DOCSLIB.ORG

Italian Racialized Women and Feminist Activism

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Italian Racialized Women and Feminist Activism Italian racialized women and feminist activism Exploring discourses of white women in Italian feminist activism work Alice Contini Supervisor's name: Edyta Just Gender Studies, LiU Master’s Programme Gender Studies – Intersectionality and Change Master’s thesis 30 ECTS credits ISNR: LIU-TEMA G/GSIC2-A—20/002-SE 1 Abstract The starting point of this study is the common assumption that the Italian society is based on a patriarchal ideological system in which racism is often normalized. The binary distinction between women and men in Italian society has evolved into discussions and awareness raising on gender- based violence or violence against women. As intersectionality has become a central point in Italian contemporary feminism, this study uses the analysis of topics related to the historical creation of the idea of Italian-ness, migration and the influence of right-wing politics in current gender related issues as the basis of a feminist Critical Discourse Analysis. With this in mind, using intersectional theory, postcolonial feminism, and studies of whiteness, the study aims at exploring as to which extent the discourses of three white Italian women, who identify as feminist activists, influence the presence of racialized Italian women in their work. This study should create academic data and contribute to a research that is extremely limited on these topics. Key words Italy, feminist activism, women, intersectional feminism, racialized people, citizenship, color- blindness, race, whiteness, gender-based violence, postcolonial feminism, colonialism, right-wing politics 2 Acknowledgements First and foremost, I want to thank everyone who stood behind me and supported me during the research process of this thesis. It has been a long process and I would not have been able to do it without you. Thanks to those who took time to put me in contact with the Interviewees. And a special thank you to the three women who took time to answer all my questions and were willing to contribute to this important study. I hope it allows us to open a discussion on the findings. Thanks to Rebecca and Federico for taking time and giving me a much-needed feedback as well as helping me to get out of writer’s block. I also want to thank those friends who have helped me look at certain things from a new perspective. Anna and Johanna, thank you for having been there through the whole process. Thanks to my family, specifically my parents who always support me in going forward and achieving what is best to me. A special thanks to my cousin Anna who has been a great support with the interviews. Last but not least, thank you Edyta for being patient with postponing this thesis by taking a year of time to finish it and for taking time to read and discuss this thesis with me. 3 Table of Content 1. INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................................................... 5 1.1 THE ETHICS QUESTIONS AND REFLECTIONS ............................................................................................................ 9 2. CONTEXTUALIZATION OF THE RESEARCH ................................................................................................... 11 2.1 THE HISTORY OF ITALIAN FEMINISM .................................................................................................................. 11 2.2 CONTEXTUALIZING CURRENT ITALIAN POLITICS (2018-2020) ................................................................................ 18 2.3 SITUATING THE RESEARCH IN LITERATURE AND ACADEMIA ..................................................................................... 19 3. METHODOLOGY ........................................................................................................................................ 29 3.1 WORKING WITH QUALITATIVE RESEARCH: SEMI-STRUCTURED INTERVIEWS AS A WAY TO GATHER DATA ........................... 29 4. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ...................................................................................................................... 34 4.1 INTERSECTIONALITY ....................................................................................................................................... 34 4.2 POSTCOLONIAL FEMINISM .............................................................................................................................. 35 4.3 CONTEXTUALIZING WHITENESS ........................................................................................................................ 40 5. ANALYTICAL DISCUSSION .......................................................................................................................... 43 5.1 THE FEMALE SEX AS A PREREQUISITE OF BEING FEMINIST (?) .................................................................................. 44 5.2 AWARENESS IS JUST A STARTING POINT: HOW RACIALIZED ITALIANS ARE INCLUDED IN FEMINIST ACTIVISM ....................... 52 6. CONCLUSION ............................................................................................................................................. 62 6.1 HOW WHITE ENVIRONMENTS LIMIT WHITE WOMEN’S AWARENESS .......................................................................... 62 6.2 RACIALIZED ITALIAN WOMEN VS. MIGRANT WOMEN IN ITALY ................................................................................. 64 6.3 WAY FORWARD ............................................................................................................................................ 66 BIBLIOGRAPHY ................................................................................................................................................... 68 APPENDICES ....................................................................................................................................................... 74 APPENDIX 1 – THESIS PARTICIPATION CONSENT ................................................................................................................ 74 APPENDIX 2 – INTERVIEW OUTLINE ................................................................................................................................ 