Liberal Perspectives on European Integration
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Opmaak Both/Definitief 02-08-2000 15:13 Pagina 1
* From Indifference to 19-12-2003 17:26 Pagina 1 NORBERT BOTH NORBERT NORBERT BOTH Fr om Indifference to Entrapment to om Indifference The Yugoslav crisis represents a formidable foreign policy challenge to many Western and Islamic government bureaucracies. From Indifference to Entrapment deals with the question of how the Netherlands faced up to this challenge during the years 1990-1995. It was during this period that the crisis erupted into armed conflict and the single worst war crime in Europe since the end of World War II took place in the ‘safe area’ of Srebrenica. The role of the Netherlands is particularly interesting, as the country held the EC/EU Presidency during the recognition debate in 1991 and supplied the peacekeeping presence in Srebrenica. The questions addressed in this book include: Did early warning work? What role did the Dutch Presidency (July-December 1991) play in the recognition debate? What motiv- ated the Dutch opposition to the Vance-Owen Peace Plan? Why did the Netherlands become From Indifference entrapped, as symbolised through its isolated peacekeeping commitment to Srebrenica? Finally, what can this story tell us about the ability of small and medium powers to in- fluence international affairs? This study is based on interviews with key players, including former Cabinet Minis- ters, and on documents from the Netherlands Ministry to Entrapment of Foreign Affairs, made available under the Dutch ‘freedom of information act’. ISBN 90-5356-453-5 Dr. Norbert Both, formerly a research assistant The Netherlands for David Owen, now works at the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs. -
Tilburg University De-Legitimizing Labour Unions Zienkowski
Tilburg University De-legitimizing labour unions Zienkowski, Jan ; De Cleen, Benjamin Publication date: 2017 Document Version Peer reviewed version Link to publication in Tilburg University Research Portal Citation for published version (APA): Zienkowski, J., & De Cleen, B. (2017). De-legitimizing labour unions: On the metapolitical fantasies that inform discourse on striking terrorists, blackmailing the government and taking hard-working citizens hostage. (Tilburg Papers in Culture Studies; No. 176). General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 02. okt. 2021 Paper De-legitimizing labour unions: On the metapolitical fantasies that inform discourse on striking terrorists, blackmailing the government and taking hard-working citizens hostage by Jan Zienkowski © (University of Navarra) Benjamin De Cleen© (Vrije Universiteit Brussel) [email protected] [email protected] February 2017 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. -
Canada's Lloyd Axworthy
Intersections The Hague Institute for Global Justice Winter 2015 Column Interview Current Work No Civil Society Canada’s Making without Education Lloyd Axworthy Reform Last Kailash Satyarthi, Nobel Fragile States and Launch: The Commission Peace Laureate 2014 Human Security on Global Security, Justice & Governance Cover photo: A young girl practices reading at a UNICEF supported Community Based School in Qala-e-Haji Yahya village, in Afghanistan’s Herat Province. Intersections | Winter 2015 Education in Fragile States | 3 Dr. Abiodun Williams Education in Fragile States Welcome to the Winter 2015 edition of Intersections magazine, which showcases The Hague Institute’s ongoing work, especially as it relates to education and conflict prevention. In this issue, Nobel Peace Laureate Kailash Satyarthi writes on the importance of education for all, while former Canadian Foreign Minister Lloyd Axworthy is interviewed about his work on conflict-affected countries. Dutch MEP Marietje Schaake also writes for this season’s edition, focusing on the central role that education should have in foreign policy. I have long been convinced that education state. Between states, better education goats and seldom reflects the humanity is of fundamental importance in – particularly about other cultures – can of supposed rivals in the global race. preventing conflict and fostering help to ease tensions between rivals, and In fragile states, the role of education sustainable peace. Education serves thereby hold back the dogs of war. This serves a particular purpose in bringing many functions – for example, as an has been the signature achievement of about sustainable peace after conflict. instrument for economic growth, various international educational Educators who give due consideration to socialization and poverty reduction – programs, including the United World conflicting communal narratives create and contributes to building peaceful Colleges and the Fulbright Program, a space for co-operation between future societies. -
De Parallelle Levens Van Hans En Hans
De parallelle levens van Hans en Hans Door Roelof Bouwman - 16 januari 2021 Geplaatst in Boeken Het is nog maar nauwelijks voorstelbaar, maar tot ver in de jaren negentig van de vorige eeuw verschenen in Nederland nauwelijks biografieën. Terwijl je in Britse, Amerikaanse, Duitse en Franse boekwinkels struikelde over de vuistdikke levensbeschrijvingen van historische kopstukken als Winston Churchill, John F. Kennedy, Konrad Adenauer en Charles de Gaulle, hadden Nederlandse historici nauwelijks belangstelling voor het biografische genre. Over de meeste grote vaderlanders – van Johan Rudolf Thorbecke tot Multatuli, van Anton Philips tot Aletta Jacobs en van koningin Wilhelmina tot Joseph Luns – bestond geen enkel fatsoenlijk boek. Het verloop van de geschiedenis, zo hoorde je Nederlandse historici vaak beweren, wordt niet bepaald door personen, maar door processen: industrialisatie, (de)kolonisatie, verzuiling, democratisering, emancipatie, enzovoorts. Daarnaast werd de weerzin tegen biografieën gevoed door de protestantse angst – in Nederland wijdverbreid – voor het ‘ophemelen’ van individuen. Van feministische zijde kwam daar nog de afkeer bij tegen geschiedschrijving met ‘grote mannen’ in de hoofdrol. Al met al een dodelijke cocktail. Maar nu: een tsunami van biografieën Inmiddels is alles anders. Het anti-biografische klimaat is de afgelopen vijfentwintig jaar dermate drastisch omgeslagen dat het bijvoorbeeld moeilijk is geworden om een prominente, twintigste-eeuwse Wynia's week: De parallelle levens van Hans en Hans | 1 De parallelle levens van Hans en Hans politicus te noemen wiens leven nog níet is geboekstaafd. De oud-premiers Abraham Kuyper, Dirk Jan de Geer en Joop den Uyl maar ook VVD-boegbeeld Neelie Kroes en D66-prominent Hans Gruijters kregen zelfs twee keer een biografie. -
E Modern World-System IV Centrist Liberalism Triumphant, 1789–1914
e Modern World-System IV Centrist Liberalism Triumphant, 1789–1914 Immanuel Wallerstein UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS Berkeley Los Angeles London 1 Centrist Liberalism as Ideology e French Revolution . is the shadow under which the whole nineteenth century lived. —George Watson (1973, 45) In 1815, the most important new political reality for Great Britain, France, and the world-system was the fact that, in the spirit of the times, political change had become normal. “With the French Revolution, parliamentary reform became a doctrine as distinct from an expedient” (White, 1973, 73). Furthermore, the locus of sovereignty had shiE ed in the minds of more and more persons from the mon- arch or even the legislature to something much more elusive, the “people” (Billing- ton, 1980, 160–166; also 57–71). ese were undoubtedly the principal geocultural legacies of the revolutionary-Napoleonic period. Consequently, the fundamental political problem that Great Britain, France, and the world-system had to face in 1815, and from then on, was how to reconcile the demands of those who would insist on implementing the concept of popular sovereignty exercising the normal- ity of change with the desire of the notables, both within each state and in the world-system as a whole, to maintain themselves in power and to ensure their continuing ability to accumulate capital endlessly. e name we give to these attempts at resolving what prima facie seems a deep and possibly unbridgeable gap of conI icting interests is ideology. Ideologies are not simply ways of viewing the world. ey are more than mere prejudices and presuppositions. -
