Liberalisms Ing the Histories of Societies
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Twenty-Four Conservative-Liberal Thinkers Part I Hannes H
Hannes H. Gissurarson Twenty-Four Conservative-Liberal Thinkers Part I Hannes H. Gissurarson Twenty-Four Conservative-Liberal Thinkers Part I New Direction MMXX CONTENTS Hannes H. Gissurarson is Professor of Politics at the University of Iceland and Director of Research at RNH, the Icelandic Research Centre for Innovation and Economic Growth. The author of several books in Icelandic, English and Swedish, he has been on the governing boards of the Central Bank of Iceland and the Mont Pelerin Society and a Visiting Scholar at Stanford, UCLA, LUISS, George Mason and other universities. He holds a D.Phil. in Politics from Oxford University and a B.A. and an M.A. in History and Philosophy from the University of Iceland. Introduction 7 Snorri Sturluson (1179–1241) 13 St. Thomas Aquinas (1225–1274) 35 John Locke (1632–1704) 57 David Hume (1711–1776) 83 Adam Smith (1723–1790) 103 Edmund Burke (1729–1797) 129 Founded by Margaret Thatcher in 2009 as the intellectual Anders Chydenius (1729–1803) 163 hub of European Conservatism, New Direction has established academic networks across Europe and research Benjamin Constant (1767–1830) 185 partnerships throughout the world. Frédéric Bastiat (1801–1850) 215 Alexis de Tocqueville (1805–1859) 243 Herbert Spencer (1820–1903) 281 New Direction is registered in Belgium as a not-for-profit organisation and is partly funded by the European Parliament. Registered Office: Rue du Trône, 4, 1000 Brussels, Belgium President: Tomasz Poręba MEP Executive Director: Witold de Chevilly Lord Acton (1834–1902) 313 The European Parliament and New Direction assume no responsibility for the opinions expressed in this publication. -
Mouzinho Da Silveira and the Political Culture of Portuguese Liberalism
This article was downloaded by: [b-on: Biblioteca do conhecimento online UL] On: 03 June 2014, At: 04:32 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK History of European Ideas Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rhei20 Mouzinho da Silveira and the Political Culture of Portuguese Liberalism, 1820–1832 Nuno Gonçalo Monteiroa a Institute of Social Sciences, University of Lisbon, Portugal Published online: 02 Jun 2014. To cite this article: Nuno Gonçalo Monteiro (2014): Mouzinho da Silveira and the Political Culture of Portuguese Liberalism, 1820–1832, History of European Ideas, DOI: 10.1080/01916599.2014.914311 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01916599.2014.914311 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content. -
Tilburg University De-Legitimizing Labour Unions Zienkowski
Tilburg University De-legitimizing labour unions Zienkowski, Jan ; De Cleen, Benjamin Publication date: 2017 Document Version Peer reviewed version Link to publication in Tilburg University Research Portal Citation for published version (APA): Zienkowski, J., & De Cleen, B. (2017). De-legitimizing labour unions: On the metapolitical fantasies that inform discourse on striking terrorists, blackmailing the government and taking hard-working citizens hostage. (Tilburg Papers in Culture Studies; No. 176). General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 02. okt. 2021 Paper De-legitimizing labour unions: On the metapolitical fantasies that inform discourse on striking terrorists, blackmailing the government and taking hard-working citizens hostage by Jan Zienkowski © (University of Navarra) Benjamin De Cleen© (Vrije Universiteit Brussel) [email protected] [email protected] February 2017 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. -
From Modernism to Messianism: Liberal Developmentalism And
From Modernism to Messianism: Liberal Developmentalism and American Exceptionalism1 Following the Second World War, we encounter again many of the same developmental themes that dominated the theory and practice of imperialism in the nineteenth century. Of course, there are important differences as well. For one thing, the differentiation and institutionalization of the human sciences in the intervening years means that these themes are now articulated and elaborated within specialized academic disciplines. For another, the main field on which developmental theory and practice are deployed is no longer British – or, more broadly, European – imperialism but American neoimperialism. At the close of the War, the United States was not only the major military, economic, and political power left standing; it was also less implicated than European states in colonial domination abroad. The depletion