B10-2016

NIAS Backgrounder

Anshuman Behera

MAOIST CONFLICT IN

NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF ADVANCED STUDIES Bengaluru, BACKGROUNDERS ON CONFLICT RESOLUTION

Series editor: Narendar Pani

This series of backgrounders hopes to provide accessible and authentic overviews of specific conflicts that affect India, or have the potential to do so. It is a part of a larger effort by the Conflict Resolution Programme at the National Institute of Advanced Studies, Bangalore, to develop an inclusive knowledge base that would help effectively address major conflicts of interest to the country. In pursuit of this objective it carries out research that could help throw up fresh perspectives on conflict even as it develops mechanisms to increase awareness about the nature of specific crises. The backgrounders form an important part of the second exercise.

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The Anchor Conflict Resolution Programme National Institute of Advanced Studies Indian Institute of Science Campus Bangalore - 560 012 India Backgrounders on Conflict

Maoist Conflict in Odisha

Anshuman Behera

National Institute of Advanced Studies Conflict Resolution Programme Bengaluru © National Institute of Advanced Studies, 2016

Published by National Institute of Advanced Studies Indian Institute of Science Campus Bengaluru - 560 012 Tel: 2218 5000, Fax: 2218 5028 E-mail: [email protected]

NIAS Backgrounder: B10-2016

Photo Credit: Mr. Krishna Rao

Citation: Anshuman Behera Maoist Conflict in Odisha. NIAS Backgrounder on Conflict Resolution, Backgrounder No: B10-2016 National Institute of Advanced Studies, Bengaluru.

ISBN: 978-93-83566-20-4

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Typeset & Printed by Aditi Enterprises [email protected] Contents

Executive Briefing 01

Flashpoints 05

History 8

Terrain 11

Issues and Contenders 14

Institutions 23

Options 27

Bibliography 31

Executive Briefing

disha is one of the poorest states of be seen as an isolated conflict. It can be OIndia. In terms of its socio-economic safely argued that a number of unresolved profile, it fits into the classic template of issues have contributed to persistence of a region vulnerable to Maoist conflict. In the Maoist conflict in the state. There are reality too, Odisha has been prone to Maoist three important underlying issues: land conflict for decades now and it is one of alienation, poverty, and development the major challenges confronting the state. induced conflict. One of the major Maoist/Naxalite groups, operating under the name of Communist Land Alienation Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist), has Land alienation among the poor, its presence in 19 out of 30 districts of the Scheduled Castes (SCs) and the the state. The strategic topography of Scheduled Tribes (STs) has been an these districts—difficult terrain and dense important source of conflict. There are forests made even further impenetrable three important factors responsible for by poor transport and communication land alienation among the SCs and STs. networks—have provided safe haven for Firstly, manipulation of land records has the Maoists. Persisting regional economic contributed to large-scale land alienation. disparities, socio-economic deprivation, Secondly, ‘Benami transfer of land’ in exploitative local economic structures and which the original owners of the land gradual penetration of corporate players are reduced to share-croppers, has also into these hitherto inaccessible terrain caused land alienation. Thirdly, large tracts have alienated the people inhabiting these of land have been acquired illegitimately neglected areas and provided the space for by outsiders through encroachment political mobilisation by the Maoists; who in the name of development in areas have used local grievances to consolidate inhabited by the SCs, STs and rural poor, their hold over these areas over the years. which have alienated the people further.

The Issues Organised movement against land The Maoist conflict in Odisha cannot alienation in Odisha goes back to the

1 National Institute of Advanced Studies

1960s. In the 1990s organisations such SCs is one of the major issues which as the Kui Lewang Sangha (KLS) and have been fully capitalized by the Maoists. the Chasi Mulia Samiti (CMS) took up The Maoist affected districts in Odisha the land alienation issue and fought are more underdeveloped and poorer in for reclaiming land from the rich land comparison to other districts. According owners. Though, the KLS and the CMS to the National Sample Survey 50 per were successful in recapturing some land cent of the people in Southern and from the rich, the scale and intensity of northern region of Odisha (which are the movement was confined to some mostly affected by the Maoist Conflict) pockets in southern Odisha. live below the poverty line. The poverty level of the tribals and the SCs in the The Maoists used the mass fourteen Maoist affected districts is much organisations like the KLS and the worse than in the coastal and midland CMS as their front to reach out to the districts. local people and through their support intensified the protest movements There is a host of factors leading to against land alienation. The Maoists chronic poverty in the tribal dominated thus became the medium for people’s districts in the northern and southern protest. Ban on KLS and CMS in 2006 regions of Odisha. One of the major and formation of Chasi Mulia Adivasi factors is the lack of governance in Sangha (CMAS) and its association with these areas. Government officials, local the Maoist movement was the defining rich and the outside contractors form an moment for popular protests against unholy nexus and manipulate the rules land alienation. The CMAS, with active and regulations to serve their interest in support from the Maoists, has been clear disregard of the interests of the able to grab thousands of acres of land SCs, STs and the rural poor in the region. in Koraput, Malkangiri and Rayagada Deprivation from natural resources and districts, thereby instilling in the people resource drain through license raj are hope of their collective ownership of the major factors perpetuating poverty in land they were alienated from. these neglected areas of the state.

Underdevelopment and Poverty The Maoists have raised these issues Underdevelopment and chronic poverty quite successfully and attracted affected in Odisha, especially among the STs and communities into their fold. There

2 Maoist Conflict in Odisha exists a perception that the SCs and households), Upper Indravati Hydro the STs inhabiting these areas are easily Electric (5301 households), Balimela Dam drawn to the Maoist movement as they (1200 households). All other industries find the state either non-responsive to like the National Almunium Company their needs or complicit with the forces (NALCO), Hindustan Auronautics responsible for merciless exploitation of Limited (HAL) and Ordnance factory their resources and unleashing a vicious have displaced 3,143 households. cycle of deprivation and grinding poverty which progressively dis-empowers them. Out of the total displaced people in The Maoists have presented themselves dam projects in Orissa, the SC and the as liberators for these communities, who ST categories together account for more can ensure them justice and their right to that 50 per cent and ST Population alone life and livelihood. constitute about 35 per cent.1

Development induced Conflict Institutions Development-induced displacement of Conflicts and institutions are deeply human settlement has been an important related to each other. While conflicts get issue engendering Maoist conflict influenced by the socio, economic and in Odisha. Most of the large-scale political institutions, they also affect these development projects are constructed in institutions. Institutions are not merely and around hilly and forest areas making the organisations; they could stand for a the people belonging to the tribal and norm also. The Maoist conflict in Odisha other backward communities vulnerable has brought in a number of norms to displacement. and practices in and around the Maoist affected areas. The important norms Some the major development and practices that have been developed projects responsible for the displacement in the Maoist affected areas are: land of a significant number of households grabbing and community farming, are: (32718 households), the mass organisations, presence of Machhakund Dam (2938 households), security forces and corporate players. Upper (3179 households), The factors responsible for these norms Rengali Multipurpose Dam (10872 can be attributed to both the Maoists

1 See Nityananda Pradhan, Anuradha, K and Sarat Kumar Patnaik, 2007, Dimension of Issues in Education of Children at Elementary Level due to Repeated Displacement: Case Study of a Village-Chikarpar, Koraput, Society for Promoting Rural Education and Development, Koraput.

