U N I V E R S I T A T E A D I N C R A I O V A

F A C U L T A T E A D E Ş T I I N Ţ E S O C I O - U M A N E

C A T E D R A D E Ş T I I N Ţ E P O L I T I C E

Nr. 21-22 • 2009

---RREEFFEERREENNCCEESS--- GHEORGHE VLĂDUŢESCU (Romanian Academy), ALEXANDRU BOBOC (Romanian Academy), FLORIN CONSTANTINIU (Romanian Academy), CRISTIAN PREDA (University of Bucharest), LAURENTIU VLAD (University of Bucharest), VLADIMIR OSIAC (University of Craiova), CĂTĂLIN BORDEIANU („Petre Andrei” University of Iaşi)

---IIINNTTEERRNNAATTIIIOONNAALL AADDVVIIISSOORRYY BBOOAARRDD--- MI HA I CIM P OI Pre s ide nt of th e A c a d em y of the Rep ubl i c of M ol da v i a MIC HA E L RA DU , Senior Fellow, Foreign Policy Research Institute, C o- C ha ir ma n , FP RI’ s Ce nter o n Terrorism, Counter -Terrorism and Homeland Security , Philadelphia, USA YO HA NA N MA N OR , Profe s s or , University de Jerusalem, Israel Pre s ide nt , Center for Monitoring the Impact of Peace (CMIP) JOZ E PIR JEV EC, Profe s s or , University of Trieste, Italy PA TRI CIA G O N ZA L EZ-A L DEA Profe s s or , University Francisco de Vitoria, Madrid, Spain OL IV ER FRI G GI ERI, Profe s s or , University of Malta CRIS TI NA BEJA N , Wadham College, Oxford, Great Britain SLA V C O A LMĂ JA N , Profe s s or , University of Novi Sad, Serbia Pre s ide nt , „Argos” Center for Open Dialogue, Novi Sad, Serbia NICU CI O BA NU Pre s ide nt , „Libertatea”Publishing House, Novi Sad, Serbia SA ND O R R IC HT ER Senior Economist , Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies (WIIW) JU N E TEU FE L D RE YER Profe s s or , Department of Political Science, University of Miami, USA

---EEDDIIITTOORRIIIAALLL BBOOAARRDD--- Editor in chief: AUREL PIŢURCĂ Deputy editor in chief: ION DEACONESCU Editorial board: CEZAR AVRAM, VLADIMIR OSIAC, MIHAI COSTESCU, ANCA PARMENA OLIMID, COSMIN LUCIAN GHERGHE, CĂTĂLIN STĂNCIULESCU, CĂTĂLINA GEORGESCU, TITELA VÎLCEANU, MIHAI GHIŢULESCU

NNOOTTEE ooofff ttthhheee EEDDIIITTOORRIIIAALLL BBOOAARRDD Revista de Stiinte Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques was evaluated and authorized by the National Council of Scientific Research in Superior Education (CNCSIS) in the B+ category – periodical publications indexed in international databases (May 2009) Revista de Stiinte Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques is indexed by Proquest, Index Copernicus, Georgetown University Library, DOAJ, Elektronische Zeitschriftenbibliothek EZB, Journal Seek, Intute Social Sciences.

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University of Craiova • Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities • Political Science Department

CONTENTS

PPOOLLIIITTIIICCAALL HHIIISSTTOORRYY::: TTHHOOUUGGHHTT AANNDD PPRRAACCTTIIICCEE

Aurel PIŢURCĂ, Romanian education system and national minorities in the 7 interwar period Marusia CÎRSTEA, Romanian Kings’ official visits to London 16 Antonio MOMOC, Radical and moderate political groups in the Sociology School of Bucharest 21 Mihaela Camelia BUZATU, Anul 1938 şi înfiinţarea Frontului Renaşterii 25 Naţionale – context european şi context naţional Cosmin Lucian GHERGHE, Planul Marshall și consecințele sale pentru Europa 32 Ionuţ ŞERBAN, Florian OLTEANU, The birth of EU. Historiographical and 36 political aspects regarding the period 1945-1970 Mihai GHIŢULESCU, De la internaţionalismul socialist la naţional-comunism. 41 Despre metamorfozele ideii naţionale în România comunistă

RROOMMAANNIIIAA TTOODDAAYY::: PPOOLLLIIITTIIICCSS,,, LLLAAWW AANNDD AADDMMIIINNIIISSTTRRAATTIIIOONN

Mircea CRISTE, Il y a 20 ans… (Un panorama constitutionnaliste de la 59 révolution roumaine) Anca Parmena OLIMID, Supradimensionarea şi disproporţionalitatea legislativă. Uninominalul, reformă electorală sau miză politică? 66 Cătălina Maria GEORGESCU, Political control, public organizations’ recruitment and selection policies and the New Public Management 73 Gheorghe PÎRVU, Ramona GRUESCU, Roxana NANU, Structural Modifications in the Romanian Economy under the Coercions Imposed by the Growth of the 81 Competitiveness

IIINNTTEERRNNAATTIIIOONNAALL PPOOLLIIITTIIICCSS::: HHOOWW TTOO DDEEAALLL WWIIITTHH TTHHEE RREECCEENNTT IIISSSSUUEESS???