78 4 1. Introduction This thesis is a contribution to feminists’ efforts in the fight against misogyny and racism, hence, patriarchy in Italy as well as the right-wing fascists’ agenda that is being pushed at a national political level. Living abroad for most of the past 12 years has made me feel as though I have lost touch with what the reality of social struggles in Italy are. At the same time, throughout my years abroad I have surrounded myself with Italians living abroad, working in a similarly open-minded field as I do (international development). Hence, we share a similar perspective of our home country. This lack of direct daily contact with Italy has led me to believe that I have a distorted vision of what Italy and current Italian feminism is. Contributing to research on Italian feminism has been challenging as it represents not only an academic journey, but also a personal one where I came to deal with issues important to me personally. I start with the common assumption that the Italian society is based on a patriarchal ideological system in which racism is often normalized. Growing up in Italy and working with Italian organizations once I moved abroad, I have and continue to experience sexism first-hand due to the misogynist mentality that is intrinsically present in the Italian society, both in my professional and private life. As Italian women we are often even unaware of the discrimination we experience. It is a long process for many of us to realize to what extent this affects us. As a way of discovering what Italian feminist women now think and do to bring change, I decided to explore different activists’ voices and share their perspective on specific topics such as their attitude towards intersectionality, Italian racialized women’s issues and the societal change they want to see in Italy. I have felt that these topics were under-researched. I found feminist critical discourse analysis (feminist CDA) as the most appropriate tool using intersectionality and a feminist postcolonial lens as well as Critical Studies of Whiteness useful to analyze my findings. This study should create academic data and contribute to a research that is extremely limited on these topics. Historically, many Italian feminists have fought primarily for the improvement of white women’s rights in the country. However, the demographic change happening in the past decades with the arrival of many migrants from all over the world has seen, from my perspective, the need to shift the focus not only on the discrimination of women per se in different spheres in Italian society, but 5 also on the inclusion of the most vulnerable groups of women: racialized Italian1 and migrant women2. There have been two notable private conversations I had with people in my personal circle that awoken my need to understand Italian feminism and the aspect of race within them better and, therefore, explore this topic form an academic perspective. During one of my last Christmases, I was sitting at the table while my family was exchanging gifts. Two of my aunts were discussing the book one has gifted the other. My first reaction was a big smile and I felt like sharing that it is a well appreciated book by a wide range of feminists. What I was not expecting was that the word feminist would have created a huge discussion
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Everyday Intolerance- Racist and Xenophic Violence in Italy
    Italy H U M A N Everyday Intolerance R I G H T S Racist and Xenophobic Violence in Italy WATCH Everyday Intolerance Racist and Xenophobic Violence in Italy Copyright © 2011 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-746-9 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA Tel: +1 212 290 4700, Fax: +1 212 736 1300 [email protected] Poststraße 4-5 10178 Berlin, Germany Tel: +49 30 2593 06-10, Fax: +49 30 2593 0629 [email protected] Avenue des Gaulois, 7 1040 Brussels, Belgium Tel: + 32 (2) 732 2009, Fax: + 32 (2) 732 0471 [email protected] 64-66 Rue de Lausanne 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Tel: +41 22 738 0481, Fax: +41 22 738 1791 [email protected] 2-12 Pentonville Road, 2nd Floor London N1 9HF, UK Tel: +44 20 7713 1995, Fax: +44 20 7713 1800 [email protected] 27 Rue de Lisbonne 75008 Paris, France Tel: +33 (1)43 59 55 35, Fax: +33 (1) 43 59 55 22 [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500 Washington, DC 20009 USA Tel: +1 202 612 4321, Fax: +1 202 612 4333 [email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org March 2011 ISBN: 1-56432-746-9 Everyday Intolerance Racist and Xenophobic Violence in Italy I. Summary ...................................................................................................................... 1 Key Recommendations to the Italian Government ............................................................ 3 Methodology ................................................................................................................... 4 II. Background ................................................................................................................. 5 The Scale of the Problem ................................................................................................. 9 The Impact of the Media ...............................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • A Postcolonial Feminist Critique of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development: a South African Application
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Stellenbosch University SUNScholar Repository A Postcolonial Feminist Critique of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development: A South African Application by Christiane Struckmann Thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in International Studies in the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at Stellenbosch University Supervisor: Prof Pieter Fourie Co-supervisor: Prof Amanda Gouws March 2017 Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za DECLARATION By submitting this thesis electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the sole author thereof (save to the extent explicitly otherwise stated), that reproduction and publication thereof by Stellenbosch University will not infringe any third party rights and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. March 2017 Copyright © 2017 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved i Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za ABSTRACT The United Nations 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, more commonly known as the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), was launched in September 2015. The SDGs are a global target-setting development agenda aimed at ending poverty, protecting the planet, and ensuring peace and prosperity for all by 2030. The SDGs have been lauded for vastly improving on their predecessor, the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), by broadening the global development agenda to include environmental, social, economic and political concerns, and for, in the process of their formulation, engaging with member states and civil society groups.