3 National Institute of Advanced Studies and the state. . These institutions play an a change of perception towards the Maoist important role in causing, sustaining and conflict. The state could stop seeing the accentuating conflicts. conflict as merely a law and order problem and try to understand and manage public Options perception towards the Maoists effectively. The state of Odisha has adopted a There is an urgent need to have a political three-pronged strategy to deal with the consensus in the state to deal with the Maoist conflict— (i) the military strategy problem. It has to be recognised that the to contain the violence by the Maoists state police force is ill-trained, ill-equipped thereby reducing their activities;(ii) and under-staffed to deal with this problem the developmental approach to bring even from a law and order perspective development initiatives in and around the and hence it has to be modernised at all conflict-ridden areas to win the support costs. Effective conceptualisation and of the local people; and (iii) the surrender implementation of developmental plans and rehabilitation policy to persuade to make them responsive to local needs the armed cadres of the Maoists to lay through the involvement of civil society down their arms and join the mainstream. organisations to design such plans is the However, despite the three-pronged need of the hour to stop people from strategy, the state has not been able to joining the Maoists ranks. And lastly, call deal with the Maoist conflict effectively. for amnesty and negotiation should be backed by effective reassurance that there There could be a number of options is a genuine desire for reconciliation by the for the state to deal with the Maoist conflict state to bring sustainable peace to the state. effectively. The first and foremost would be

4 Flashpoints

Chitrakonda Police station Attack, Superintendent of Police, Koraput 1968: District Armoury, five police stations, The attack on Chitrakonda police station Koraput Jail and a battalion of the by the members of the Orissa State Orissa State Armed Police (OSAP). Coordination Committee (OSCC) led by The Maoists were able to loot a huge Nagabhushan Patnaik was the beginning cache of sophisticated guns and other of Naxal violence in Odisha. The OSCC weapons. During the attack the Maoists which expressed solidarity with the killed a sentry of the Orissa Police All India Coordination Committee of and injured 11 which included seven Communist Revolutionaries (AICCCR) civilians and four security forces. of Charu Majumdar raided the Chitrakonda police station on May 1, 14 police personnel killed in 1968. The OSCC was able to mobilize Maoist attack in Nayagarh, 2008 more than 5000 workers for the raid and Planned by the Central Military looted all the arms and ammunition. This Commission (CMC) of the CPI- was the beginning of organised violence Maoist with active coordination of the with Naxalite ideology in Odisha. Bansadhara division of the Odisha State Committee (OSC) the Maoists carried Koraput Town stormed by the out series of attacks on Nayagarh district Maoists, 2004: armoury, police training school armoury In one of the deadliest attacks Maoist and police stations in Nayagarh district cadres belonging to the People War head quarter, Nuagaon, Dasapalla and Group (PWG) stormed various security Mahipur on February 15, 2008. 14 offices in headquarters police personnel and a civilian were in the early hours of February 6, 2004. killed in this attack. During the attack The Maoists attacked the office of the the Maoists virtually took total control

5 National Institute of Advanced Studies of the town and its periphery. The Landmine blast claimed 17 lives Maoists were able to seize a sizeable of Police personnel in Malkangiri, number of arms and ammunition from 2008 the police stations and armouries. The Just after 18 days of Balimela reservoir Maoist attack in Nayagarh district was attack, the Maoists killed 17 police startling as it had not been included as personnel by triggering a powerful one of the Maoist-affected districts in landmine blast in Malkanagiri district Odisha. With this attack the perception on July 16, 2008. The blast took place of the state towards the Maoist conflict, at Malkangiri Village-126 which comes that it was a spill over effect from the under the Kalimela police station. neighbouring states of jahrkhand, and Andhra Pradesh, got Kandhamal Riot, 2008 changed. The Kandhamal riot which claimed more than 30 lives is alleged to have been 38 security personnel killed inside triggered by the Maoists in Odisha. The Balimela reservoir ambush, 2008 former chief of OSC, Sabyasachi Panda, The cadres of the CPI-Maoist attacked owned responsibility for the killing of a boat carrying four anti-Naxal Viswa Hindu Parishad (VHP) leader police personnel and 60 Greyhound Lakshmana Nanda Saraswati on August Commandos (elite anti-Naxal force 23, 2008. Panda claimed the Maoists from neighbouring Andhra Pradesh killed the VHP leader as he was involved state) on the Balimela reservoir in in converting the tribals to Hinduism. Malkanagiri district on June 29, 2008. In There is also another theory which claims this attack 36 Greyhound commandos that the Maoists were hired by the local were killed along with two anti-Naxal Christian leaders to get rid of the VHP police personnel of Odisha. Such an leader as he posed a religious threat to attack by the Maoists demonstrated them.3The killing of Lakshamana Nanda the underestimation of the Maoists’ Saraswati was followed by a communal strength in this area and the irrationality clash between the right wing Hindus and of force deployment in anti-Maoist the Christians. The right wing Hindu operations.2 leaders held the Christians responsible

2 See Ajai Sahni, “ Fighting the Maoists with Mantras”, South Asia Intelligence Review, Vol. 7, No. 2, July 21, 2008, available at http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/sair/Archives/7_2.htm, accessed on January 5, 2015. 3 Author’s interview with Ghasiram Samutika, a surrendered Maoist in Rayagada district, on April 4, 2013.

6 Maoist Conflict in Odisha for the killing and in the violence more Andhra-Odisha Border Special Zone than 30 lives were lost. Though the Committee (AOBSZC). The differences violence took a communal colour, the between two groups were so sharp that face of the Maoists was changed. For within days of the OSOC declaring the first time the Maoists were seen to a ceasefire with the state government be working as hired criminals. the AOBSZC broke the ceasefire and kidnapped Jina Hikaka a Member of Foreign tourists abducted, 2012 Legislative Assembly (MLA) belonging The Odisha State Organising Committee to the ruling Biju Janata Dal (BJD). (OSOC) of the CPI-Maoist led by Sabyasachi Panda took two Italian Odisha Maobadi Party formed, tourists hostage from the Kandhamal- 2012 Ganjam forest area on March 14, 2012. The OSOC leader Sabyasachi Panda was Panda claimed responsibility for the expelled from the party for allegedly abduction, on a private TV channel, and criticising the central leadership. The demanded negotiation with the Odisha central leadership of the CPI-Maoist government for the release of Italian accused Sabyasachi Panda of “betraying tourists. The OSOC demanded release the great cause of the toiling masses”. of a number of Maoist cadres who had The split within the party was vertical been jailed in the Nayagarh and Koraput as Sabyasachi Panda went ahead and armoury loot case and Sabyasachi Panda’s formed Odisha Maobadi Party (OMP). wife. Panda declared a unilateral ceasefire Formation of the OMP demonstrated till the conclusion of negotiation for the the division in the party on language hostages. and regional bases. The OMP cadres were reportedly seen requesting the However, the abduction by the local people not to cooperate with the OSOC Maoists had more to do with the Telugu and Chhattisgarh Maoists. As rift between the Maoist factions than he was losing his cadres and weapons, with a contention with the state. Maoists Sabyasachi Panda had to rechristen his in Odisha were vertically divided into party as CPI-Marxist Leninist Maoist two groups; one led by Sabyasachi Panda (MLM) in May 2014 before he was and the other led by Daya, Secretary of arrested in July 2014.