Michael RADU, How to Kill Civilians in the Name of “Human Rights”: 88 Lessons from Sri Lanka Ion DEACONESCU, Mihai Ovidiu CERCEL, Statul independent Kosovo – cui 93 prodest? Cezar AVRAM, Roxana RADU, Drepturile socio-economice ale cetăţenilor 97 europeni Cătălina Maria GEORGESCU, EU competences in the field of public 106 administration of Member States and Candidate Countries Mihai Alexandru COSTESCU, Olga COSTESCU, Management of public 113 institutions’ changes in the European Union integration

5 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 University of Craiova • Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities • Political Science Department

Mackubin Thomas OWENS, The Bush Doctrine: The Foreign Policy of 119 Republican Empire Anca Parmena OLIMID, Learning from the Obama Campaign: reply to W. 134 Frederick Zimmerman (A historical and political lesson plan) June Teufel DREYER, China’s Power and Will: The PRC’s Military Strength 143 and Grand Strategy Shelley RIGGER, Taiwan’s Presidential and Legislative Elections 155 Petru Sorin DRĂGUŞIN, The National State and Global Politics 166 Irina Olivia POPESCU, Uniformizarea legislaţiei la nivel european. Studiu comparativ privind eroarea ca viciu de consimţământ în reglementările 173 Statelor Membre Radu RIZA, Doctrina suveranităţii juridice între sincronie şi diacronie 179 Alexandru ŞERBAN, Silviu Gabriel BARBU, Legislaţie şi jurisprudenţă europeană. Analiză comparativă privind perchetiţia ca măsură procesual 183 penală consacrată în Constituţie şi practica Curţii Europene a Drepturilor Omului şi a Curţii Europene de Justiţie Irina Olivia POPESCU, Libera circulaţie în Uniunea Europeană. Viziunea reformatoare a Anteproiectului de Cod European al Contractelor în materia 189 nulităţii actului juridic

MMEEDDIIIAA SSTTUUDDIIIEESS

Snejana POPOVA, Discours médiatiques sur l’immigration (Etude comparée de la presse bulgare et française) 194 Xenia NEGREA, Techniques of rendering speech credible in today’s Romanian 200 press. Case Study Davian VLAD, The Main Music Radio Formats in Romania Today 219

NNEEWW BBOOOOKKSS && IIIDDEEAASS

Vasile Boari – un vizionar european (Aurel Piţurcă) 226 Economia barbară şi actuala criză mondială (Mihai Ovidiu Cercel) 228

6 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

POLITICAL HISTORY THOUGHT AND PRACTICE

Romanian education system and national minorities in the interwar period

Aurel PIŢURCĂ

Abstract: The article is structured into two parts: in the first part the author makes some theoretical conceptual specification on minorities, ethnical minority, minority of language, race and religion and national minority. In the second part the author highlights and analyzes some of the issues of the relation between the Romanian education system during the interwar period and national minorities from Transylvania. Keywords: national minorities, inter-ethnic relations, education system, confessional education, Romanianization, Hungarianization.

inorities’ issues, no matter their including the present type of human nature or historical period, have development. M constituted a theme with a large Most of the dictionaries, studies, audience and public debate, with multiple papers define the minority as the smallest implications for the political life and social number or part from a collectivity1. In practice. One can discuss on the presence relation to the majority, the minority group of ethnic, linguistic, religious minority groups is in a position of numeric inferiority and even from the antiquity, perpetuating till from this its social, political, cultural, of the present moment. Since the establishment statute and social role. The determining, of the national state, during the modern discriminating element is of a quantitative, period, national minorities have been numeric nature, and in no instance of appeared, fact which would amplify and qualitative nature or value. tense the communities’ social life, both In the sociologic sense, the majority is internally and internationally. Today one a segment of the population which exceeds can speak of a great diversity of minorities, all the other segments2. cultural, sexual, racial groups, immigrants The notions of “ethnic minority”, or the Roma. “language, race and identity minority”, In one form or another, ethnic and and “national minority” were used having national minorities have been present during the same meaning and value for a very long the whole history, representing important time, their meaning not being completely components of any social community, cleared up even today. Understanding the issue of national minorities in the