    [Show full text]
  • Mosquitoes, Quinine and the Socialism of Italian Women 1900–1914
    MOSQUITOES, QUININE AND THE SOCIALISM OF ITALIAN WOMEN 1900–1914 Malaria qualifies as a major issue of modern Italian history because of the burden of death, suffering and economic cost that it imposed. But it is fruitful to examine its history from a more hopeful, if largely neglected, vantage point. Paradoxically, mal- aria — or rather the great campaign to eradicate it with quinine — played a substantial political role. It promoted the rise of the Italian labour movement, the formation of a socialist aware- ness among farmworkers and the establishment of a collective consciousness among women. In 1900 the Italian parliament declared war on malaria. After a series of vicissitudes, this project achieved final victory in 1962 when the last indigenous cases were reported.1 Italy thus provided the classic example of the purposeful eradication of malaria. The argument here is that the early phase of this campaign down to the First World War played a profoundly subversive role. The campaign served as a catalyst to mass movements by farmworkers, especially women. Three geographical areas were most affected: the rice belt of Novara and Pavia provinces in the North, the Roman Campagna in the Centre, and the province of Foggia in the South. Inevitably, this argument involves the intersection of malaria with two further disasters that befell millions. One was the mis- fortune of being born a farm labourer in a society where serious commentators debated who suffered more — Italian braccianti (farmworkers) in the latter half of the nineteenth century or American slaves in the first.2 The other disaster was the burden of being not only a field hand but also a woman in a nation that Anna Kuliscioff, the most prominent feminist of the period, 1 World Health Organization, Regional Office for Europe, Prevention of the Reintroduction of Malaria in the Countries of the Western Mediterranean: Report on a WHO Meeting, Erice (Italy), 23–27 October 1979 (Geneva, 1979), 5.
    [Show full text]
  • Berlusconi and His Crew Published on Iitaly.Org (
    Berlusconi and His Crew Published on iItaly.org (http://www.iitaly.org) Berlusconi and His Crew E. M. (May 09, 2008) Prime Minister Berlusconi inaugurates his fourth term and announces his ministerial posts. The choices for his circle of 21 ministers reveal some predictable tactical determinations, while a few of his newbies have yet to prove their political value. No one can accuse the PM of having assembled a boring cast The 60th Italian government since the end of the Second World War was sworn in on Thursday. In a ceremony led by President Giorgio Napolitano, Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi and 21 ministers of his center-right cabinet pronounced a solemn oath on the Italian Constitution. It marks the media tycoon’s fourth non-consecutive term as head of government. Berlusconi’s new cabinet rallies figures from various right-wing parties, and among them, many familiar faces. Gianni Letta, the PM’s close business and political aide, was named Cabinet Secretary, and according to Berlusconi is “a gift from God to all Italians”. Umberto Bossi [2], famously at the helm of the anti-immigration Northern League [3] party—a man stalwartly and controversially in Page 1 of 3 Berlusconi and His Crew Published on iItaly.org (http://www.iitaly.org) favor of a federalist system that gives greater autonomy to the North—will be minister of reforms. Roberto Calderoli [4], also of the Northern League and Berlusconi’s former minister of reforms, is now in charge of “simplification” (in other words, simplifying the Parliament and reducing its costs). Calderoli is best known in the media for having upset Muslims when he proposed pigs be brought in to discourage plans for the construction of a new mosque in Bologna and unbuttoning his shirt to reveal underneath, a t-shirt bearing an offensive cartoon of the Prophet Muhammad, setting off violent demonstrations in Libya.