7 History

Historically Odisha was variously and was further restructured into 30 known as Udra, Kosala, Tosali, Kalinga districts in 1992. 30 districts of Odisha and Utkal representing different dynasties, were sub-divided into 59 sub-divisions cultures, territories and political contexts. which were further decentralised into The Afghan control over the state (1568- 314 Community Development Blocks 78) was the first ever foreign invasion comprising of 56,887 villages. The on Odisha. The Mughals took the total administrative capital of the state is control of the state succeeding from Bhubaneswar. the Afghans from 1578 to 1751. The Marathas, during their heyday, had a brief History of Maoist Conflict in Odisha control over Odisha (1751-1803) before The communist movement in Odisha it came under the British rule. The British in general and the left wing extremism formed Odisha in three phases: the in particular was greatly influenced southern part of Odisha in 1768 taken by the armed peasant rebellion in the from the Madras Presidency, the western North Telangana region of the former part of Odisha (the hilly tracts) was taken Andhra Pradesh state. Initial communist in 1849 from the Central Provinces and movements in the form of people’s the Coastal part of Odisha from the resistance movement were seen in the Bengal Provinces in 1803. Odisha was districts of Ganjam and Koraput, both a part of the Bengal Presidency and bordering Andhra Pradesh. Some of these remained so till it became the first state resistance movements were: movement to be carved out on the basis of language against the Bethi (Salvery) practice in on April 1, 1936. undivided Koraput district, movement against moneylenders in Ganjam and Post Independence Odisha Koraput district, protest against the Gothii comprised of 13 administrative districts (Bonded labour) practice and protest

8 Maoist Conflict in Odisha against the forest officers, police and local leadership of Nagabhushan Patnaik was landlords’ nexus, food liberation protest not able to focus on the local issues. in Koraput. These movements were the Ideological conflicts among the leaders stepping stone of the radical communist on the issues such as the structures of movement in Odisha. the organisation, party leadership and factionalism within the OSCC dominated The radical communist movement the party activities during the period of in Odisha took organisational shape 1968-1980. under the leadership of Nagabhushan Patnaik. Nagabhushan Patnaik along with In the post 1980s period, two crucial the communist cadres of the Srikakulam factors contributed to the consolidation unit of the Andhra Pradesh Maoists was of the Maoist activities in Odisha; the able to win support from the locals as he PWG of Andhra Pradesh spread its formed a number of organisations to tentacles into the bordering districts of fight against the ‘tribal exploitation’. The Odisha and the association of Sabyasachi Motor Sharmik Sangha, J K Kagaja Kala Panda, a Naxal leader from Nayagarh Sharmaik Sangha and Balimela Power district, with the PWG in mid 1990s. Project Sharmik Sangha were formed to Before joining the PWG, Sabyasachi launch protest against the government Panda had formed Kui Lawang Sangaha officers and state exploitation against (KLS) to reclaim land from the Sahukars, the tribals. usually the money lenders, businessmen and landlords. Organisations such as the The Maoist movement in Odisha KLS and the Chasi Mulia Samiti (CMS) got momentum with the formation of were transformed to be the front of the Odisha State Cordination Committee Maoists. Maoist activities, during this (OSCC) in 1967. The OSCC under time, got momentum because for the first the leadership of Nagabhushan time local issues were reflected through Patnaik expressed solidarity with the a larger ideological framework. Naxalbari movement led by Charu Majumdar and merged with the All India Factional fighting between the Coordination Committee of Communist PWG and the Maoist Communist Revolutionaries (AICCCR), then an Centre of India (MCCI) of Bihar umbrella organisation of the Maoists/ affected the movement in Odisha before Naxals. However, the OSCC under the the MCCI and the PWG merged in 2004

9 National Institute of Advanced Studies to form the Communist Party of India- was expelled from the organisation and Maoist (CPI-Maoist). Under the new he went on to form Odisha Maobadi organisation of the Maoists the Odisha Party (OMP) in August 2012. Though State Organisation Committee (OSOC) the OMP was able to check the activities and the Andhra Odisha Border Special of the CPI-Maoist for some time, it was Zone Committee (AOBSZC) were given not successful as a formidable force as the responsibility of Maoist activities many of its cadres were killed by the in Odisha. However, the CPI-Maoist Odisha Police and Sabyasachi Panda was suffered a split when Sabyasachi Panda arrested in July 2014.

10 Terrain

Spread over a total area of 155,820 km², watershed between the Brahamani and Odisha lies within the latitudes 17.780 and and the watershed of Rusikulya 22.730 and longitudes 81.37 and 87.53E. and Vansadhara. The mountainous Odisha shares its boundary with states of regions cover about three-fourths of the West Bengal on the north east, total area of Odisha. on the North, Chhattisgarh on the west and Andhra Pradesh on the south. The The rolling uplands of Odisha can be state has Bay of Bengal on its east which divided into the uplands, covers a coastline of about 450KMS. The the Jharsuguda uplands, the Bhawani state has 30 administrative districts. pattna uplands, the Bargarh uplands, the Balangir–Titlagarh uplands, the Morphologically Odisha can be divided Patnagarh uplands, the Malkanigir into five parts: uplands and the Rairangapur uplands.

Gifted with six major rivers (Subarnarekha, The major river valleys of Odisha Budhabalanga, the Baitarani, the Brahamani, are associated with the Brahamani, the the Mahanadi and the Rusikulya) the Mahanadi and the Vansadhara rivers. coastal plains of Odisha stretch from Subarnarekha in the north to Rusikulya in The subdued plateaus in Odisha could the south be seen in the upper Baitarani basin in Keonjhar district and Sabari basin The mountainous regions of Odisha in undivided Koraput district. These can be divided into four units: The plateaus can be divided in to the Panposh– Simulia and Meghasana mountains, Keonjhar–Pallahara plateaus in Keonjhar the mountainous region between the district and the Nawrangpur- Baitarani and Brahamani rivers, the plateaus in undivided Koraput district.

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Odisha has a total population of 4, 19, of the Scheduled Caste (SC) in Odisha 74, 218 (Census 2011) in which the is 71, 88,463 which constitutes 17.13% Scheduled Tribes (ST) are 95, 90,756 of the total population. There are 62 in number constituting 22.85% of the different tribal communities and 93 SC total population. The total population communities in Odisha.

