at the A Model of Helping Behavior sight of the ill). This possible relation is shown in Linkage S. The perceived cause, An attributional model of helping behavior then, is consciously or unconsciously and that is injerred from the judgment data intui- deliberately or automatically examined in tively that seems best and most adequately in- terms of its underlying properties (Linkage corporates the data reported in the prior six 6), with the key dimensions in this instance investigations is shown in the following dia- being locus and control (perceived personal gram. This diagram indicates that when a per- responsibility). The dimensions of causal son falls, there is probably some reflexive ap- ascriptions have been identified in other re- ANALYSIS OF JUDGMENTS OF HELP-GIVING 197

search (see Weiner, 1979), and the relations a similar manner, failure due to hindrance between drunkenness and illness and perceived from others begets anger (Weiner et al., 1978) personal control were demonstrated in the and is likely to give rise to aggression to present studies. Causal ascriptions appear to "eliminate" the source of anger. That is, there relate weakly to help (Linkage 7) but clearly is again an attribution-affect-action ordering. to affective reactions (Linkage 8), as inferred There is a growing literature in the achieve- from the research reported here and studies ment area utilizing attributional retraining cited earlier. Finally, affects are strongly re- techniques to augment achievement strivings. lated to judgments of help or neglect (Link- Typically, the program participants are told age 9), as has repeatedly been contended in that their failure is caused by a lack of effort, the prior pages, and presumably they also which is unstable and controllable (see An- relate to actual helping behavior. drews & Debus, 1978; Dweck, 1975). Given Needless to say, other linkages within this this ascription, one can maintain hope in the model are likely (such as help-giving influ- face of failure and sustain a relatively high encing immediate and more reflective affects), expectancy of success. Subsequent improve- and there are a myriad of determinants of ments in performance have been believed to help-giving not included in the diagram, such be due to the change in the expectancy varia- as the number of bystanders and the be- ble. On the other hand, the present research havior of models. What the diagram does at- intimates that attributions of failure to a lack tempt to capture is an attributional approach of effort generate particular affective reac- to judgments of aid and to helping behavior, tions, and these self-directed emotions (shame stressing the relations between attribution, and guilt; see Weiner et al., 1978) or inferred affect, and action, represented in the 3-6-8-9 other-directed emotions (anger and disgust) path in the diagram. are responsible for the subsequent increments in achievement-oriented behavior. This is not Generality oj the Model and Attributional- to suggest that expectancy is not a central determinant of behavior. Rather, I want to Change Programs point out that the motivational effects of emo- The model outlined in the diagram is ex- tional reactions have been completely over- pected to generalize across a variety of help- looked in the attributional change research, giving situations. For example, Experiment 1 and these effects provide an equally plausible suggested that within a classroom context explanation of the change program results notes will be lent to a student if the cause of (see Weiner, in press). the need is low ability or teacher shortcom- ings, whereas help will be withheld if the need Comparison and Contrast With is ascribed to a lack of effort. Low ability Alternate Theories and teacher shortcomings, like illness, should elicit sympathy inasmuch as they are not The empirical literature concerning helping under personal control. On the other hand, behavior and altruism has grown enormously lack of effort, like drunkenness, should elicit in the last decade and has spawned a variety disgust or anger, for effort is perceived as of conceptual analyses (see Macaulay & Berk- personally controllable. It is hypothesized owitz, 1970; Wispe, 1978). I will now briefly that these affects in turn are responsible for examine these theories, confining my remarks the differential help-giving judgments in Ex- to comparisons with the attributional approach periment 1. advocated here and to what I believe are the Further, the proposed behavioral sequence shortcomings of these alternate conceptions should generalize to other motivational do- and the strengths of the attributional ap- mains. For example, in achievement-related proach. contexts success perceived as due to others First, it is evident that there are as many elicits gratitude (Weiner et al., 1978) and is determinants of helping behavior as there are anticipated to generate behavior appropriate sources of . One can help to win to that affect, such as the giving of a gift. In approval and friendship, to gain power, for a 198 BERNARD WEINER monetary reward, and so on. These "benefits" that in turn activates the person to reduce surely will increase helping, just as "costs" that arousal (Piliavin et al., 1975). Arousal such as time (Barley & Batson, 1973) and is presumed to be diminished in a manner that the possibility of getting "bloodied" (Pilia- minimizes costs while activating the most ef- vin, Piliavin, & Rodin, 1975) retard helping fective instrumental response (Hatfield, Wal- activity. Such effects are beyond the range