Liberalisms Ing the Histories of Societies
Ed#orial Board: Michael University ofüxford Diana Mishkova, Centre for Advanced Study Sofia Fernandez-Sebasthin, Universidad del Pais Vasco, Bilbao Willibald Steinmetz, University ofBielefeld Henrik Stenius, U niversity of Helsinki In Search ofEuropean The transformation of social and political concepts is central to understand Liberalisms ing the histories of societies. This series focuses on the notable values and terminology that have developed throughout European history, exploring Concepts, Languages, Ideologies key concepts such as parliamentarianism, democracy, civilization and liber alism to illuminate a vocabulary that has helped to shape the modern world. Volume 6 In Search ofEuropean Liberalisms: Concepts, Languages, Ideologies Edited by Michael Freeden,Javier Fernandez-Sebasti<in andJörn Leonhard Edited by Volume 5 Michael Freeden, Javier Fernandez-Sebastian Democracy in Modern Europe: A Conceptual History and Jörn Leonhard Edited by Jussi Kurunmäki, Jeppe Nevers and Henkte Velde Volume 4 Basic and Applied Research: The Language of Science Policy in the Twentieth Century Edited by David Kaldewey and Desin!e Schauz Volume 3 European Regionsand Boundaries: A Conceptual History Edited by Diana Mishkova and Bahizs Trencsenyi Volume 2 Parliament and Parliamentarism: A Comparative Hist01JI ofa European Concept Edited by Pasi Ihalainen, Cornelia Ilie and Kari Palonen Volume 1 Conceptual History in the European Space Edited by Willibald Steinmetz, Michael Freeden, and Javier Fernandez Sebastian hn NEW YORK· OXFORD www.berghahnbooks.com First published in 2019 by Berghahn Books www .berghahnbooks.com Contents © 2019 Michael Freeden, Javier Fernandez-Sebastian and Jörn Leonhard All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purposes of criticism and review, no part ofthis book may be reproduced in any form or by any means, electronic or Introduction. -
Bezinning Op Het Buitenland
Duco Hellema, Mathieu Segers en Jan Rood (red.) Bezinning op het buitenland Het Nederlands buitenlands beleid Zijn de traditionele ijkpunten van het naoorlogse Nederlandse buitenlandse beleid in een onzekere wereld nog up to date? In hoeverre kan het bestaande buitenlandse beleid van Nederland nog gebaseerd worden op de traditionele consensus rond de drie beginselen van (1) trans-Atlantisch veiligheidsbeleid, (2) Europese economische integratie volgens de communautaire methode, en (3) ijveren voor versterking van de internationale (rechts)orde en haar multilaterale instellingen? Is er sprake van een teloorgang van die consensus en verwarring over de nieuwe werkelijkheid? Recente internationale ontwikkelingen op veiligheidspolitiek, economisch, financieel, monetair en institutioneel terrein, als mede op het gebied van mensenrechten en Duco Hellema, Mathieu Segers en Jan Rood (red.) ontwikkelingssamenwerking, dagen uit tot een herbezinning op de kernwaarden en uitgangspunten van het Nederlandse buitenlandse beleid. Het lijkt daarbij urgent een dergelijke herbezinning nu eens niet louter ‘van buiten naar binnen’, maar ook andersom vorm te geven. Het gaat derhalve niet alleen om de vraag wat de veranderingen in de wereld voor gevolgen (moeten) hebben voor het Nederlandse buitenlands beleid. Ook dient nagegaan te worden in hoeverre de Nederlandse perceptie van de eigen rol in de internationale politiek (nog) adequaat is. In verlengde hiervan zijn meer historische vragen te stellen. In hoeverre is daadwerkelijk sprake van constanten in het -
Het Hof Van Brussel of Hoe Europa Nederland Overneemt