Table No: 1.1 (Population in Maoist affected Districts as per 2011 Census)

Total ST SC SL District ST % SC % Population Population Population 1 Bargarh 1481255 281135 298780 18.98 20.17 2 Bolangir 1648997 347164 294777 21.05 17.88 3 Deogarh 312520 110400 52112 35.33 16.67 4 Dhenkanal 1192811 162056 234079 13.59 19.62 5 Gajapati 577817 313714 39175 54.29 6.78 6 Ganjam 3529031 118928 688235 3.37 19.50 7 Jajpur 1827192 151432 433387 8.29 23.72 8 Kalahandi 1576869 449456 286580 28.50 18.17 9 Kandhamal 733100 392820 115544 53.58 15.76 10 Keonjhar 1801733 818878 209357 45.45 11.62 11 Koraput 1379647 697583 196540 50.56 14.25 12 Malkangiri 613192 354614 138295 57.83 22.55 13 Mayurbhanja 2519738 1479576 184682 58.72 7.33 14 Nabarangpur 1220946 681173 177384 55.79 14.53 15 Nuapada 610382 206327 82159 33.80 13.46 16 Nayagarh 962789 58691 136399 6.10 14.17 17 Rayagada 967911 541905 139514 55.99 14.41 18 Sambalpur 1041099 355261 191827 34.12 18.43 19 Sudargarh 2093437 1062349 191660 50.75 9.16 Source: Census 2011 The Maoist conflict in Odisha is mostly Maoists have less intense presence concentrated in 19 districts.4 The in eleven out of nineteen districts

4 For details on Maoist activities in Odisha see http://odishapolice.gov.in/?q=node/69.

12 Maoist Conflict in Odisha mentioned above. They are Gajapati, Out of thirty districts thirteen districts Ganjam, Kandhamal, Keonjhar, Jajpur, in Odisha that is about 44.70% of Dhenkanal, Mayurbhanj, Sambalpur, the total area come under the Fifth Deogarh, Sudargarh and Nayagarh. The Schedule provision of Constitution remaining eight districts, Malkangiri, of India. The Fifth Schedule in Koraput, Bolangir, Nuapada, Rayagada, Odisha covers the complete districts Bargarh, Kalahandi and Nabarangpur of Mayurbhanj, Koraput, Malkangiri, have active presence of the Maoists. Rayagada, Nawarangapur, Sundargarh, Out of these 19 districts 11 districts and Kandhamal districts, R.Udayagiri have substantial percentage of ST and Tahasil,Gumma & Rayagada Blocks, SC population. Both SCs and the STs in of Gajapati Soroda Tahasil, excluding these districts constitute more than 50% Gazalbadi and Gochha Panchayats of of the total population. Out of these 11 Ganjam district, Kuchinda Tahasil of districts eight districts have more than Sambalpur district, Telkoi, Keonjhar, 50% of tribal population (Koraput, Champua and Barbil Tahasils of Keonjhar Malkangiri, rayagada, Kandhamal, district, Th. Rampur and Lanjigarh blocks Sundergarh, Nawarangpur, Mayurbhanja of Kalahandi district and Nilagiri block and Gajapati). The role of the caste and of Balasore district. Out of 13 districts tribal identity in the Maoist conflict in under the fifth schedule, 12 districts have Odisha cannot be undermined. been highly or moderately affected by the Maoist presence. People of Odisha follow different religions. People believing in Hindu religion make up overwhelming majority with 94.35% of the total population. The Christians are the main minority group with 2.44% of the total population followed by the Muslims with 2.2%. The other religious group constitute 1.14% of the total population.

13 Issues and contenders

The peasants, the STs, the SCs There are three major factors responsible and other weaker sections in Odisha for the alienation of land in Odisha, have been raising issues concerning mostly in the tribal dominated areas. their lives and rights for a long period First, the manipulation of land records of time through various organisations has contributed to large scale alienation and institutions. The Maoists have of land. In most of the cases the successfully brought together these tribals were not legally recognised as issues under their fold. These issues have the owners of the land they cultivated provided a fertile ground for the Maoists for a long time. Secondly, ‘Benami to successfully sustain the movement. Transfer’ is another important form of The Maoists have taken the issues further land alienation. In this case the original and put them within their ideological owners of the land are reduced to share framework. Some of these issues that croppers though the land remains in their helped the Maoists consolidate their name. The third important factor leading position in Odisha are discussed below. to land alienation is encroachment.5 Land encroachment is very common in the Land Alienation: Issues relating to Maoist affected districts in Odisha. land -- land ownership, land acquisition, land transfer and land alienation -- are Pre-colonial tribal areas were central to many conflicts. Tribal and other autonomous in terms of their own backward sections of society have been administration and ownership over land the worst sufferers of land alienation holdings. The inclusion of the tribal into in Odisha. Successive governments in the state and state administration by the Odisha have failed to address the land British through the Zamindari system alienation issue in effective manner. was the beginning of dispossessing the

5 See Bidyut Chakravarty, and Rajat Kumar Kujur. 2012. Maoism in India. Oxon, Routledge, p. 113

14 Maoist Conflict in Odisha tribal from their customary land rights. in Odisha has its historical roots. When This led to the foundation of the forced Odisha was carved out as an independent displacement and migration of the state on language basis on April 1, 1936, tribal to the plains. Subsequently the Odisha inherited three sets of land and British and the Zamindars imposed their forest administration system: the Madras administrative control over tribal areas Estates Land Act was enforced in the and settled lands with non-tribals who Southern Odisha, The Central Provinces carried out settled cultivation.6 In order Land Revenue and Tenancy Acts were to put a stop to the transfer of tribal land prevalent in the Sambalpur and Khariar to the non-tribal; the Orissa Scheduled areas; and the Orissa Tenancy Act was in Area Transfer of Immovable Property force in the Northern Odisha districts. Act 1956 was passed. According to There was not much change in the land this act the land of the STs cannot be related regulations during the initial years transferred to the non-tribal unless it is of post independence till 1952 when the permitted by the Sub-Divisional Officer Orissa Estate Abolition Act was passed. (SDO). The whole purpose of the act Starting from 1952, the state has legislated was successfully defeated as the rich and a number of Acts relating to land (See influential non-tribal didn’t find difficult Table no 1.2). Despite of these Acts land getting permission of the SDO.7 alienation among the weaker section of the society, especially the tribal, continues The problem of land settlement to be one of the major issues.