of the colonial powers and the imminent breakup of their empires left it in a singular position to lead the reshaping of the post-War world. And it tried to do so in its own image and likeness: America saw itself as the exemplar and apostle of a fully developed modernity.2 In this it was, in some ways, only reproducing the self-understanding and self- regard of the classical imperial powers of the modern period. But in other ways America’s civilizing mission was marked by the exceptionalism of its political history and culture, which was famously analyzed by Louis Hartz fifty years ago.3 Picking up on Alexis de Tocqueville’s observation that Americans were “born equal,” Hartz elaborated upon the uniqueness of the American political experience. -
Property and Ownership
Property and Ownership Gerald Gaus 1 PRIVATE PROPERTY: FUNDAMENTAL OR PASSÉ? For the last half century, thinking within political philosophy about private property and ownership has had something of a schizophrenic quality. The classical liberal tradition has always stressed an intimate connection between a free society and the right to private property.1 As Ludwig von Mises put it, “the program of liberalism....if condensed to a single word, would have to read: property, that is, private ownership....”2 Robert Nozick’s Anarchy, State and Utopia, drawing extensively on Locke, gave new life to this idea; subsequently a great deal of political philosophy has focused on the justification (or lack of it) of natural rights to private property.3 Classical liberals such as Eric Mack — also drawing extensively on Locke’s theory of property — have argued that “the signature right of any rights-oriented classical liberalism is the right of self-ownership.”4 In addition, Mack argues that “we have the same good reasons for ascribing to each person a natural right of property” in “extrapersonal objects.”5 Each individual, Mack contends, has “an original, nonacquired right … to engage in the acquisition of extrapersonal objects and in the disposition of those acquired objects as one sees fit in the service of one’s ends.”6 Essentially, one has a natural right to become an owner of external property. Not all contemporary classical liberals hold that property rights are natural, but all insist that strong rights to private property are essential for a free society.7 Jan Narveson has recently defended the necessity in a free society of property understood as “a unitary concept, explicable as a right over a thing owned, against others who are precluded from the free use of it to which ownership entitles the owner.”8 GAUS/2 The “new liberal” project of showing that a free society requires robust protection of civil and political rights, but not extensive rights of private property (beyond personal property) has persistently attacked this older, classical, liberal position. -
Nine Lives of Neoliberalism
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Plehwe, Dieter (Ed.); Slobodian, Quinn (Ed.); Mirowski, Philip (Ed.) Book — Published Version Nine Lives of Neoliberalism Provided in Cooperation with: WZB Berlin Social Science Center Suggested Citation: Plehwe, Dieter (Ed.); Slobodian, Quinn (Ed.); Mirowski, Philip (Ed.) (2020) : Nine Lives of Neoliberalism, ISBN 978-1-78873-255-0, Verso, London, New York, NY, https://www.versobooks.com/books/3075-nine-lives-of-neoliberalism This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/215796 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative -
CPAC: the Origins and Role of the Conference in the Expansion and Consolidation of the Conservative Movement, 1974-1980
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2015 CPAC: The Origins and Role of The Conference in the Expansion and Consolidation of the Conservative Movement, 1974-1980 Daniel Preston Parker University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Political Science Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Parker, Daniel Preston, "CPAC: The Origins and Role of The Conference in the Expansion and Consolidation of the Conservative Movement, 1974-1980" (2015). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 1113. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/1113 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/1113 For more information, please contact [email protected]. CPAC: The Origins and Role of The Conference in the Expansion and Consolidation of the Conservative Movement, 1974-1980 Abstract The Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) is an annual event that brings conservative politicians, public intellectuals, pundits, and issue activists together in Washington, DC to discuss strategies for achieving their goals through the electoral and policy process. Although CPAC receives a great deal of attention each year from conservative movement activists and the news outlets that cover it, it has attracted less attention from scholars. This dissertation seeks to address the gap in existing knowledge by providing a fresh account of the role that CPAC played in the expansion and consolidation of the conservative movement during the 1970s. Audio recordings of the exchanges that took place at CPAC meetings held between 1974 and 1980 are transcribed and analyzed. The results of this analysis show that during the 1970s, CPAC served as an important forum where previously fragmented single issue groups and leaders of the Old Right and New Right coalitions were able to meet, share ideas, and coordinate their efforts. -
E Modern World-System IV Centrist Liberalism Triumphant, 1789–1914
e Modern World-System IV Centrist Liberalism Triumphant, 1789–1914 Immanuel Wallerstein UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS Berkeley Los Angeles London 1 Centrist Liberalism as Ideology e French Revolution . is the shadow under which the whole nineteenth century lived. —George Watson (1973, 45) In 1815, the most important new political reality for Great Britain, France, and the world-system was the fact that, in the spirit of the times, political change had become normal. “With the French Revolution, parliamentary reform became a doctrine as distinct from an expedient” (White, 1973, 73). Furthermore, the locus of sovereignty had shiE ed in the minds of more and more persons from the mon- arch or even the legislature to something much more elusive, the “people” (Billing- ton, 1980, 160–166; also 57–71). ese were undoubtedly the principal geocultural legacies of the revolutionary-Napoleonic period. Consequently, the fundamental political problem that Great Britain, France, and the world-system had to face in 1815, and from then on, was how to reconcile the demands of those who would insist on implementing the concept of popular sovereignty exercising the normal- ity of change with the desire of the notables, both within each state and in the world-system as a whole, to maintain themselves in power and to ensure their continuing ability to accumulate capital endlessly. e name we give to these attempts at resolving what prima facie seems a deep and possibly unbridgeable gap of conI icting interests is ideology. Ideologies are not simply ways of viewing the world. ey are more than mere prejudices and presuppositions. -
Bicentenary of the 1820 Revolution
International Congress Bicentenary of the 1820 Revolution Assembleia da República 12-14 October 2020 The Bicentenary of the 1820 Revolution presents both an opportunity and a challenge to revisit and better understand a crucial period in contemporary Portuguese history. The international congress marking this event is designed to indicate the main lines of interpretation that are to be found in the abundant historiography currently existing on this subject, as well as to encourage the presentation of new approaches and perspectives of analysis. Call for Papers The 1820 Revolution was the founding event of liberalism in Portugal and Brazil. It was part of a broader movement that spread across Southern Europe and the two Latin American empires of the Atlantic region. In all cases, the epicentre consisted of political constitutions, inspired by the Spanish model of the 1812 Cadiz Constitution. The Nation, understood as a new political pillar of the constituent power of parliament, lay at the foundations of the broad concept of national sovereignty that characterised the first Portuguese Constitution of 1822. National independence was an aim that was inscribed in the goals of the 1820 revolution, as was also the case in other southern countries. The parallel outbreak of the movement for independence in the colonies of Latin America resulted in conflicts that would subsequently reveal the imperialist nature of Iberian liberalism. The liberal movement in Southern Europe was counter-cyclical in relation to the political situation of Central and Northern Europe, namely France and England, which were now incorporated into the Holy Alliance, formed to guarantee the political stability of Europe after Napoleon. -
José De Arriaga Was Born in the City of Horta