Het hof van Brussel of hoe Europa Nederland overneemt Arendo Joustra bron Arendo Joustra, Het hof van Brussel of hoe Europa Nederland overneemt. Ooievaar, Amsterdam 2000 (2de druk) Zie voor verantwoording: http://www.dbnl.org/tekst/jous008hofv01_01/colofon.php © 2016 dbnl / Arendo Joustra 5 Voor mijn vader Sj. Joustra (1921-1996) Arendo Joustra, Het hof van Brussel of hoe Europa Nederland overneemt 6 ‘Het hele recht, het hele idee van een eenwordend Europa, wordt gedragen door een leger mensen dat op zoek is naar een volgende bestemming, die het blijkbaar niet in zichzelf heeft kunnen vinden, of in de liefde. Het leger offert zich moedwillig op aan dit traagkruipende monster zonder zich af te vragen waar het vandaan komt, en nog wezenlijker, of het wel bestaat.’ Oscar van den Boogaard, Fremdkörper (1991) Arendo Joustra, Het hof van Brussel of hoe Europa Nederland overneemt 9 Inleiding - Aan het hof van Brussel Het verhaal over de Europese Unie begint in Brussel. Want de hoofdstad van België is tevens de zetel van de voornaamste Europese instellingen. Feitelijk is Brussel de ongekroonde hoofdstad van de Europese superstaat. Hier komt de wetgeving vandaan waaraan in de vijftien lidstaten van de Europese Unie niets meer kan worden veranderd. Dat is wennen voor de nationale hoofdsteden en regeringscentra als het Binnenhof in Den Haag. Het spel om de macht speelt zich immers niet langer uitsluitend af in de vertrouwde omgeving van de Ridderzaal. Het is verschoven naar Brussel. Vrijwel ongemerkt hebben diplomaten en Europese functionarissen de macht op het Binnenhof veroverd en besturen zij in alle stilte, ongezien en ongecontroleerd, vanuit Brussel de ‘deelstaat’ Nederland. -
Gepassioneerd Betrokken Bij De Publieke Zaak J.J
Carla van Baalen e.a. (red.) Jaarboek Parlementaire Geschiedenis 2010, pp. 149-152 www.ru.nl/cpg Gepassioneerd betrokken bij de publieke zaak Hans van Mierlo (1931-2010) J.J. Vis Hans van Mierlo behoort stellig tot die kleine groep Nederlanders die hun faam vrijwel uit- sluitend te danken hebben aan hun gepassioneerde betrokkenheid bij de publieke zaak. Net als bij Johan Derck van der Capellen, Thorbecke, Tak van Poortvliet, Aletta Jacobs en Cort van der Linden was het bij Van Mierlo niet allereerst persoonlijke of partijpolitieke ambitie maar een bovenpersoonlijk engagement dat hem kenmerkte. Het filmpje uit 1966 waarin we Van Mierlo, vol ongerustheid over de kwaliteit van ons publieke bestel, zien voortstappen over de Herengracht was als verkiezingspropaganda van ongewone kwaliteit, juist omdat het zijn drijfveren en betrokkenheid zo sterk en subtiel tot uitdrukking bracht. Veel Nederlanders zouden dat ook niet meer vergeten. Er zijn twee essentiële tijdperken in het publieke bestaan van Van Mierlo. De eerste begint in 1966 met het Appel van een groep ongeruste Nederlanders dat in december 1966 tot de oprichting van de politieke partij Democraten ’66 leidde – op het nippertje want zonder het doelbewust ingrijpen van Van Mierlo zou de oprichtingsbijeenkomst slechts in chaos zijn geëindigd. Na de oprichting volgden de vervroegde verkiezingen van 1967 waarbij d66 met van Mierlo als lijsttrekker zeven zetels behaalde – een opmerkelijk resultaat in een tijdperk met nog steeds stabiele verhoudingen. Van Mierlo bleek zich thuis te voelen in de Tweede Kamer: al snel liet hij zich kennen als een getalenteerd spreker. Maar met de partijpolitieke plaatsing van d’66 had hij moeite. -
Hobbes' Anti-Liberal Individualism
Hobbes’ Anti-liberal Individualism El individualismo antiliberal de Hobbes James R. Martel San Francisco State University, United States of America ABSTRACT In much of the literature on Hobbes, he is considered a proto-liberal, that is, he is seen as setting up the apparatus that leads to liberalism but his own authoritarian streak makes it impossible for liberals to completely claim him as one of their own (hence the qualifier of proto). In this paper, I argue that, far from being a precursor to liberalism, Hobbes offers a political theory that is implicitly anti- liberal. I do not mean this in the conventional sense that Hobbes was too conservative for liberalism (as Schmitt would argue). On the contrary, I will argue that in his writing, Hobbes evinces a concept of collective interpretation, theories of individualism and the nature F and possibilities for democratic politics, that is radical and offers a completely developed alternative to liberalism even as it eschews 31 F conservative and reactionary models as well. I