Table 1.2, Land Legislation in Orissa, 1951-1972 Name Year Provisions Impact Orissa Estate 1952 • Abolition of intermediaries in • No provision of protection for Abolition Act the state tenants • Vesting of all Land Rights in the • Eviction of tenants as the state Zamindars was allowed land • Agricultural alnd less than less than 23 acres for personal 23 acres to remain with the cultivation. intermediaries for personal • Abolition of intermediaries could cultivation not be completed until 1974

6 See Shakti Padhi, and Nilakantha Panigrahy, 2011. Tribal Movements and Livelihoods: Recent Developments in Orissa, New Delhi, CPRC-IIPA Working Paper 5, p.8 7 See Bibhuti Bhusan Mohanty, State and Tribal Relationship in Orissa, Indian Anthropological Association, June 1997, Vol.27, No.1, p 6

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Name Year Provisions Impact Orissa Land 1960 • Permanent, heritable and • Delay in enactment and actual Reforms Act transferable rights in land for implementation of the act (amended in the tiller. provided sufficient opportunities 1965, 1973, • Ban on leasing of land except for large land owners to escape 1974) under special conditions 9in 1972) ceiling restrictions. • Under adverse possession, land in • By explicitly banning tenancy, continuous cultivation for 12 years the law is unable to address the or more by a person other than its problem of share cropping owner shall pass to the cultivator. • No provision was made to record • Rent not to exceed one fourth of concealed tenancies. the gross produce. • Ceiling on individual holdings at 33 standard acres-later reduced to 20 (in 1965) and to 10 standard acres (1972) Orissa 1958 • Different laws related to survey, • Establishment of uniform (though Survey and record of rights and settlement defective) system of rights of Settlement amended and consolidation in tenants not recording during Act to one uniform law. settlement operations. Orissa 1972 • Fragmentation of land declared • Little impact on land Consolidations illegal. fragmentation of Holdings • First choice of transfer to adjunct • Occasional land sales but rarely and farmer to adjunct farmers. Prevention of • Consolidation of land holdings Fragmentation ignored by the farmers in Western of land Act Orissa because of undulating terrain. Orissa 1972 • Unauthorised occupation of • Penalties too low to act as a Prevention government land prohibited disincentive to encroachers. of Land • Penalties on encroachers • The 1982 amendment not a Encroachment followed by eviction. ‘proactive’ right-encroacher Act (Amended • The 1982 amendment cannot ‘apply’ to be regularised as in 1982) for settlement of two (later act of encroachment is regarded amended to one) standard as illegal in the first place. acres of ‘unobjectionable’ land • Only Revenue Inspector can (i.e. government wasteland) initiate regularisation of rights. with ‘eligible’ beneficiaries (e.g. • Considerable scope for rent- landless) seeking by revenue officials.

Source: Chakravarty and Kujur: 2012.

16 Maoist Conflict in Odisha

Movements and protests against land to the CMAS/Maoist and have left land alienation in Odisha are not new their houses. The CMAS has got into developments. Mass organizations community farming in the land grabbed such as the KLS and CMS had started from the rich. land reclaiming movement in the early 1990s. These organizations under the The land grabbing activities by the leadership of Sabyasachi Panda were CMAS with active support from the able to grab hundreds acres of land Maoists have opened up new conflicts in from rich farmers and businessmen. these societies. Families who support the Emergence of the Chasi Mulia Adivasi CMAS/Maoists have surrendered their Sangha (CMAS) with active support land and others have been chased out from the Maoists strengthened the land of their respective villages. Hundreds of reclaiming movement in districts such as families have lost their houses and land Koraput, Malkanagiri, parts of Rayagada, to the CMAS/Maoist. The Maoists use Ganjam and Gajapati. The protest for jal, the land alienation issue among the tribals zameen and jungle by the CMAS keeps the and other communities to legitimize their movement going in these districts. movement. They have been successful, to a great extent, in winning people’s Land has always been the central support through this. Initiatives like point of Maoist movement in India community farming make the tribal starting from the days of Charu communities feel empowered though Majumdar’s Naxalbari Movement in the communities who loose land in this 1960s. In Odisha, the Maoists have process feel alienated, hence opening up consolidated their position raising the age further conflicts among the communities. old issue of land alienation. The Maoists have actively supported the organizations Underdevelopment and Poverty like the CMAS to go for land grabbing Underdevelopment and poverty in drive. With the active support from the Odisha are the major issues which have Maoists, the CMAS has been able to been capitalized by the Maoists. Odisha grab more than 600 hectares of land continues to remain as one of the poorest only in Narayanpatna and Bandhugaon states in India. Some of the regions of blocks of Koraput districts.8 The ‘rich the state are even poorer than the other farmers’ and businessmen have lost their regions. The Maoist affected districts in

8 Author’s interview with the locals of Bandhugaon and Narayanpatna Blocks, April 6, 2013

17 National Institute of Advanced Studies

Odisha are more underdeveloped and While the Chief Minister of Odisha poorer in comparison to other districts. recognizes the problem, he fails to Prevalence of age old underdevelopment recognize the factor leading to such and chronic poverty have provided fertile underdevelopment and poverty beyond ground for the Maoists to successfully the obvious ones. A closer look at the spread their ideology and bring people poverty situation in Odisha reveals that under their fold to fight against the state. the poverty ratio is worse among the The state government, of late, has also socially backward communities and it acknowledged this fact. Acknowledging varies from region to region. these factors, the Chief Minister of Odisha, Naveen Patnaik said that: Table No; 1.3 regional Poverty in Odisha, NSS 1999-2000 People in the backward regions lack economic opportunities. They Coastal Southern Northern are deprived of fruits of development Rural 29.3 86.16 50.98 efforts. People in the socio-economically Urban 41.65 43.97 45.81 depressed regions often carry a deep Combined 31.51 50.1 50.1 sense of frustration and discrimination Source: Compiled from Haan and Dubey as cited in State of against their better of neighbors. Poor the Adivasis in Odisha, 2014 and disaffected people are often easily manipulated by anti-social elements Note: The Coastal Region: Ganjam, and powerful vested interests. These Khordha, Puri, Jagatsinghpur, pockets of poverty breed serious Kendrapara, Bhadrak, Baleshwar, socio-economic problems. There Cuttack and Jajpur districts. Northern is corroborating evidence that the Region; Dhenkanal, Keonjhar, problems of terrorism, naxalism, Mayurbhanja, Smbalpur and Sudergarh increased incidents of crime, law and districts. Southern Region: Bolangir, order and social strife in many pockets Kalahandi, Kandhamal, Koraput, are attributed to social and economic Malkangiri, Rayagada, Nawarangapur depression of such regions.9 and Gajapati districts.

9 See Speech of Shri Naveen Patnaik, Chief Minister, Orissa 50th National Development Council Meeting on 21st December 2002 at New Delhi, available at http://planningcommission.nic.in/plans/planrel/pl50ndc/ orissa.pdf, accessed on January 10, 2015.

