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Re-Reading Citizenship and the Transnational Practices of Immigrants’ Micheline Labelle*
‘Re-reading citizenship and the transnational practices of immigrants’ Micheline Labelle* *Micheline Labelle, Director at the Center for Research on Immigration, Ethnicity and Citizenship (CRIEC), Department of Sociology, Université du Québec à Montréal (UQAM) and Franklin Midy, Department of Sociology, Université du Québec à Montréal (UQAM). From being an issue of low political importance, international immigration has now become a high priority on the political agenda, particularly in relation to security, development aid and clandestine immigration. Several authors have noted a growing convergence of immigration control instruments, of social integration policies for immigrants, and of the promotion of a citizenship ideology in industrialized countries (Cornelius, Martin, and Hollifield, 1994: 3). All Western countries are presently involved in controlling asylum requests and the flow of people without identity papers, as well as curbing recourse to services provide by the welfare state, and keeping a close eye on the cultural, religious and political practices which are playing themselves out in metropolitan areas. In Canada, for example, it is noteworthy that there has been a clear protectionist shift in immigration policy over the past decade. The Canadian government is also active on the ideological front, seeking to enhance the value of its passport and to define and promote Canadian citizenship along with its underlying values and obligations. This offensive goes beyond the issue of controlling immigration; it is linked to the first nations question, the issue of Quebec, and the neo-liberal shift affecting the management of the state. A similar offensive is underway in the USA. Within immigrant populations there is a parallel trend. -
Deportation, Circular Migration & Organized Crime: Haiti Case Study
RESEARCH SUMMARY Deportation, Circular Migration & Organized Crime: Haiti Case Study 2015–S031 www.publicsafetycanada.gc.ca With respect to Haiti, research suggests that the re-importation into Canada of organized crime groups made up of, or led by, deported Haitian Canadians is unlikely. BACKGROUND Analysis applied insights drawn from the literature on Like all OECD countries, Canada has a policy of the formation of criminal organizations due to deporting immigrants who have committed certain movement between correctional facilities and release, classes of crimes back to their countries of origin. This as well as from the literature on internal migration pattern of circular migration – immigration to Canada (e.g., region-to-region within a country, from rural to followed by deportation – has unique implications for urban areas) or from studies related to general the development of transnational organized crime. international labour migration. Deportation and circular migration played a central FINDINGS role in the development of the maras in Central The deportation of permanent residents who have America, whose origins as Los Angeles street gangs committed crime in Canada has, in recent decades, facilitated their re-entry into the drug-trafficking been a political, as well as a policy question. Canada’s market in the United States (U.S.). This research report immigration legislation, the Immigration and Refugee examines the impacts of forced criminal deportation on Protection Act defines who is identified as crime and community security in Canada and in the inadmissible to Canada. Violations of the Act range case study country, Haiti. from very serious crimes such as posing a threat to national security, human rights abuse, terrorism and The report focuses on the impact of deportation on the organized crime to less serious transgressions such as families of deportees, and Haitian-Canadian working or studying without a permit. -
“I Wait for Me”: Visualizing the Absence of the Haitian Revolution in Cinematic Text by Jude Ulysse a Thesis Submitted in C
“I wait for me”: Visualizing the Absence of the Haitian Revolution in Cinematic Text By Jude Ulysse A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Social Justice Education Ontario Institute for Studies in Education University of Toronto 2017 ABSTRACT “I wait for me” Visualizing the Absence of the Haitian Revolution in Cinematic Text Doctor of Philosophy Department of Social Justice Education Ontario Institute for Studies in Education University of Toronto 2017 In this thesis I explore the memory of the Haitian Revolution in film. I expose the colonialist traditions of selective memory, the ones that determine which histories deserve the attention of professional historians, philosophers, novelists, artists and filmmakers. In addition to their capacity to comfort and entertain, films also serve to inform, shape and influence public consciousness. Central to the thesis, therefore, is an analysis of contemporary filmic representations and denials of Haiti and the Haitian Revolution. I employ a research design that examines the relationship between depictions of Haiti and the country’s colonial experience, as well as the revolution that reshaped that experience. I address two main questions related to the revolution and its connection to the age of modernity. The first concerns an examination of how Haiti has contributed to the production of modernity while the second investigates what it means to remove Haiti from this production of modernity. I aim to unsettle the hegemonic understanding of modernity as the sole creation of the West. The thrust of my argument is that the Haitian Revolution created the space where a re-articulation of the human could be possible. -