focus in particular on the idea of individualism and how the model offered by liberals (in this case specifically Locke) and conservatives (in this case specifically Schmitt) offers far less in terms of individual choice and justice than Hobbes’s own theory does, however paradoxical this may seem. KEY WORDS Hobbes; Locke; Schmitt; liberalism; individualism; sovereignty; universal. RESUMEN En gran parte de la literatura sobre Hobbes se lo considera un protoliberal, es decir, se lo ve como quien ha puesto en marcha el aparato que conduce al liberalismo, pero sus propios rasgos autoritarios hacen imposible para los liberales considerarlo completamente como uno de su los suyos (de ahí el calificador proto). -
Memcon PM Wim Kok of the Netherlands, 10:25-10:50 PM
GOHFIDENl'IM:i THE WHITE HOUSE ";1 WASHINGTON ij . { 'j . .! MEMORANDUM OF CONVERSATION ··1 SUBJECT: Meeting with Wim Kok, Prime Minister of the Netherlands (U) PARTICIPANTS: The ?resident Warren Christopher, Secretary of State Anthony Lake, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs . Terry Dornbush, U.S. Ambassador to the . '· Netherlands Alexander Vershbow, Senior Director for· European Affairs, NSC Staff, Notetaker Wim Kok, Prime Minister Hans van Mierlo, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs Adriaan Jacobovits de Szeged, Ambassador to the U.S. Joop Merckelbach, Deputy Secretary General~ Ministry of General Affairs Joris Vos, Director General for Political Affairs DATE, TIME February 28, 1995, 10:25 - 10:50 a.m. AND PLACE: oval Office The President: I liked the Dutch questions (during the photo op) . {U) Foreign Minister van Mierlo: This is because yesterday we had a talk with Dole and he said something about peacekeeping. (U) The President: Dole has had his view; for the past two years, that the U.S. should unilaterally lift the arms embargo -- never mind whether it collapses UNPROFOR and never minq if our analysis is that the Ser.bs could win because of the time it would take to get heavy artillery to the Bosnian forces. Unilateral lift doesn't work. Coordinated multilateral .lift might have worked when we thought of .it in.February 1993. But that was a lifetime ago, and I am not sure it would work now tactically. One problem I have'with the Congress is that a lot of my supporters disagree. with me on this for particular reasons. -
Popular Politicians: the Interaction Between Politics and Popular Culture in the Netherlands, 1950S–1980S
PDF hosted at the Radboud Repository of the Radboud University Nijmegen The following full text is a publisher's version. For additional information about this publication click this link. http://hdl.handle.net/2066/198340 Please be advised that this information was generated on 2021-10-03 and may be subject to change. Cultural and Social History The Journal of the Social History Society ISSN: 1478-0038 (Print) 1478-0046 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rfcs20 Popular politicians: the interaction between politics and popular culture in the Netherlands, 1950s–1980s Harm Kaal To cite this article: Harm Kaal (2018): Popular politicians: the interaction between politics and popular culture in the Netherlands, 1950s–1980s, Cultural and Social History, DOI: 10.1080/14780038.2018.1492787 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/14780038.2018.1492787 © 2018 The Social History Society Published online: 23 Jul 2018. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 54 View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rfcs20 CULTURAL AND SOCIAL HISTORY https://doi.org/10.1080/14780038.2018.1492787 ARTICLE Popular politicians: the interaction between politics and popular culture in the Netherlands, 1950s–1980s Harm Kaal Faculty of Arts, Department of History, Radboud University Nijmegen, Nijmegen, The Netherlands ABSTRACT KEYWORDS From the late 1950s onwards, the Netherlands witnessed a trans- The Netherlands; politics; formation of the emotional codes of politics. A culture of political popular culture; emotions; leadership marked by notions of duty and restraint, made way for celebrity self-expression and authenticity.