18 Maoist Conflict in Odisha

Poverty level in the tribal dominated The state, until recently, never took districts (Mostly in the Northern and genuine efforts to bring development Southern region) is worse compared to for the SCs and STs. Development the Coastal region districts. Out of the measures initiated for these communities 14 districts declared to be affected by are not implemented with true spirit. the Maoists presence, 13 districts come Nexus among the government officials, under the Northern and Southern region local rich and the outside contractors of Odisha. In these 13 districts the SCs manipulated the rules and regulations and STs combined constitute more than that went against the interests of the 50% of the total population. The Coastal SCs and STs. region of Odisha with lower percentage of ST and SC population has not been One of the major factors leading to under the Maoist influence. poverty and underdevelopment of the Maoist affected districts in Odisha is the Table 1.4: Poverty ratio of regions in Lisence Raj. Post independence Odisha Odisha (%), 1999-2000 leased out the forest products to the private players. For instance major forest Regions ST SC Other All produces were leased out to Messers. Coastal 66.63 42.18 24.32 31.74 H. Dear and Co, B.T.T. Co. and Motu Southern 92.42 88.90 77.65 87.05 Industries till 1960. Similarly, the bamboo Northern 61.69 57.22 34.67 49.81 forest cover of the Rayagada subdivision Odisha 73.08 52.30 33.29 48.04 of undivided Koraput district was 10 Source: Based on estimates by Haan and Dubey, 2003, as licensed to M S Straw Product Ltd. The cited in State of the Adivasis in Odisha 2014 Orissa Forest Corporation was formed in 1962 which went for annual auction of There is a host of factors leading to the forest produce to the highest bidders. chronic poverty in the tribal dominated In this process the forest products of districts in the Northern and southern districts like Koraput was drained out to regions of Odisha. One of the major other neighbouring states and districts factors is the lack of governance in these without providing any benefit to the areas. The state led development model tribals. Such resource drain from Koraput has not benefitted these communities has been rightly observed by Madhav in particular and the area in general. Gadgil:

10 See Bibhuti Bhusan Mohanty, p. 6

19 National Institute of Advanced Studies

‘the exploitation of forest issue of conflict in Odisha. Odisha has from railway sleepers to timber witnessed large scale displacements due for furniture and pulp for to large scale development projects such paper can be seen in stark as construction of dame, establishment form in Koraput. One has of industries, extraction of mineral only to see the logs and the resources (mines), etc. Most of these bamboos floating down the large scale development projects are Sileru and Sabari rivers, beyond constructed in and around hilly and forest the Chinna Godavari to the areas making the people belonging to the mighty Godavari and on to the tribal and other backward communities paper mills at Bhadrachalam vulnerable to displacement. and Rajamundry, to realise how wealth is indiscriminately being In Odisha the large scale drained out of the district. development projects legitimised the Although estimates are hard systematic displacement of the resources to come by, the sight makes a which pushed the tribal and other strong impression’.11 vulnerable communities to an uncertain and insured economy.12 In the undivided The Maoists, though at the Koraput district, which has been worst propaganda level, have raised these issues affected by the Maoists, there are more and attracted some tribal communities than 20 large development projects. to their fold. It can be safely argued that These large development projects have these tribal communities are easily drawn displaced substantial percentage of to the Maoist movement as they find the the tribal and other under privileged state seems to have become defunct. communities. The Maoists, as perceived by some of the communities, are the only avenue to Some the major development projects ensure their right and livelihood. responsible for the displacement of significant size of households are: Development induced Displacement Hirakud Dam (32718 households), Development induced displacement of Machhakund Dam (2938 households), human settlement has been an important Upper Kolab Dam (3179 households),

11 See Madhav Gadgil cited in Bibhuti Bhushan Mohanty, pp. 9-10 12 Ibid, p.10

20 Maoist Conflict in Odisha

Table No: 1.4; Displacement in Undivided Koraput District Total number of Families Project Inception Villages affected SCs STs Others Machhkund 1948 67 300 1500 1138 Upper Kolab 1976 49 442 1421 1316 HAL 1963 10 ------NALCO 1981 14 55 266 279 Upper Indravati 1976 99 697 2223 2282 Balimela 1962 91 ------Source: Pradhan (2007) Rengali Multipurpose Dam (10872 The displaced people have been households), Upper Indravati Hydro demanding rehabilitation and Electric (5301 households), Balimela Dam compensation ever since the initial (1200 households). All other industries days of the development projects. The like the National Almunium Company tribals and other vulnerable sections of (NALCO), Hindustan Auronautics the society were mostly neglected by Limited (HAL) and Ordnance factory the state government and the corporate have displaced 3,143 households. Out of actors when it came to rehabilitation and the total displaced people in dam projects compensation. The Maoists have joined in Orissa, SC and ST categories together with the displaced people in protest for account for more that 50% and ST rehabilitation and compensation. In this Population alone constitute about 35%.13 process the Maoists’ opposition for the Similarly, the Steel Plant in large scale development projects has caused displacement acquired some support from the local of 4,094 families which included 31 people. villages of (This dam was built to provide water to the steel plant The Maoists in Odisha have also and the town ship). Around 60% of the caused displacement of households. displaced families belonged to the tribal The Maoist model of development has community.14 forced some sections of the society,

.13 For details see Nityananda Pradhan, Anuradha, K and Sarat Kumar Patnaik, 2007, Dimension of Issues in Education of Children at Elementary Level due to Repeated Displacement: Case Study of a Village-Chikarpar, Koraput, Society for Promoting Rural Education and Development, Koraput 14 For details see Rajkishor Meher, ‘Globalisation, Displacement and the livelihood issues of tribal and Agricultural Dependent Poor People: The Case of Mineral-based Industries in India’, Journal of Developing Societies, Vol.25, No.4, 2009, pp.457-480

21 National Institute of Advanced Studies mostly the rich and communities who from the small farmers. Those who did do not support the Maoists’ ideology, not subscribe the idea of community to leave their land and household, farming were viewed as ‘class enemy’ hence causing displacement. As it has and were forcibly chased out of the been mentioned before the Maoists locality. In districts such as Rayagada, supported the CMAS to go for Koraput, Malkanagiri, hundreds of reclaiming land from the ‘rich’. The idea families have been displaced by the of community farming under the total Maoist atrocities. In this case, apart from ownership of the CMAS-Maoist also the rich, the communities belonging to demanded surrender of land holding the SC have been targeted.

22 Institutions

Conflict and institutions are deeply could be viewed as the absence or/and related to each other. While conflicts get inability of the government institutions influenced by the socio, economic and to enforce rules (or it could be said that political institutions, they also affect these the state institutions have not effectively institutions. Institutions are not merely addressed the issues of society) which has the organisations; they could stand allowed emergence of other institutional for a norm. Institutions, as perceived practices. Followings are the major by John Rawls, could be thought of institutions that have emerged out of the two ways. First it could be seen as an Maoist conflict. abstract object expressed by a system of rules. Secondly, it could be seen as the The Land Systems: Entry of Land realisation in the thought and conduct of Grabbing and Community Farming certain individuals at a certain time and Land alienation has been one of the place of the actions specified by these major sources of conflict, especially in rules.15 Going by the definition given the districts affected by the presence by John Rawls and for the purpose of of the Maoists. The Maoists have been the backgrounder, institution could be successful to win the support of the viewed as a set of rules/norms (mostly deprived and weaker sections of the within organisational framework) within society by raising the important issues a given society which necessarily defines such as land rights, forest rights of the the power relations, the rights and tribals and land alienation. With the duties and the like.The Maoist conflict consolidation of the Maoist movement in Odisha could be seen from the in Odisha land grabbing and community institutional point of view. The conflict farming on the grabbed land have been