    [Show full text]
  • Mainstream Feminism
    Feminist movements and ideologies This collection of feminist buttons from a women's museum shows some messages from feminist movements. A variety of movements of feminist ideology have developed over the years. They vary in goals, strategies, and affiliations. They often overlap, and some feminists identify themselves with several branches of feminist thought. Groupings Judith Lorber distinguishes between three broad kinds of feminist discourses: gender reform feminisms, gender resistant feminisms, and gender revolution feminisms. In her typology, gender reform feminisms are rooted in the political philosophy of liberalism with its emphasis on individual rights. Gender resistant feminisms focus on specific behaviors and group dynamics through which women are kept in a subordinate position, even in subcultures which claim to support gender equality. Gender revolution feminisms seek to disrupt the social order through deconstructing its concepts and categories and analyzing the cultural reproduction of inequalities.[1] Movements and ideologies Mainstream feminism … "Mainstream feminism" as a general term identifies feminist ideologies and movements which do not fall into either the socialist or radical feminist camps. The mainstream feminist movement traditionally focused on political and legal reform, and has its roots in first- wave feminism and in the historical liberal feminism of the 19th and early- 20th centuries. In 2017, Angela Davis referred to mainstream feminism as "bourgeois feminism".[2] The term is today often used by essayists[3] and cultural analysts[4] in reference to a movement made palatable to a general audience by celebrity supporters like Taylor Swift.[5] Mainstream feminism is often derisively referred to as "white feminism,"[6] a term implying that mainstream feminists don't fight for intersectionality with race, class, and sexuality.
    [Show full text]
  • Womeninscience.Pdf
    Prepared by WITEC March 2015 This document has been prepared and published with the financial support of the European Commission, in the framework of the PROGRESS project “She Decides, You Succeed” JUST/2013/PROG/AG/4889/GE DISCLAIMER This publication has been produced with the financial support of the PROGRESS Programme of the European Union. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of WITEC (The European Association for Women in Science, Engineering and Technology) and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the European Commission. Partners 2 Index 1. CONTENTS 2. FOREWORD5 ...........................................................................................................................................................6 3. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................................................................7 4. PART 1 – THE CASE OF ITALY .......................................................................................................13 4.1 STATE OF PLAY .............................................................................................................................14 4.2 LEGAL FRAMEWORK ...................................................................................................................18 4.3 BARRIERS AND ENABLERS .........................................................................................................19 4.4 BEST PRACTICES .........................................................................................................................20
    [Show full text]
  • Unemployment Rates in Italy Have Not Recovered from Earlier Economic
    The 2017 OECD report The Pursuit of Gender Equality: An Uphill Battle explores how gender inequalities persist in social and economic life around the world. Young women in OECD countries have more years of schooling than young men, on average, but women are less still likely to engage in paid work. Gaps widen with age, as motherhood typically has negative effects on women's pay and career advancement. Women are also less likely to be entrepreneurs, and are under-represented in private and public leadership. In the face of these challenges, this report assesses whether (and how) countries are closing gender gaps in education, employment, entrepreneurship, and public life. The report presents a range of statistics on gender gaps, reviews public policies targeting gender inequality, and offers key policy recommendations. Italy has much room to improve in gender equality Unemployment rates in Italy have not recovered from The government has made efforts to support families with earlier economic crises, and Italian women still have one childcare through a voucher system, but regional disparities of the lowest labour force participation rates in the OECD. persist. Improving access to childcare should help more The small number of women in the workforce contributes women enter work, given that Italian women do more than to Italy having one of the lowest gender pay gaps in the three-quarters of all unpaid work (e.g. care for dependents) OECD: those women who do engage in paid work are in the home. Less-educated Italian women with children likely to be better-educated and have a higher earnings face especially high barriers to paid work.