7 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 POLITICAL HISTORY Aurel Pițurcă contemporary period requires some well as the states and political officials of theoretical, conceptual specifications. Ethnic the time. minority is a notion characterising the pre- The concept of “national minority” national period, its members being united was used for the first time by C. A. through a commune descendant given by Macartney in the interwar period. He tried the same language, way of living, tra- to apply this concept to the new state- ditions, behaviour, religious belief, culture. nation realities which were constituted in This concept highlights the cultural com- Europe after the First World War. National ponents which render the group the feeling minorities were circumscribed both to the of belonging and that of being different state and to majority nations. from the majority, which determines them During the post-war period of the to make social, political, cultural claims that 1970s Francesco Copatari would try to would make them equal to the majority, or define “national minorities”, viewed by him to benefit from a special treatment based as “a numerically inferior group to the rest on the recognition of the autonomy, and, of a state’s population, in a non-dominant in extreme cases, on separation. position, whose state-obedient members The concept of “language, racial and share, from an ethnic, religious or linguistic religious minority” was used during the point of view, characteristics which writing of the Peace Treaties of Paris, during differentiate it from the rest of the population 1919-1920, and was also adopted by the and who manifest, in an implicit manner, a League of Nations. An attempt to define feeling of solidarity which allows it to keep the concept was made by Helmes Rosting, its culture, tradition, religion or language”5. who defined it as “those groups of persons More clearly, complete definitions and who differ through race, religion or which apply to the new contemporary language from the majority of a country’s realities of national minorities are found in inhabitants”3. The respective definition does the documents of the Council of Europe. not accomplish a new and consistent National minorities are conceived as: groups approach of the concept of minority, the of persons from a state who own the state’s latter being imposed rather form political citizenship, have and use the language of necessities, necessary in order to draw up the majority in a certain manner, have their the peace treaties. Moreover, even from 1922, own cultural, linguistic, religious identity, Jacques Duparc, referring to the definition which they conserve, take part to the political of the concept of minority, appreciated that life of the respective state through their it is “an abstract notion which does not own organizations and bodies, but also imply the existence of determinant features, through the organizations and bodies of but a juridical relation, whose meanings the state they belong to, trying to promote, varied… within a certain époque and within through dialogue, political way, and, in a certain geographical area”4. extreme situations, through other means, Rasting’s definition, although it does their own interests, aspirations, which, in not have in view elements belonging to most of the situations, coincide to those of national minorities as imposed by the the majority; are integrated and loyal to the national state, has the merit of including state they belong to; share the same rights and the notions of language, race and religion, freedoms with the majority population. ancient elements of distinction and exem- A radically changed, special situation plification of ethnic groups and whom all of the relation between majority and national local communities took into account, as minorities exists in the European Union. It 8 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

THOUGHT AND PRACTICE Romanian education system and national minorities in the interwar period mostly blurred the tensions and conflicts among which Romania and the issue of between majority and minorities through national minority existing before the war the newly created framework and gave a or appeared following the drawing of the highly different meaning to the relations new European political map. From huma- between them, determined by a series of nitarian, democratic principles, in order to measures: the abolition of national borders, solve the new European political reality, to free movement of persons, the possibility prevent the possible conflicts, abuses of to work and establish the place of residence the majority against the minority, to in any part of the EU, to participate in the obviate the arguments among the states social-political life of the residing community, which had national minorities and the to be represented, single currency, common latter’s mother-states, the political and Community institutions. The European Union diplomatic world of the great European turned motherlands of EU states into the powers tried to offer protection to national motherland of the states. Many of the minorities through international treaties, causes which generated and fuelled conflicts, putting them under the League of Nations’ tensions between the majorities and guarantee. The independence of the states minorities have vanished or do not find succeeding the Austrian-Hungarian Empire, their place within the new reality and among which was Romania, was conditioned, social-political organization. Through the along with the signing of the Peace Treaty, creation of the European citizenship the by the signing of a Treaty of the Minorities differences between majority and minority through which they bound themselves to tend to wipe out and the possible harshness ensure minorities equal treatment to that of the between them tends to disappear. Under majority. Such a measure lead to different no circumstance are they perceived anymore, reactions among the succeeding states which or understood according to their ancient were forced to sign it, Romania having the meanings. On the contrary, in some EU most visible reaction of opposition to it. Member States, minority groups tend to get Prime-Minister Ionel Brătianu claimed that, a different meaning, that is of immigrant as regards Romania, the minorities issue groups which are constituted of Community was solved as the latter had equal rights to non-citizens, distinct both from the majority the majority. Being pre-occupied with and from national minorities, and have as rendering full independence and sovereignty purpose to acquire the status of Community to Romania, of stating equal principles and citizen and all that the latter implies and applicable to all Member States of the devolves upon somebody. League of Nations, the Romanian prime- For the first time, ethnic minorities of minister highlighted: “Romania would not language, race and religion have become a admit a special treatment that does not social and political issue, transferring also apply to all other sovereign states no in the field of international relations, since matter their size and position, as in such the signing of the Peace Treaties of Paris matters there are no great and small states, (1919-1920). The Peace Conference should states that would subject to the first… we have found the answer and solutions for understand to have here… within the kingdom, the new political reality which appeared as much freedom and independence as in following the First World War through the any other great sovereign authority”6. disappearance of two empires and the Ionel Brătianu was against the establishment of new national states or the encroachment of other states, including the perfection of national unity by others, League of Nations, in solving the national