15 See John Rawls, 1999, A Theory of Justice, Oxford, Oxford University Press.

23 National Institute of Advanced Studies the new practices around the Maoist acres of grabbed land in Koraput, strongholds especially in Koraput, Malkangiri and Rayagada districts. Malkangiri and Rayagada Districts. Under the community farming system the Sangha that is the CMAS claims its Land grabbing from the alleged ownership over the grabbed land actively Sahukars, Zamindars (Land lords) have supported by the Maoists. The members been a revolutionary trait by the mass of the Sangha cultivate the land and organisations. The mass organisations get their share of production. Though such as the Kui Lewang Sangha (KLS) theoretically every member has equal and Chasi Mulia Samiti (CMS) forcibly share, the Sangha and the Maoists have reclaim the land from the landholders monopoly over the products. It has been to be distributed among the landless alleged by the locals that the products of who usually belong to the STs and the the land get used to support the Sangha SCs. The Maoists’ support to these mass and the Maoists activities in these areas. organisations to grab land from the rich land holders has escalated the conflict Legal and Non-legal Political level. Unofficial sources in Koraput claim Parties: The Nexus that the Maoists have reclaimed (grabbed The Maoists have been able to consolidate illegally) more than 600 acres of land only and sustain their movement in Odisha in Bandhugaon and Narayanpatna Blocks because of their interaction and nexus of Koraput District. with both the legal and non-legal political forces. The non-legal political forces Community farming is a new practice (the mass organisations) that have in some areas of Koraput, Rayagada and shown solidarity with the Maoists and Malkangiri districts where the members get active support from the later have of a mass organisation cultivates on the been prominent actors for sustaining land that has been grabbed from the the conflict. rich land holders. The members of the Chasi Mulia Adivasi Sangha (CMAS), The Chasi Mulia Adivasi Sangha the most important mass organisations, (CMAS), Association for Peasants, are believed to be cultivating hundreds labours and Tribal, is one of the important

16 Technically, the CMAS is not an outlawed organization in Odisha. The leadership and the mebers of the CMAS have been involved in many illegal activities with active support from the Maoists.Many of them have been arrested and surrendered. It is in this regard this organisation is viewed as a non-legal political force in this paper.

24 Maoist Conflict in Odisha non-legal political parties 16 having contested the general election in 2009 adverse effect on the Maoist conflict in before he was killed by the Maoist in Odisha. The CMAS is the classic case in August 2010. The Maoists with active Odisha where a movement fully based support from the Nachika Linga faction on the local issues has been virtually of the CMAS killed a number of Arjun integrated with the larger People’s Kendruka’s supporters. Now Arjun war propounded by the Maoists.17 Kendruka faction has been hijacked The CMAS was originally formed as by the security forces to form Nagarik Koraput chapter of the Rythu Coolie Suraksha Committee (NSC). The NSC Sangham (RCS), an Andhra Pradesh was used by the state and the security based peasants’ organisation. The RCS- forces to pressurise the locals not to Koraput continued to protest for the cooperate with the Maoists or the CMAS- tribal rights in terms of right to Jal, Nachika Linga faction. The conflict Jamin and Jungle (water, land and forest) between the two factions of CMAS has until it was banned as an organisation also created conflict among the people for supporting the Maoists in 2005. in Koraput, mainly in Narayanpatna and The RCS changed its name to CMAS in Bandhugaon Blocks. 2006 as Kondagiri Paidamma leading the movement with two important associates, The nexus between the political Arjun Kendruka and Nachika Linga. parties and the Maoists has been an The CMAS intensified the movement important practice in the Maoist affected reclaiming land from the Sahukar with areas in Odisha. The nexus between slogans like Jami Mukti, Mada Mukti, Goti the political parties and the Maoists is Mukti (Freedom for land, freedom from mutually beneficial for each other. Apart liquor and freedom from bonded labour) from periodically condemning the violent . activities of the Maoists, no political By 2008 the CMAS was vertically party has ever taken any fruitful step split into two groups; one believed in to resolve the conflict. The ruling Biju the democratic way in demanding the Janata Dal (BJD) has always been alleged rights led by Arjun Kendruka and the being sympathetic towards the Maoists. other believing in a ‘revolutionary’ way In one instance, it is alleged that, the supported the Maoists. Arjun Kendruka Maoist-backed panchayat representatives

17 For details see Anshuman Behera, “Maoists Link in Odisha: Case of the Chasi Mulia Adivasi Sangh”, IDSA Issue Brief, August 5, 2013, available at www.idsa.in/system/files/IB_MaoistsLinkinOdisha_ABehera.pdf.

25 National Institute of Advanced Studies supported the BJD candidates for Zilla of the high level securitisation initiatives Parishad elections.18 There is a strong by the state. Against the state claim, the perception among the people that the high securitisation of the Maoist areas political parties take assistance from the has have negative affects in terms of Maoists to win elections. human rights violations which in many ways contributed to the interests of the The State Intervention Maoists. The state’s intervention into the Maoist affected districts has been prominent. Corporate players: The presence The state has intervened into these of the corporate players in the areas in two major ways: deployment of Maoist affected areas has contributed heavy security forces and development significantly to the Maoist movement. initiatives that has brought the corporate There have been instances of quid players in. The security and development pro quo between the Maoists and big initiatives are the official policies of the corporate houses. The big corporate state to deal with the Maoist conflict. In such as the Essar Steel, NALCo, JK this process the security apparatus of Paper Mills concede to the demands of the state and the corporate players have the Maoists and pay huge amounts as become important contributors to the protection money. Contractors of the conflict. development projects also get benefited from the Maoist conflict. They blame Security Forces: The state has the Maoists’ activities responsible for deployed 17 battalion of Central Armed the delay of a development project and Police Force (CAPF) along with the in return the Maoists demand certain Special Operation Group (SOG), the elite percentage of the total project money. Police force of Odisha, and the District There are also instances where the Voluntary Forces (DVF) to ‘securitise’ Maoists demands some percentage of the local population against the Maoist the daily wage from the Tendu leaves violence and the development projects. collectors and bamboo fellers (they are The state believes that the violence level usually the STs and SCs) through the by the Maoists has deescalated because middlemen.

18 For details see ‘BJD govt hand in glove with Maoists in Odisha: Opposition’, The Telegraph, Bhubaneswar, March 24, 2012, available at http://www.telegraphindia.com/1120324/jsp/frontpage/story_15290984.jsp#.VnqK9bZ97IU, accessed on December 22, 2014.