of ster, & Piliavin, 1978). This approach has been convenience of the attributional analysis pre- supported by a number of apparently con- sented here and are likely to be embraced firmatory investigations (e.g., Gaertner & within the differential helping judgments ac- Dovidio, 1977; Harris & Huang, 1973; Pili- corded to a drunk versus an ill individual, avin et al., 1975). However, the conception irrespective of perceived personal controlla- seems to be beset by the following problems bility and the affects of disgust and sympa- and shortcomings: thy. However, cost-benefit concerns cannot 1. There is adherence to a drive-drive re- explain the total pattern of data presented in duction framework that has been proven in- these investigations. Furthermore, this con- adequate in other motivational domains (see ceptual approach cannot account for why a Atkinson, 1964; Bolles, 1975; Weiner, 1972). person who has failed to take notes because 2. Without clear specification of additional of laziness is judged less likely to be helped principles, the arousal position cannot specify than one who does not have the notes because the direction of behavior. For example, dis- of low ability. Indeed, from a cost-benefit gust and pity may give rise to equal levels of perspective the opposite pattern might be arousal, yet they respectively generate avoid- predicted, for the low ability person will not ance behavior and approach behavior. be "able" to reciprocate. 3. The arousal position does not appear to Cost-benefit concerns are less applicable to be generalizable to other behaviors. For ex- what have been labeled "altruistic" acts, which ample, it seems unlikely that the purchase of a by definition involve no benefits to the helper. gift when one is grateful is undertaken to re- Three traditional motivational concepts have duce some sort of distress. been widely used to account for altruism: 4. Some of the central confirmatory studies hedonism, homeostasis, and arousal. The he- make use of a misattribution procedure in donistic doctrine has been responsible for which arousal is misattributed to a pill (e.g., thinking of altruism as a "paradox," for it is Coke, Batson, & McDavis, 1978; Gaertner & considered anomalous to engage in behavior Dovidio, 1977). However, alternative inter- that apparently does not maximize pleasure pretations of the finding that helping is re- and minimize pain. I find this an unnecessary duced in this condition are quite plausible. concern, for even Freud (1920/1955) noted For example, it has been contended that self- that many behaviors, including transference, concern lessens the inclination to help (Berko- traumatic dreams, and disappearance games, witz, 1970). It may be that preoccupation fall "beyond the pleasure principle." In addi- with the self, elicited because of the ingestion tion, ego psychologists have postulated that of an "arousing" drug, reduces or inhibits mastery attempts (attribution theorists have sympathy, which then decreases relative stressed inclusion of information gain in this helping. category) are basic "springs of action." In The conception to which the proposed at- sum, not all behaviors are in service of the tributional approach is most closely aligned is pleasure principle, and attempts to account the so-called empathy position (e.g., Aron- for such behaviors by finding some underlying freed, 1968; Rosenhan, 1969). The only clear hedonic gain, such as reduction of an internal difference between empathy theories and what state that brings the organism back into a has been suggested here is that the empathy state of equilibrium, seem forced. theories have stressed the importance of role Arguing within the framework of the he- taking, while I have documented the impor- donistic doctrine, it has been suggested that tance of attributions to causality, particularly observing another in distress produces arousal perceived personal control. But it is intimated ANALYSIS OF JUDGMENTS OF HELP-GIVING 199

that any factor that might increase sympathy, Cooper, J. Deception and role playing: On telling such as role taking, the severity of the need, or the good guys from the bad guys. American Psy- chologist, 1976, 31, 605-610. a positive mood, will augment altruistic be- Darley, C. M., & Batson, C. D. From Jerusalem to havior (see Isen, 1970). This is entirely con- Jericho: A study of situational and dispositional sistent with a position voiced by Rosenhan variables in helping behavior. Journal of Personal- (1978), who stated: "Cognitive factors play ity and , 1973, 27, 100-108. a role in the elicitation of behavior when and Dejong, W. The stigma of obesity: The consequences of naive assumptions concerning the causes of only when they amplify empathic and sympa- physical deviance. Journal of Health and Social thetic affects" (p. 110). Coke et al. (1978) Behavior, 1980, 21, 75-87. have provided strong evidence in support of Dweck, C. S. The role of expectations and attribu- this statement. They found that empathy in- tions in the alleviation of learned helplessness. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, fluences helping only through its effects on 1975, 31, 674-685. "empathic emotions" (e.g., concern and Folkes, V. S. Causal communication in the early worry). On the basis of these data they also stages of affiliative relationships. Unpublished doc- propose a two-stage theory of helping in which toral dissertation, University of California, Los cognitions influence emotions and emotions Angeles, 1978. Freud, S. Beyond the pleasure principle. In The stan- affect behavior. dard edition (Vol. 18). London: Hogarth Press, One of the strengths of the attributional 1955. (Originally published, 1920.) model proposed here, as opposed to the views Gaertner, S. L., & Dovidio, J. F. The subtlety of Coke et al. (1978) and Rosenhan (1969), of white racism, arousal, and helping behavior. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, is that the attributional conception can also 1977, 35, 691-707. be applied to "selfishness" (see Wilson, 1978). Harris, M. B., & Huang, L. C. Helping and the at- That is, both the maintenance of personal tribution process. Journal of Social Psychology, "fitness" (neglect of the needy) and decreases 1973, 90, 291-297. in personal fitness (help-giving) can be ac- Hatfield, E., Walster, G. W., & Piliavin, J. A. Equity theory and helping relationships. In L. Wispe counted for with principles of perceived per- (Ed.), Altruism, sympathy, and helping. New sonal control and their affective associates. York: Academic Press, 1978. Ickes, W. J., & Kidd, R. F. An attributional analy- References sis of helping behavior. In J. H. Harvey, W. J. Ickes, & R. F. Kidd (Eds.), New directions in Andrews, G. R., & Debus, R. L. Persistence and attribution research (Vol. 1). Hillsdale, N.J.: Erl- causal perceptions of failure: Modifying cogni- baum, 1976. tive attributions. Journal of Educational Psychol- Ickes, W. J., Kidd, R. F., & Berkowitz, L. Attribu- ogy, 1978, 70, 154-166. tional determinants of monetary help-giving. Jour- Aronfreed, J. Conduct and conscience: The socializa- nal of Personality, 1976, 44, 163-178. tion of internalized control over behavior. New Isen, A. M. Success, failure, attention, and reactions York: Academic Press, 1968. to others: The warm glow of success. Journal of Atkinson, J. W. An introduction to motivation. Personality and Social Psychology, 1970, IS, 294- Princeton, N.J.: Van Nostrand, 1964. 301. Barnes, R. D., Ickes, W. J., & Kidd, R. F. Effects Lau, R. R., & Russell, D. Attributions in the sports of the perceived intentionality and stability of pages. Journal of Personality and Social Psychol- another's dependency on helping behavior. Person- ogy, 1980, 39, 29-38. ality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 1979, 5, 367- Lazarus, R. S. Emotions and adaptation: Conceptual 372. and empirical relations. In W. J. Arnold (Ed.), Berkowitz, L. Resistance to improper dependency Nebraska symposium on motivation (Vol. 16). relationships. Journal of Experimental Social Psy- Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1968. chology, 1969, J, 283-294. Macaulay, J., & Berkowitz, L. (Eds.). Altruism and Berkowitz, L. The self, selfishness, and altruism. In helping behavior. New York: Academic Press, 1970. J. Macaulay & L. Berkowitz (Eds.), Altruism and Peplau, L. A., Russell, D., & Heim, M. The experi- helping behavior. New York: Academic Press, ence of loneliness. In I. Frieze, D. Bar-Tal, & J. 1970. Carroll (Eds.), New approaches to social prob- Bolles, R. C. Theory of motivation (2nd ed.). New lems: Applications of attribution theory. San York: Harper & Row, 1975. Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1979. Coke, J. S., Batson, C. D., & McDavis, K. Empathic Piliavin, I. M., Piliavin, J. A., & Rodin, J. Costs dif- mediation of helping: A two-stage model. Journal fusion and the stigmatized victim. Journal of of Personality and Social Psychology, 1978, 36, Personality and Social Psychology, 1975, 32, 429- 752-766. 438. 200 BERNARD WEINER

Piliavin, I. M., Rodin, J., & Piliavin, J. A. Good Weiner, B., & Kukla, A. An attributional analysis of Samaritanism: An underground phenomenon? achievement motivation. Journal of Personality Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, and Social Psychology, 1970, 15, 1-20. 1969, 13, 289-299. Weiner, B., Russell, D., Si Lerman, D. Affective Rosenhan, D. L. Some origins of concern for others. consequences of causal ascriptions. In J. H. Har- In P. Mussen, M. Covington, & J. Langer (Eds.), vey, W. J. Ickes, & R. F. Kidd (Eds.), New di- Trends and issues in developmental psychology. rections in attribution research (Vol. 2). Hillsdale, New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1969. N.J.: Erlbaum, 1978. Rosenhan, D. L. Toward resolving the altruism para- Weiner, B., Russell, D., & Lerman, D. The cognition- dox. In L. Wispe (Ed.), Altruism, sympathy, and helping. New York: Academic Press, 1978. emotion process in achievement-related contexts. Schopler, J., & Matthews, M. The influence of per- Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 1979, ceived causal locus of partner's dependence on the 37, 1211-1220. use of interpersonal power. Journal of Personality Wilson, E. O. The genetic evolution of altruism. In and Social Psychology, 1965, 2, 609-612. L. Wispe (Ed.), Altruism, sympathy, and helping. Tomkins, S. S. Affect, imagery, consciousness: Vol. 2. New York: Academic Press, 1978. The negative affects. New York: Springer, 1963. Wispe, L. (Ed.). Altruism, sympathy, and helping. Weiner, B. Theories of motivation: From mecha- New York: Academic Press, 1978. nism to cognition. Chicago: Rand McNally, 1972. Wong, P. T. P., & Weiner, B. When people ask why Weiner, B. A theory of motivation for some class- questions and the heuristics of attributional search. room experience. Journal of Educational Psychol- ogy, 1979, 71, 3-25. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, in Weiner, B. The role of affect in rational (attribu- press. tional) approaches to human motivation. Educa- tional Researcher, in press. Received March 26, 1979 •