9 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 POLITICAL HISTORY Aurel Pițurcă minorities issues as “such interference is to documents referring to race, language and the prejudice of the minority itself, because religion minorities. it can cause problems in their relations to The minorities issue is linked to inter- the majority of citizens of the respective ethnical relations which are one of the state when internal laws equally justify all most delicate and sensitive spheres of the citizens, both minorities and majority, they social life, especially in the situation recognize the state which they belong to as characterising Romania following the Great their natural protector, their unique support”7 Union. with such conviction and for “these serious The relation between national minorities motives we cannot admit a treaty that would of Romania during the interwar period and impose control from abroad and which the education system, understood both as a would invite some Romanian citizens to general process and as language of un- go against their state and which would put folding, held an especially important place us in an inferior international situation, in a in the social life. The education system, the situation incompatible to the dignity we principles, values and language in which it claim for our state”8 the Romanian prime- unfolded can have a contradictory action minister argued referring to the signing of in relation to minorities. On the one hand, the Treaty of the Minorities. education in the maternal language constituted The great powers of the time, Great a component, an essential means in preser- Britain, France, the United States reacted ving its national identity, in individualising harshly to such a position and, by coming them. In return, the absolutization of edu- to threats and blackmail, would determine cation in the minorities’ maternal language Ionel Brătianu to leave the Peace Conference can give birth to a discrimination process, proclaiming the “resistance policy”. Such of social inequality with the majority, can a situation was viewed and interpreted lead to their isolation and marginalization, differently by the Romanian political class, to the impossibility of their participating to the opposition accusing him of lack of the social life, to the promotion of their political and diplomatic tact, of putting in own aspirations and ideals, to showing danger the relations with the great powers, their own human fund to advantage. Such with his own allies and supporters of the a policy can lead to the appearance of Great Union. In such a situation, Ionel tensions and animosities between majority Brătianu quit. Encouraged by the attitude and minorities, to the annulment of dialogue of some successor states of the empire and communication, to social and ethnic such as Poland, which on July 26th, 1919 conflicts. signed with no reserves the Treaty of the In the field of education, a multitude Minorities, the League’s Supreme Council, of problems stood before the united which managed the minorities issue, without Romania. Romanian authorities wished to taking into account any proposition and make out of education an element of unity, promoting its own politics, decided to sign of liaison of the newly established state, of the Treaty on September 10th, 1919, putting dialogue and communication with all its Romania and other successor states before citizens, of putting the latter in state of the completed fact. The new government equality in all the domains of social life. led by Alexandru Vaida Voievod made a To such a policy one opposed that of the simple formality by signing the Treaty on German minority’s leaders, but especially December 9th, 1919, thus assuming the the Hungarians. Putting education under the control of Romanian authorities and 10 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

THOUGHT AND PRACTICE Romanian education system and national minorities in the interwar period imposing the Romanian language meant The process of the unification of the reducing their influence over a great mass education system unfolded with difficulty of minorities, including the Hungarianized due to many causes: Romanians before 1918, limiting or even - prior to 1923, there was no fundamental removing some privileges at the level of act, a Constitution according to which the local administration, subjecting to the new one accomplished a unitary, legitimate legislation and regulations, removing some policy in the education system and common law of the Hungarian aristocracy, which allowed the adoption of the new limiting and controlling the irredentist politics laws and regulations. The Constitution of promoted by Hungary with the support of 1866, in use, was completely obsolete, Hungarian Transylvanian leaders. had no stipulations which would respond The entire politics in the domain of to the new changes appeared in Romania’s national minorities promoted by Romania life after 1918; during the interwar period, including in the - the powerful opposition to changes and field of education, was based on the res- innovations sustained by the German pect of the adopted programs during the minority leaders and especially Hungarian unity meetings with Romania, of the Treaty who did not recognize the union and of the Minorities signed in December wished to turn education into an element 1919. All national minorities were ensured of opposition, of counterpoint towards primary, secondary, private, confessional the Romanian authorities; or public education in their maternal - the political instability until 1924 had language, thus having the possibility to ended since the beginning of the liberal conserve their identity, cultural, linguistic, governance. religious traditions. In order to put national As a consequence, until the adoption minorities in a state of equality with the of the Constitution of 1923 and of the majority and to ensure the dialogue and education laws of 1924, there was a period communication with all their citizens, to of transition, of cohabitation of the edu- remove any possibility of isolation, mar- cation systems form the Ancient Kingdom ginalization one ensured the study of the with the ones from the united provinces. Romanian language at all education cycles The unification of the education and forms, still an aspect which gave birth system on the entire territory of Romania to disputes and controversies in the rela- was a necessary process, a condition for tions to the German and Hungarian minorities. strengthening and consolidating national Following the accomplishment of the unity, a proof of imposing Romanian Great Union, along with the other problems authority, the beginning of the creation of of the social life, education raised a mul- modern education, destined to progress, a titude of problems within the united provinces: right which originated in its independence 1. A first problem constituted in the and sovereignty. creation of a unitary, laic, scientific, de- 2. A second problem was the diminish mocratic education system, under the con- in the percentage of confessional education trol and coordination of the state. Such a and the growth of the public, laic education, measure was absolutely necessary as, being under the state’s control and coor- following 1919, in the United Romania dination. existed four systems of education from Mostly, education in Transylvania was Austria, Hungary, Russia and the Ancient laic, as the Hungarian state used it in the kingdom. de-nationalization politics carried against