    [Show full text]
  • Tom Kahn and the Fight for Democracy: a Political Portrait and Personal Recollection
    Tom Kahn and the Fight for Democracy: A Political Portrait and Personal Recollection Rachelle Horowitz Editor’s Note: The names of Tom Kahn and Rachelle Horowitz should be better known than they are. Civil rights leader John Lewis certainly knew them. Recalling how the 1963 March on Washington was organised he said, ‘I remember this young lady, Rachelle Horowitz, who worked under Bayard [Rustin], and Rachelle, you could call her at three o'clock in the morning, and say, "Rachelle, how many buses are coming from New York? How many trains coming out of the south? How many buses coming from Philadelphia? How many planes coming from California?" and she could tell you because Rachelle Horowitz and Bayard Rustin worked so closely together. They put that thing together.’ There were compensations, though. Activist Joyce Ladner, who shared Rachelle Horowitz's one bedroom apartment that summer, recalled, ‘There were nights when I came in from the office exhausted and ready to sleep on the sofa, only to find that I had to wait until Bobby Dylan finished playing his guitar and trying out new songs he was working on before I could claim my bed.’ Tom Kahn also played a major role in organising the March on Washington, not least in writing (and rewriting) some of the speeches delivered that day, including A. Philip Randolph’s. When he died in 1992 Kahn was praised by the Social Democrats USA as ‘an incandescent writer, organizational Houdini, and guiding spirit of America's Social Democratic community for over 30 years.’ This account of his life was written by his comrade and friend in 2005.
    [Show full text]
  • The Translation of American Radical Feminist Literature in Italy. the Case of Donne È Bello
    The translation of American radical feminist literature in Italy. The case of Donne è bello. Submitted by Elena Basilio to the University of Exeter as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Italian In September 2014 This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Signature: ………………………………………………………….. 1 2 Acknowledgments This thesis would not have been completed without the help and support of many people. First of all I would like to thank Dr. Danielle Hipkins and Dr. Richard Mansell for their valuable guidance, constant support and encouragement and great patience. I also need to thank Dr. Ting Guo and Dr. Olga Castro who have provided me with insightful comments on some parts of my thesis. I am also grateful to Dr. Ruth Ann Henderson for having introduced me to Translation Studies and for having supported me during the application process. During the process of researching and writing this thesis I had the opportunity to meet many women who have helped and inspired my research. First of all I would like to thank Serena Castaldi for her long interview and her interest in my project, and other Anabasi members, Michela Gusmeroli and Bruna Felletti, for having shared their views and memories with me.
    [Show full text]
  • Ursula Mctaggart
    RADICALISM IN AMERICA’S “INDUSTRIAL JUNGLE”: METAPHORS OF THE PRIMITIVE AND THE INDUSTRIAL IN ACTIVIST TEXTS Ursula McTaggart Submitted to the faculty of the University Graduate School in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy In the Departments of English and American Studies Indiana University June 2008 Accepted by the Graduate Faculty, Indiana University, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Doctoral Committee ________________________________ Purnima Bose, Co-Chairperson ________________________________ Margo Crawford, Co-Chairperson ________________________________ DeWitt Kilgore ________________________________ Robert Terrill June 18, 2008 ii © 2008 Ursula McTaggart ALL RIGHTS RESERVED iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS A host of people have helped make this dissertation possible. My primary thanks go to Purnima Bose and Margo Crawford, who directed the project, offering constant support and invaluable advice. They have been mentors as well as friends throughout this process. Margo’s enthusiasm and brilliant ideas have buoyed my excitement and confidence about the project, while Purnima’s detailed, pragmatic advice has kept it historically grounded, well documented, and on time! Readers De Witt Kilgore and Robert Terrill also provided insight and commentary that have helped shape the final product. In addition, Purnima Bose’s dissertation group of fellow graduate students Anne Delgado, Chia-Li Kao, Laila Amine, and Karen Dillon has stimulated and refined my thinking along the way. Anne, Chia-Li, Laila, and Karen have devoted their own valuable time to reading drafts and making comments even in the midst of their own dissertation work. This dissertation has also been dependent on the activist work of the Black Panther Party, the League of Revolutionary Black Workers, the International Socialists, the Socialist Workers Party, and the diverse field of contemporary anarchists.