The Right to Vote – Haiti 2010/2010 Elections
2010/ 2011 The Right to Vote A Report Detailing the Haitian Elections for November 28, 2010 and March, 2011 “Voting is easy and marginally useful, but it is a poor substitute for democracy, which requires direct action by concerned citizens.” – Howard Zinn Human Rights Program The Right to Vote – Haiti 2010/2011 Elections Table of Contents Overview ........................................................................................................................................................ 2 Permanent vs. Provisional .......................................................................................................................... 2 Government in Shambles ............................................................................................................................ 2 November Elections .................................................................................................................................... 3 March Elections.......................................................................................................................................... 3 Laws Governing The Elections Process ......................................................................................................... 4 Constitution ................................................................................................................................................ 4 Electoral Law ............................................................................................................................................ -
Haiti: a Case Study of the International Response and the Efficacy of Nongovernmental Organizations in the Crisis
HAITI: A CASE STUDY OF THE INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE AND THE EFFICACY OF NONGOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS IN THE CRISIS by Leslie A. Benton* Glenn T. Ware** I. INTRODUCTION In 1990, a military coup ousted the democratically-elected president of Haiti, Jean- Bertrand Aristide. The United States led the international response to the coup, Operation Uphold Democracy, a multinational military intervention meant to restore the legitimate government of Haiti. The operation enjoyed widespread support on many levels: the United Nations provided the mandate, the Organization of American States (OAS) supported it, and many countries participated in the multinational force and the follow-on United Nations Mission in Haiti (UNMIH). International, regional, and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) worked with the multinational force and later the UNMIH to restore the elected government and to provide humanitarian assistance to the people of Haiti. This article focuses on the latter aspect of the international response–the delivery of humanitarian aid. It closely examines the methods of interorganization coordination,[1] with particular attention given to the interaction among NGOs and the United States military. An examination of that relationship indicates that the infrastructure the military used to coordinate with the NGO community–the Civil Military Operations Center (CMOC)–was critical to the success of the humanitarian mission. Because both the military and the humanitarian community will probably have to work together again in humanitarian assistance operations in response to civil strife, each community must draw on the lessons of past operations to identify problems in coordination and to find solutions to those problems. II. THE STORY A. Haiti’s History: 1462-1970[2] Modern Haitian history began in 1492 when Christopher Columbus landed on Haiti near Cape Haitien on the north coast of Hispaniola.[3] At first, the island was an important colony and the seat of Spanish government in the New World, but Spain’s interest in Hispaniola soon waned. -
The Canada-Caribbean Remittance Corridor : Fostering Formal Remittances to Haiti and Jamaica Through Effective Regulation
48459 WORLD BANK WORKING PAPER NO. 163 The Canada-Caribbean Public Disclosure Authorized Remittance Corridor Fostering Formal Remittances to Haiti and Jamaica through Effective Regulation Emiko Todoroki Matteo Vaccani Wameek Noor Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized THE WORLD BANK WP163_FM.qxd:WP163_FM 4/3/09 4:16 PM Page i WORLD BANK WORKING PAPER NO. 163 The Canada-Caribbean Remittance Corridor Fostering Formal Remittances to Haiti and Jamaica through Effective Regulation Emiko Todoroki Matteo Vaccani Wameek Noor THE WORLD BANK Washington, D.C. WP163_FM.qxd:WP163_FM 4/3/09 4:16 PM Page ii Copyright © 2009 The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/The World Bank 1818 H Street, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20433, U.S.A. All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America First Printing: April 2009 printed on recycled paper 1 2 3 4 5 12 11 10 09 World Bank Working Papers are published to communicate the results of the Bank’s work to the development community with the least possible delay. The manuscript of this paper therefore has not been prepared in accordance with the procedures appropriate to formally-edited texts. Some sources cited in this paper may be informal documents that are not readily available. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/The World Bank and its affiliated organizations, or those of the Executive Directors of The World Bank or the governments they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. -
Report on Haiti, 'Failed Justice Or Rule of Law?'
ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES INTER-AMERICAN COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS OEA/Ser/L/V/II.123 doc.6 rev 1 26 October 2005 Original: English HAITI: FAILED JUSTICE OR THE RULE OF LAW? CHALLENGES AHEAD FOR HAITI AND THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY GENERAL SECRETARIAT ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES WASHINGTON D.C. 2006 2006 http://www.cidh.org OAS Cataloging-in-Publication Data Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. Haiti: Failed Justice or the Rule of Law? Challenges Ahead for Haiti and the International Community 2005 / Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. p. ; cm. (OAS Official Records Series. OEA Ser.L/V/II.123) ISBN 0-8270-4927-7 1. Justice, Administration of--Haiti. 2. Human rights--Haiti. 3. Civil rights--Haiti. I. Title. II Series. OEA/Ser.L/V/II.123 (E) HAITI: FAILED JUSTICE OR THE RULE OF LAW? CHALLENGES AHEAD FOR HAITI AND THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY Page EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ............................................................................. v I. INTRODUCTION .............................................................................5 II. BACKGROUND ..............................................................................6 A. Events in Haiti, 2003-2005 ..................................................6 B. Sources of Information in Preparing the Report ..................... 11 C. Processing and Approval of the Report................................. 14 III. ANALYSIS OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE IN HAITI ............ 17 A. Context for Analysis .......................................................... 17 -
The United States' Involvement in Haiti's Tragedy and the Resolve to Restore Democracy
NYLS Journal of International and Comparative Law Volume 15 Number 1 Article 8 1994 THE UNITED STATES' INVOLVEMENT IN HAITI'S TRAGEDY AND THE RESOLVE TO RESTORE DEMOCRACY Julie Ann Waterman Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/ journal_of_international_and_comparative_law Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Waterman, Julie Ann (1994) "THE UNITED STATES' INVOLVEMENT IN HAITI'S TRAGEDY AND THE RESOLVE TO RESTORE DEMOCRACY," NYLS Journal of International and Comparative Law: Vol. 15 : No. 1 , Article 8. Available at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/journal_of_international_and_comparative_law/vol15/iss1/ 8 This Notes and Comments is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@NYLS. It has been accepted for inclusion in NYLS Journal of International and Comparative Law by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@NYLS. THE UNITED STATES' INVOLVEMENT IN HAmI'S TRAGEDY AND THE RESOLVE TO RESTORE DEMOCRACY I. INTRODUCTION Haitian boat people have had the misfortune of attempting to immigrate to the United States in the midst of an economic recession and during a time of political pressure stemming from the 1992 presidential campaign. In addition, the immigration of Haitians in such large numbers has aroused fear that the United States would bear the brunt of Haiti's problems from the upheaval of September 1991, just as the United States was compelled to sustain Cuba's problems in 1980 and again in the summer of 1994.1 According to statistics from the National Coalition for Haitian Refugees, as of November 16, 1994, 63,771 Haitians have been interdicted since the beginning of 1991.2 1. Arthur C. -
The Canada-Caribbean Remittance Corridor Fostering Formal Remittances to Haiti and Jamaica Through Effective Regulation
48459 WORLD BANK WORKING PAPER NO. 163 The Canada-Caribbean Public Disclosure Authorized Remittance Corridor Fostering Formal Remittances to Haiti and Jamaica through Effective Regulation Emiko Todoroki Matteo Vaccani Wameek Noor Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized THE WORLD BANK WP163_FM.qxd:WP163_FM 4/3/09 4:16 PM Page i WORLD BANK WORKING PAPER NO. 163 The Canada-Caribbean Remittance Corridor Fostering Formal Remittances to Haiti and Jamaica through Effective Regulation Emiko Todoroki Matteo Vaccani Wameek Noor THE WORLD BANK Washington, D.C. WP163_FM.qxd:WP163_FM 4/3/09 4:16 PM Page ii Copyright © 2009 The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/The World Bank 1818 H Street, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20433, U.S.A. All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America First Printing: April 2009 printed on recycled paper 1 2 3 4 5 12 11 10 09 World Bank Working Papers are published to communicate the results of the Bank’s work to the development community with the least possible delay. The manuscript of this paper therefore has not been prepared in accordance with the procedures appropriate to formally-edited texts. Some sources cited in this paper may be informal documents that are not readily available. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development/The World Bank and its affiliated organizations, or those of the Executive Directors of The World Bank or the governments they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. -