11 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 POLITICAL HISTORY Aurel Pițurcă national minorities, of Hungarianization, Romanian language in the study of some of forming national consciousness. disciplines such as the Constitution, the Besides public education, in Transylvania country’s history and geography, the study there was also a powerful confessional of the Romanian language, its knowledge (catholic, reformed, Unitarian) education, by the didactic personnel and taking all the with a large autonomy, including in con- examinations of certification and promotion ferring diplomas. As a reaction to the fact in the Romanian language, not financing that public education passed under the state confessional schools etc. control of the Romanian state authority, The measures taken by the authorities German minorities, but mostly the Hungarian from Bucharest reached their purpose, the ones, in their opposition and resistance number of confessional schools decreased, towards the union act, in order to exit the confessional education entered under the control and get rid of the new requests, control and coordination of the authorities, would pass to the establishment of nu- it increased its scientific, laic content in the merous confessional schools. detriment of the religious confessional one. During the period 1919-1920 the 3. A third problem was represented by number of confessional schools increased the imposition of the Romanian language from 438 to 895. The numeric growth of in the entire education system, no matter its confessional schools was determined by form, level, proportion of minorities, province. other motives such as: the elusion of the This objective gave birth to a strong use of the Romanian language which was controversy, opposition, protests among not mandatory in confessional education; the leaders of the German and Hungarian attracting pupils from other minorities, minority and the Romanian state. For the including of the Hungarianized Romanians; two minorities from Transylvania, the the association of education and religious Germans and the Hungarians, the purposes freedom could be a motive of the clerics in and objectives followed through the oppo- their protests both internally and inter- sition towards the imposition of the Romanian nationally, religious freedom being a very language were different: the German minority sensitive element and with high audience wished to keep its cultural, religious, to the public opinion; the use of confessional national identity. In return, the leaders of schools as centres of propaganda and anti- the Hungarian minority conferred it strong Romanian agitation, in the accomplishment political connotations, turning it into a of Hungary’s irredentist policies. Because permanent motif of internal protest, but of these, the Hungarian minority, mostly, mostly international. This is why the Hungarian lead its children towards confessional edu- leaders spoke of the “Romanian cultural cation, turning roundabout the public one, offensive of de-nationalization”, “the peril the Romanian state reacted towards the of minorities’ disappearance”, “Romania- increase in the number of confessional nization” etc. schools through a series of measures: the The Romanian state, through the minis- inclusion of confessional schools under the ters of education of the time, P.P. Negulescu control of the education legislation adopted (1920-1921), but mostly C. Angelescu (1922- after 1924; the interdiction of subscribing 1928, 1933-1937), considered that the to these institutions of pupils of a different imposition, knowledge and use of the religion and confession than that of the Romanian language in this important field ethnic group that created and supported of the social life had as purpose the them; the obligation of the use of the following: the consolidation of the Romanian 12 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

THOUGHT AND PRACTICE Romanian education system and national minorities in the interwar period national identity; the increase in the cohesion and agreement regarding the union with of the Romanian people and of the act of Romania in 1918. Minorities’ assimilation union; the unification and functioning of has become state politics during the education at the level of the entire country; governments of Tisza Kălănean, Banffy ensuring equality and possibilities of Dezso and Tisza Istvan. School and its affirmation of all its citizens, no matter the institutions were politicized, especially nationality, means of dialogue, communication during Minister Albert Apponyi, having as and participation in the social life of all purpose the creation of the Hungarian Romanian citizens; the diminish in the unitary nation, of Hungarian conscience possibilities of using propaganda materials and identity which were based on the idea having irredentist purposes coming from of Hungarian citizenship according to Hungary and having access to the great mass which all individuals, no matter their of Hungarians; ceasing the process of ethnicity, compulsorily belong as citizens Hungarianization of Romanians from the to the unitary Hungarian nation. areas in which they were minorities and Following the union, under the cir- bringing them back to the Romanian nation. cumstances in which public education entered There were multiple and diverse under the control and administration of protests, such as: the refusal to subscribe Romanian authorities, the opposition of their children to public education; protests the Hungarian leaders used confessional addressed to local, county, central authorities, education as a means of political struggle, including the Parliament and the League of of propagating the revisionist and Nations; postponing within the Parliament irredentist politics of Hungary, and anti- the adoption of the education laws, by the Romanian politics. minorities’ representatives, and also their Under the protection of religious application, demanding for longer terms freedom, confessional schools turned into for the learning of the Romanian language propaganda centres and anti-Romanian subversive or for its use in education and admi- actions, of stocking and spreading ire- nistration. dentist materials coming from Hungary, of 4. The fourth issue, in close connection avoiding the control by and contacts with to the imposition of the Romanian language Romanian authorities and their policies, of was the de-politicization of education. civic and political insubordination. During the whole period of dualism, Through the education laws created the Hungarian kingdom had as main starting with 1924, the law of public, objective towards minorities their de- private, confessional education, of the nationalization, their Hungarianization. In school-leaving examination, the Bucharest this sense, it used politics and imple- authorities have been preoccupied with eli- mented it in all domains of the social life, minating politics from the education system, including in that of education. No matter with maintaining it outside its perimeter of its nature, either public, private or con- action, as it had been established through fessional, education was used as a means the Peace Treaty of Paris and the Treaty of in the policy of de-nationalization especially the Minorities. of the Romanians from Transylvania, as The problem of the education system they formed the majority, also being its from Great Romania and national mino- first and oldest inhabitants, but also of the rities, especially the Hungarian one from Szecklers, Swabians, Saxons of Transylvania. Ardeal during the interwar period has That is how we could explain their support given birth to acute disputes, protests,