26 Options

The options to deal with the Maoist mind of the people and the surrender conflict cannot be offered without and rehabilitation to policy to give the understanding the response of the state Maoists an window of opportunity to towards the conflict. While successive shun violence and join the ‘main stream’. governments in Odisha have neglected grievances and demands of the people So far the military approach of from the Maoist affected areas, they have the state is concerned; there have been perceived the Maoist conflict as a law deployment of 17 battalion of Central and order problem and a spill over effect Armed Police Force (CAPF) in the from the neighbouring states. Maoist affected areas. Along with the CAPFs, the elite security force of the The Government of Odisha’s state, the Special Operation Group response in dealing with the Maoist (SOG) and District Voluntary Forces conflict has not been strikingly different (DVF) have also been deployed. Though from that of government of India’s the state claims to have brought down response. The state government has the violent activities of the Maoists not been able to understand the Maoist drastically, yet the challenge very much conflict keeping in mind the specificities remains there as the cadres of the of the local issues. The state government, Maoists surprise the security forces with similar to the government of India, attacks. The security approach of the follows a three pronged policy in government of Odisha has many flaws addressing the Maoist conflict. They are: such as: lack of coordination among military approach to counter the Maoist the CAPFs and the state security forces, violence, development approach to lack of modernisation of Odisha police, bring about development in and around inadequate deployment of local police Maoist affected areas to win hearts and in the conflict zones. Most importantly,

27 National Institute of Advanced Studies the security centric approach of the Surrender and Rehabilitation state apart from creating fear among the approach aims at giving a window of people, fails to understand the genuine opportunity to the Maoists to come to issues that they have been fighting for. the mean stream. The scheme, as per the government guideline, aims at providing Development approach of the state gainful employment and entrepreneual government, to a large extent, follows opportunities to the surrendered Maoists the development schemes of the central so that they are encouraged to join the government. This approach aims at main stream and do not go back to addressing age old development issues to the Maoist fold again.21 The surrender win hearts and minds of people against the and rehabilitation policy of Odisha Maoists. Of many development schemes government does not seem to have yielded operational in the Maoist affected much success. The new surrender and areas, Integrated Action Plan (IAP), rehabilitation policy of Odisha, 2012 now called as the Additional Central mostly talks covers the monetary benefits. Assistance to the LWE Districts,19 is one Some of the important issues such as of the important schemes. In Odisha rehabilitation of the surrendered Maoists, 15 Districts20 have been covered under speedy trial of the cases against them are the IAP. Under the IAP funds (Rs. 30 some of the key issues to be taken care of. crores per district every year) are placed at the disposal of a committee headed Way Forward by the district collector with assistance Negotiation with the Maoists holds from Superintendent of Police and the the key for the successful resolution Divisional forest Officer. Most of the of the conflict. But unfortunately development schemes including the IAP no government in Odisha has given do not really have local representation. serious attempts to bring the Maoists Lack of local representation, in most of to the negotiation table. Government’s the time, fails to locate the real issues to initiative towards inviting the Maoists for target and addressed. negotiation has been confined to “first

19 For details on IAP see http://mha.nic.in/naxal_new. 20 Total of 15 districts in Odisha have been covered under the IAP. They are Bolangir, Deogarh, Gajapati, Kalahandi, Kandhamal, Keonjhar, Koraput, Malkangiri, Mayurbhanja, Nawarangpur, Nuapada, Rayagada, Sambalpur, Sonpur and Sudergarh. 21 For details on the Surrender and Rehabilitation Scheme of Government of India see http://mha.nic.in/sites/upload_ files/mha/files/NM-GuidSurReh_0.PDF.

28 Maoist Conflict in Odisha shun violence, and then the state will these areas. Deployment of the CAPFs engage in a talk”. Mere sloganeering does sends a wrong message to the local not help for initiation of peace talks and people. The CAPFs are often seen as negotiation. The state must take positive the outsiders and their camps terrorise steps such as releasing the suspected people. The state must recruit adequate Maoists (who have been arrested and number of security forces locally and jailed on the basis of suspicion), engaging modernise them not just to fight the the civil society and declaring cease fires. Maoists but to provide security to It is the responsibility of the state to the common individuals against the create an atmosphere for negotiation. Maoists.

One of the most important steps Keeping politics out of the Maoist towards the resolution of Maoist conflict conflict will resolve most of the problems. has to be change of perception towards the Political consensus and political will to conflict. As it has been mentioned before, deal effectively with the Maoists will the state has always looked the conflict help in resolving the conflict. More often from law and order point of view. It must it has been seen that political parties be understood that there lies a number of engage with the Maoists for their political genuine issues such as issues relating to interests. land, forest rights, poverty, displacement, illiteracy and lack of genuine development Role of civil society organisation in these areas. The state always sees can be explored for dealing with the the violent part of conflict which over Maoist conflict. Well meaning civil shadows the genuine issues of the local society organisations could be engaged people in these areas. The perception to bring the Maoists to the negotiation that all the people (mostly the tribal) in table. It is important to mention that the Maoists affected areas support the no government in Odisha have tried violent activities needs to be corrected. to negotiate with the Maoists. There The state must come to secure the lives have been casual calls to shun violence and livelihood of the local people through and join the main stream. This is high effective implementation of planning. time for the state government to reach the Maoists with the help of the civil There is an urgent need to society organisations to engage them in modernise the local security forces in meaningful negotiations.

29 National Institute of Advanced Studies

Public perception management is with adequate number of government one important area which most of the officials positive approach towards states have failed to achieve. While the addressing local issues. Maoists have succeeded in spreading propaganda against the state, the state There is a need for effective has failed miserably to change that implementation of surrender and perception. The state machinery must rehabilitation scheme. Successful be made available and reachable to the rehabilitation of the surrendered Maoists local population to win their hearts and should be highlighted to attract more minds. Years of absence of the state in Maoists to abjure violent path. these areas needs to be compensated

30 Maoist Conflict in Odisha

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Haan, Arjan de. 2004. ‘Disparities within Nayak, Nihar. 2006. Maoists in Orissa India’s Poorest Regions: Why do the same Growing Tentacles and a Dormant State, Institutions work differently in Different Faultline, Vol.17. Regions? In Equity and Development, World Development Report. Padhi, Shakti and Panigrahy, Nilakantha. 2011. Tribal Movements and Livelihoods: Kohli, Atul. 2004, State-Directed Development: Recent Developments in Orissa, New Delhi, Political Power and Industrialisation in the CPRC-IIPA Working Paper 51. Global Periphery, Cambridge. Cambridge University Press. Pradhan, Nityananda, Anuradha, K and Pattanaik, Sarat Kumar. 2007, Dimension Meher, Rajkishor, 2009, Globalisation, of Issues in Education of Children at Elementary Displacement and the livelihood issues of tribal Level due to Repeated Displacement: Case Study and Agricultural Dependent Poor People: The of a Village-Chikarpar, Koraput, Society Case of Mineral-based Industries in India, for Promoting Rural Education and Journal of Developing Societies, Vol.25, Development. No.4, pp.457-480. Rawls, John.1999, A Theory of Justice, Mehta, Soumya Kapoor. 2011. Inclusive Oxford, Oxford University Press.

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Sahoo, Niranjan (2014), ‘Beyond Samantra, Prafulla. 2014. Bichara O Security and Development: Exploring Pratikriyara Dastabija. Bhubaneswar, Links between Governance and Maoist Lohia Academy Trust. Insurgency’ in Jason Miklian J and Ashlid Kolas (edts), India’s Human Security: Lost Skillshare International India. 2014. State Debates, forgotten people, intractable challenges, of the Adivasis in Odisha 2014, New Delhi, London, Routledge. Sage Publications India.

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