    [Show full text]
  • Postcolonial Feminism in Margaret Atwood's Fiction
    International Journal of Linguistics and Literature (IJLL) ISSN 2319-3956 Vol. 2, Issue 3, July 2013, 11-20 © IASET POSTCOLONIAL FEMINISM IN MARGARET ATWOOD'S FICTION ASHRAF IBRAHIM ZIDAN Faculty of Arts, Port Said University, Port Said, Egypt ABSTRACT Margaret Atwood's fiction is greatly concerned with women‟s equality, the violence committed against women, and the convergence of Canada and women with reference to their comparable colonization. Her clear situation, insight vision, and well-determination enable her to be contiguous to women/Canada's wounds, defects, and corruption. This study highlights the natural close relationship between feminism and postcolonialism in Atwood's fiction. These concepts are classified as political, economic and social tools for fighting oppression, patriarchy/colonization, and injustice. This article also stresses the following issues: how women are colonized, victimized and silenced; how they themselves can be predators; how they may be responsible for their humiliation, downfall and disruption; and finally how they could achieve survival and freedom. KEYWORDS: Ethnocentrism, Feminism, Gender, Identity, Oligarchy, Oppression, Postcolonialism, Postfeminism, Separation, Survival, Theocracy INTRODUCTION This article explores the close relationship between feminism and postcolonialism in Margaret Atwood's fiction. These terms are classified as political, economic and social terms fighting oppression, patriarchy/colonization, and injustice. The article also stresses significant issues: how women are colonized, victimized and silenced; how women themselves are predators, as Atwood sometimes seems to be unconsciously anti-feminist though she is a staunch feminist; how they are responsible for their humiliation, downfall and disruption; and finally how they could achieve survival and freedom. I will limit my study to three novels of Atwood's, namely, The Edible Woman (1969), Surfacing (1972) and The Handmaid's Tale (1985), for many reasons.
    [Show full text]
  • Governo, Ecco Le Ipotesi Sul Tavolo, La Squadra. Ma Tutto Potrebbe Cambiare
    Governo, ecco le ipotesi sul tavolo, la squadra. Ma tutto potrebbe cambiare Potrebbe essere Franscesco Battistoni, in quota Forza Italia, il sottosegretario Mipaaf. Ma tutto ancora da vedere e i nomi su cui si sta lavorando adesso e che sembrano essere certi potrebbero essere modificati all’ultimo momento generando una cascata di caselle che cambiano come un tetris. E’ un vero e proprio frullato di nomi, in queste ore, per mettere a punto le squadre dei ministeri e individuare viceministri e sottosegretari. Decisioni su cui – così erano gli accordi – avrebbero deciso i partiti politici. Ma che sembra non sia più così. AGRICOLAE pubblica i nomi su cui sembrerebbe si stia lavorando ma che – a causa di un braccio di ferro tra i partiti e la Presidenza – potrebbe cambiare completamente. Premier Mario Draghi, coadiuvato da Roberto Garofoli sottosegretario di Stato, Antonio Funiciello (lo stesso di Luca Lotti) capo di gabinetto e Carlo Deodato al Dagl. Poi Roberto Chieppa segretario generale, Paola Ansuini portavoce, Luigi Mattiolo consigliere diplomatico e Daria Perrotta capo di gabinetto di Garofoli. Al ministero degli Esteri Luigi Di Maio ministro, tra i possibili sottosegretari figurano Marina Sereni, Pd; Guglielmo Picchi, Lega; Marta Grande, M5S; e Valentino Valentini, Forza Italia. Ettore Francesco Sequi capo di Gabinetto e Stefano Soliman capo ufficio legislativo. Elisabetta Belloin alla segreteria generale. Al ministero della Giustizia Marta Cartabia ministro, tra i possibili sottosegretari o viceministri si sta pensando a Gennaro Migliore, IV; Francesca Businarolo, M5S; Valeria Valente, Pd; Franscesco Paolo Sisto, FI; e Magda Bianco, di provenienza tecnica. Raffaele Piccirillo capo di gabinetto mentre Mauro Vitello capo ufficio legislativo.
    [Show full text]