13 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 POLITICAL HISTORY Aurel Pițurcă tensions and crises, mostly determined by the - the lack of efficient communication political opposition of the Transylvanian between central and local authorities de- Hungarian leaders who did not recognized termined by the lack of qualified the union, by the revisionist irredentist personnel, of administrative experience politics fuelled and supported by Hungary, and science, by the opposition of the but also by some subjective and objective leaders of the Hungarian minority and causes which were linked to the Romanian even Romanian; politics itself towards minorities, such as: - psychological, moral factors which acted - the lack of experience as regards mi- not only with the minorities, especially norities politics of the governance from the Hungarian one, but also with the Bucharest which had not encountered Romanian nation. Temporally, psychically, such an issue within the Ancient morally, but especially politically, the Kingdom; Transylvanian Hungarian minority did - the tensed situation between Romania not wish, nor was it able to accept the and Hungary during 1919 and 1920 which new social-political situation. From a generated and fuelled the opposition of dominant, all-ruling nation, following the Transylvanian Hungarian leaders towards union, it woke up as a minority, turned Romanian authorities; into equal to those whom it had ex- - the contradiction between the policy of ploited and despised. Through their leaders, centralisation promoted by the liberal the Transylvanian Hungarians considered governance, adept of a centralised, strong themselves to be the successors of the and unitary state and the policy of local, Hungarian state, thus wishing to preserve regional autonomy wished and promoted its old political, social and economic by minorities, especially the German status, they considered themselves to be and Hungarian ones, whose interests and a governing party, at least equal to the privileges were directly affected by the Romanian state. Placed before the new centralised policy; political reality, they refused to accept it, - the lack of unity of the Romanian po- it became opposed with or without litical class towards the policy that motives, being manoeuvred by Hungary would be applied as regards the united in its revisionist policies. provinces. For instance, the leaders of To this was added the presence and the National Peasant Party, especially action of strong international laic, political, the Transylvanian group, were adepts of ecclesiastic centres of Hungarian ethnicity the policy of local autonomy, which was that encouraged and financed the opposition also promoted by the minorities. Such a and secessionist tendencies of the Hun- policy had its reasons in their state of garians within the area, including from opposition to the liberals, in their desire Ardeal. to keep Transylvania and its provinces One must also have in view the psychic within their political-electoral pool. and moral pressures that the Romanian Local autonomy, many times understood central and local authorities were subjected as a culture, would bring both Transyl- to from the part of an important segment vanian political leaders and those of of the public opinion, of the Transylvanian national minorities the maintenance of Romanians who demanded satisfaction as old privileges, economic and political they had been underestimated, offended, interests; de-nationalized for ages, politics which in many areas continued to be performed 14 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

THOUGHT AND PRACTICE Romanian education system and national minorities in the interwar period towards them. Thus they demanded a firm, realist, balanced, lacking excessive nation- more authoritarian behaviour towards the nalism, chauvinism, or with revanchist politics of insubordination and that of not- objectives. recognizing the union promoted by the Hungarian leaders and Hungary’s revisionist Notes politics. 1 Dicţionar politic, Editura politică, Bucureşti, Furthermore, one must not neglect the 1975, p. 362. 2 pressure exerted by the League of Nations Anthony Giddens, Sociologie, Bucureşti, Editura Bic All, 1997, p. 197. which had assumed the role as warrant of 3 representing minorities’ rights. During the Helmes Rasting, Protection of the minorities of the League of Nations in „The American Journal interwar period Romanian authorities had of International Law”, vol. 17, 1923, p. 641. to accept negotiations, suggestions from 4 Apud Adrian Ivan, Stat, majoritate, minoritate the part of the commissioners of the naţională în România (1918-1939), Editura League on the problems of minorities, Eikon, Cluj-Napoca, p. 86. including compromises in the drawing up 5 Apud A. Ivan, op. cit., p. 95. of certain laws regarding minorities. 6 Sabin Cantacuzino, Din viaţa familiei Brătianu, In spite of all the burdens and the Editura Albatros, Bucureşti, 1993, p. 212. 7 Ibidem, p. 213. opposition with which they came against, 8 in spite of the existing imperfections, po- Ibidem, p. 215. litics in the field of education and instruction, in general, and the one related to minorities, in particular, had many and significant accomplishments: education in the entire Great Romania was unified and made uniform; a modern, laic, scientific, de-politicized education was created, laid under the control and guidance of the state; numerous schools were created, and also cultural establishments and institutions which have contributed to reducing analphabetism, to restoring the possibility that de-natio- nalized Romanians could re-gain their national language; through the introduction of the compulsoriness of the Romanian language one created equal possibilities for representation and participation to the social-political life of the country to all citizens no matter the ethnicity, race or nation. Moreover, one also created the means of dialogue, communication between minorities and Romanian authorities, mi- norities and the Romanian people. In spite of all the shortcomings, the un-fulfilments, loopholes, Romania’s policy in the field of national minorities during the interwar period was considered as one of the most