ARRIAGA, José de (Horta, 1848 – Lisbon, 1921) José de Arriaga was born in the city of Horta (Azores), in 1848, into an aristocratic family descended from Flemish, French and Basque stock, settled on the island of Faial over several generations. His parents lived comfortably, being owners of extensive entailed estates (see “Os Últimos Vínculos Arriaga Brum da Silveira e o Herdeiro Manuel de Arriaga”, in O Tempo de Manuel de Arriaga, 2004, p. 156). In 1861, José de Arriaga, then thirteen years old, moved to Coimbra with his student brother Manuel. Being eight years younger, he would start with preliminary studies before entering the Faculty of Law, in 1864, and finishing his course in 1869. In Coimbra in the 1860s the student community was discovering new cultural and political concerns which were behind activities with a large impact on public opinion, such as the student protests, organized in a secret society (the Sociedade do Raio [Thunderbolt Society]), in the university’s historic sala dos Capelos, against the orders of the Rector (1862), and the famous Questão Coimbrã (1865), a dispute over the status of Romanticism. It was in this atmosphere that José de Arriaga spent his adolescence and youth, under the tutelage of his older brother. Furthermore, Republican societies were mobilizing many students, such as Antero de Quental, José Falcão, Emídio Garcia, Teófilo Braga, Eça de Queiroz, Manuel de Arriaga, amongst others (see O Republicanismo em Portugal da Formação ao 5 de Outubro de 1910, vol. 1, 1991, p. 25). It was in this environment that José de Arriaga passed his adolescence and youth, under the guardianship of his older brother. -
Hobbes' Anti-Liberal Individualism
Hobbes’ Anti-liberal Individualism El individualismo antiliberal de Hobbes James R. Martel San Francisco State University, United States of America ABSTRACT In much of the literature on Hobbes, he is considered a proto-liberal, that is, he is seen as setting up the apparatus that leads to liberalism but his own authoritarian streak makes it impossible for liberals to completely claim him as one of their own (hence the qualifier of proto). In this paper, I argue that, far from being a precursor to liberalism, Hobbes offers a political theory that is implicitly anti- liberal. I do not mean this in the conventional sense that Hobbes was too conservative for liberalism (as Schmitt would argue). On the contrary, I will argue that in his writing, Hobbes evinces a concept of collective interpretation, theories of individualism and the nature F and possibilities for democratic politics, that is radical and offers a completely developed alternative to liberalism even as it eschews 31 F conservative and reactionary models as well. I focus in particular on the idea of individualism and how the model offered by liberals (in this case specifically Locke) and conservatives (in this case specifically Schmitt) offers far less in terms of individual choice and justice than Hobbes’s own theory does, however paradoxical this may seem. KEY WORDS Hobbes; Locke; Schmitt; liberalism; individualism; sovereignty; universal. RESUMEN En gran parte de la literatura sobre Hobbes se lo considera un protoliberal, es decir, se lo ve como quien ha puesto en marcha el aparato que conduce al liberalismo, pero sus propios rasgos autoritarios hacen imposible para los liberales considerarlo completamente como uno de su los suyos (de ahí el calificador proto). -
Leadership and Democracy in the Urban High School : an Analysis of Two High Schools
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014 1-1-1989 Style and power : leadership and democracy in the urban high school : an analysis of two high schools. Ruben de Freitas Cabral University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations_1 Recommended Citation Cabral, Ruben de Freitas, "Style and power : leadership and democracy in the urban high school : an analysis of two high schools." (1989). Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014. 4414. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations_1/4414 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations 1896 - February 2014 by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STYLE AND POWER LEADERSHIP AND DEMOCRACY IN THE URBAN HIGH SCHOOL AN ANALYSIS OF TWO HIGH SCHOOLS A Dissertation Presented by RUBEN DE FREITAS CABRAL Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF EDUCATION May 1989 School of Education (cT) Copyright by Ruben de Freitas Cabral, 1989 All Rights Reserved STYLE AND POWER LEADERSHIP AND DEMOCRACY IN THE URBAN HIGH SCHOOL AN ANALYSIS OF TWO HIGH SCHOOLS A Dissertation Presented by RUBEN DE FREITAS CABRAL Approved as to style and content by: J. U Seth Kreisberg, Mei^be\ JohnvRobert Mul Member ^ t. Marilyn Haring-Hidore, Dean School of Education ACKNOWLEDGMENTS A doctoral dissertation can be compared, in many ways, to a scholastic initiation.