© Sean Brayton, 2008 a CRITICAL POSTMODERN RESPONSE TO
A CRITICAL POSTMODERN RESPONSE TO MULTICULTURALISM IN POPULAR CULTURE by SEAN BRAYTON B.A., The University of Lethbridge, 2002 M.A., The University of Alberta, 2004 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Human Kinetics) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver) April 2008 © Sean Brayton, 2008 Abstract My dissertation is motivated by two general problems within contemporary North American racial politics. First, the increasing ideological impetus of a “post-racist” society contradicts a spate of events that are symptomatic and constitutive of racial and ethnic essentialisms. Second, the logic of multiculturalism and antiracism has often been expressed in a language of race and identity rooted in a rigid system of immutable differences (Hall, 1997; Ang, 2001). The challenge is to deconstruct race and ethnicity in a language that is critical of new racisms as well as the ways in which racial and ethnic difference is seized and diffused by market multiculturalism. While some theorists have used elements of postmodern theory to develop a “resistance multiculturalism” sensitive to shifting social meanings and floating racial signifiers (see McLaren, 1994), they have rarely explored the political possibilities of “ludic postmodernism” (parody, pastiche, irony) as a critical response to multicultural ideologies. If part of postmodernism as an intellectual movement includes self-reflexivity, self-parody, and the rejection of a foundational “truth,” for example, the various racial and ethnic categories reified under multiculturalism are perhaps open to revision and contestation (Hutcheon, 1989). To develop this particular postmodern critique of multiculturalism, I draw on three case studies concerned with identity and representation in North American popular media. -
Introduction
PAUL R. CARR AND DARREN E. LUND INTRODUCTION SCANNING WHITENESS As white as snow, pure white, like Snow White- we could start off this book with dozens of metaphors, analogies, images, and cultural landmarks that all speak to the sanctity, beauty, and the hypnotic predominance of the colour white in the Western world. Not merely the opposite of black, white has been a signifier for global racial supremacy-good against evil, lightness versus darkness, and benevolence over malevolence-and symbolizes cleanliness, kindness, serenity, and youth. White is associated with Europe the conqueror, while Black is inexorably fused to colonial notions of the "dark continent" of Africa. White supremacist groups have coalesced in North America around virulent hatred based on the premise of biological superiority. Canada has long been a welcome home to the KKK and numerous other hate groups (Baergen, 2000; Kinsella, 2005). White supremacist propaganda has been used historically in a sophisticated manner to soften the message of xenophobia to reinforce White hegemony (Daniels, 1997). Slavery, colonialism of First Nations and other peoples, neo-colonialism, imperialism, and a host of other political, economic, and cultural strategic maneuvers and mindsets have all been buttressed by the grandiose conceptualization of the White man as morally enlightened (Dei & Kempf, 2006). Supported for centuries by the Christian religion and the drive to expand the Empire, White people have colonized and ravaged much of the planet. Willinsky (1998) reminds us that the racialized divisions of the past still shape our educational institutions, and that exposing privileges and inequities is part of what we owe our students. -
Report on the Parliamentary Field Mission
130th IPU ASSEMBLY AND RELATED MEETINGS Geneva, 16 – 20.3.2014 Standing Committee on United Nations Affairs March 2014 ADVISORY GROUP OF THE IPU COMMITTEE ON UNITED NATIONS AFFAIRS Mission by the Advisory Group of the IPU Committee on United Nations Affairs Haiti, 24-27 February 2014 Report of the Mission to Haiti The Advisory Group of the IPU Committee on United Nations Affairs undertook a field mission to Haiti from 24 to 27 February 2014. Its mandate was to examine United Nations stabilization and humanitarian efforts in the country, the manner in which efforts at the country level meet the needs and expectations of the local population, as well as the effectiveness of these operations. The mission also looked at how UN partners on the ground involve parliament, and more specifically the role parliament plays in helping secure the rule of law, as well as peace and sustainable development in the country. The visit was part of a series of missions undertaken by the Advisory Group since its establishment in 2008, designed to assess the degree to which national parliaments were aware of and involved in major UN initiatives in their respective countries, such as One UN reform to align international support to the priorities established by national authorities. These include visits to: Tanzania in 2008, Viet Nam in 2009, Ghana and Sierra Leone in 2011, Albania and Montenegro in 2012), and Côte d’Ivoire in 2013. The mission to Haiti was aimed at examining stabilization efforts in the country and the humanitarian operations led by MINUSTAH. The parliamentary delegation was led by Mr.