15 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 POLITICAL HISTORY THOUGHT AND PRACTICE

Romanian Kings’ official visits to London

Marusia CÎRSTEA

Abstract: Within the interwar period, the Romanian diplomacy has always followed the consolidation of the relationships with the great European powers. In this context, a series of Romanian diplomats – Nicolae Titulescu, Take Ionescu, Grigore Gafencu, Victor Antonescu – have tried to intensify the diplomatic, economic and military relations with Great Britain. Moreover, during 1924, 1936, 1938, the Romanian sovereigns – Ferdinand and Charles II – have paid official visits that contributed to a better knowledge of the two parties as regards the bilateral and also international relations. One must reveal that the press of the time has highlighted in highly-praised terms the relations between the two monarchies noticing the importance of the discussions between the delegations of the two countries. Keywords: monarchy, international relations, economic interests, official visit, diplomatic instruments.

fter the First World War, Romanian in London (December 1921 – July 1927 diplomacy considered three directions: and August 1928 – October 1932) brought strengthening ties with the Great his contribution to strengthening bilateral A 3 Powers that had been allied during the English-Romanian relation . From the very war, maintaining good relations with beginning, Nicolae Titulescu and Take neighbours, and developing relations with Ionescu’s support, who spotted, among the all countries, both neuter and hostile1. first, the importance Great Britain played When World War I finished, Great in international relations evolution, thinking Britain, advocate of an isolationist policy, that “London is a first rank outpost”4. ceased to maintain any engagement of Titulescu’s activity in Great Britain’s political or military support for Romania. capital was unanimously appreciated in That’s why the Romanian diplomats’ efforts British diplomatic circles. His first attempts – Take Ionescu, Nicolae Titulescu, Grigore in his diplomatic activity there show he Gafencu, Victor Antonescu and others – was prove to set as a basic for the future were directed towards amplifying diplomatic, cooperation, the feeling of complete trust. economic and military relations with Great Consequently he stated that “the only thing Britain2. Nicolae Titulescu, accredited minister I can do to please the English people is to

16 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

THOUGHT AND PRACTICE Romanian Kings’ official visits to London tell the truth”, reserving himself, at the assume new obligations”. Nicolae Titulescu same time, the right of asking to be told was to promptly criticize this attitude: this “only the truth” about Romania5. way, Britain “exposed all the borders of Nicolae Titulescu was preoccupied with Eastern and Central Europe by saying it two great problems: the former was about did not guarantee them”7. In the year to settling the economic and financial relation come, though political relations between within a normal frame, by solving Great Britain and Romania were not very litigations coming from previous times, close, the two countries established many such as: war debts, compensations for contacts and ties, at several levels, due to destroying the oil fields, concluding a new their participation in debating and trade treaty that might better respond to the attempting to solving the problems of changes in international economic life and international life in the year of the world better protect bilateral interests; the latter economic crash, facing similar problems8. was observing the Peace treaties which Towards the end of the fourth decade established the Romanian Great Union in international relations were influenced by: 1918. the aggressive policy of fascist countries, An important role in developing bi- which encouraged revisionism, aimed at lateral relations was played by the visit of the territorial integrity, political independence the Romanian king to London in 1924. and national sovereignty of certain states; a Prepared by Nicolae Titulescu, King deepening of contradictions between the Ferdinand’s presence, accompanied by the Great Powers which exerted a strong foreign affairs minister I. Gh. Duca, brought pressure on the international life as a whole; about many contacts which were a “total a policy of concession and compromise of success”, a point of view unanimously the occidental powers with the aggressors9. shared by the British press6. On this King Carol II, together with Nicolae occasion, the British officials re-affirmed Titulescu, Army General Paul Angelescu, their support for Romania’s territorial the army minister, and Alexandru Lapedatu, integrity and dealt with the commercial the minister of arts and worship, visited and financial relations of the two countries London at the beginning of 1936, on the that were topical at the time. Unfor- occasion of the funerals of King George tunately, the British government did not V. It was then that Nicolae Titulescu was keep up the same attitude of unconditional received in audience by King Edward of support for Romania. An obvious example Great Britain and had meetings with is the Locarno Treaty in 1925, which Baldwin and Austen Chamberlain, while referred exclusively to the borders King Carol received in audience Vansittart, between France and Belgium on the one Foreign Office vice-secretary, Lord Tyrerr, hand, and Germany, on the other hand. ex-ambassador of Great Britain in Paris, The treaty did not stipulate any British and invited to dine their excellencies Eden, guarantees for the eastern borders. Thus, the Foreign Affairs minister, Neville Neville Chamberlain was declaring in the Chamberlain, the Exchequer, Baldwin, the House of Commons: “Any new commitment Prime Minister, and Austin Chamberlain, contracted by His Majesty’s Government ex Foreign Affairs minister. One of the must be specific and limit itself to problems they tackled was the return of maintaining the existing territorial statute the Habsburgs on Austria’s throne. on the western border of Germany. His Nicolae Titulescu explained to the King of Majesty’s Government is not willing to Great Britain the reasons why the Little

17 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 POLITICAL HISTORY Marusia Cîrstea

Entente was against the Habsburgs’ return, delegations. So, the newspaper “Gazeta succeeding to convince the British leaders Polska” underlined in November 13th 1938 to suggest it to Prince Starhemberg, who that “Romania, which in September and was then in London10. October [1938] was more of a witness to The relations between Great Britain events happening on its western border, and Romania were very close between comes out of its reserve consciously imposed. 1936-1937. Victor Antonescu, Nicolae The position of passive observer consequently Titulescu’s successor, met Sir Anthony preserved lately by Bucharest, was the Eden, Secretary of State on the Foreign result of the conviction that Bucharest Office in Geneva on September 26th, 1936, cannot exert a real influence on changes in in order to assure him he would continue Central Europe, even if they concerned Nicolae Titulescu’s policy but “not so directly the Romanian interests. That brilliantly or passionately”, although, he happened because the only diplomatic continued, “his country’s foreign policy instrument which could be practically would be based on the friendship with used, the Little Entente, had been useless France and Great Britain”11. for a long time, and its futility became In the following months, Victor obvious the moment we knew England Antonescu approached the problem of and France had no intention of engaging in relations with Great Britain, insisting that the Czeck matter… Only now Romania “they continue to be excellent”12. chooses the diplomatic action which we In 1937 the Romanian officials re- defined as an assembly of elements for the affirmed Bucharest’s wish to create a new future action”13, and, in this context, “king framework for the relations with Great Carol’s visit to London would favour political Britain. This was confirmed by Victor talks whose aim, from a Romanian view- Antonescu in his talks with Eden at point, would certainly be the examining Geneva and London in January and April whether and how much Britain wished to 1937. In his turn, Carol II thrice repeated actively imply itself in the Balkans in the his wish of amplifying British-Romanian near future. relations. If London did not show any In 1938, between the 15th and 18th of enthusiasm in this direction, the tendencies November, Carol II paid a visit to Great of getting closer to Germany, especially Britain, accompanied by Ernest Urdăreanu, economically, would automatically grow”14. I.V. Stîrcea, marshall C. Flondor, General During the talks between Carol II and G. Mihail, N. Petrescu, C. Cesianu, I. Radu Chamberlain, the latter said that Romania’s and M. Mihăilescu. geo-political position seemed inevitably King Carol II, together with Prince closer to Germany from an economic Mihai and his suite, left the country on point of view, but that it did not mean that November 13th 1938. On November 15th, the British Government was not interested Carol II was welcomed by King George in any commercial possibilities that could VI and his brother the Duke of Gloucester, be effected, and assured him that the by Neville Chamberlain, Lord Halifax and rumour, spread in German circles, about others. his agreeing in Munich that Hitler could The media of the time largely rendered treat Central and South-Eastern Europe as both the preparation and the visit of Carol a space reserved for the German mo- II to Great Britain, pointing out the nopoly, was not true. importance of the talks between the two 18 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

THOUGHT AND PRACTICE Romanian Kings’ official visits to London

The English press also underlined the lines; he remarked that the British fact that, following the visit, “Romania government had already shown that it was will receive financial aid from England, interested in an economic co-operation with which will enable her to oppose to the Romania, by the act that it had purchased growing German expansion. It will be a 200,000 t of Romanian wheat. King Carol’s new English attempt aiming at maintaining talks with Prime Minister Chamberlain, no its influence in South-Eastern Europe”15. doubt contributed to a better knowledge of Other newspapers and magazines of the the two sides’ position in the tackled pro- time emphasized the main discussion themes blems, showing that, due to its Munich policy, between Great Britain and Romania. The the British Government evaded widening Polish newspaper “Coniec Warszawski”, the British Romanian collaboration. on November 15th 1938, considered that But, the two governments avoided “the visit of King Carol II to London will making any commitment, which meant, in contribute a great deal to clarifying the fact, that Romania could not count on the state of the Danube basin. support of Great Britain or France. Even After Czechoslovakia’s division, after though the visits were practically a failure, weakening the French influence and the media in the country presented them as disappearance of the Little Entente, after successes. They were broadcast live on the Hungary’s enlargement and strengthening radio, and the press could not find the right of the German, Italian and Polish influence, words to praise Carol II, a great political the state of the Danube basin has not yet man of Europe, respected both by the crystallized. Until now, we do not know visited peoples and by their leaders. All the what political factors, will prevail and papers in Bucharest commented in what the Danube states’ orientation will eulogistic terms Carol’s visit. For instance, be. Added to all these, is the problem of “Îndreptarea”17 newspaper marked the sub-Carpathian Russia, which interests not importance of the meetings in London and only Hungary, Poland and Czechoslovakia stated that they “will create a cordial but also Romania. Most certainly these British-Romanian Convention, that Great problems will constitute the object of the Britain’s interest in Romania increased, so British-Romanian talks. In fact, the English that an English character could say that invested great capitals in Romania and it is “the border of English Indies lie on the impossible that they are not interested in Carpathians”, while “Universul” emphasized the Romanian problems”16. “the enthusiasm of the British people Concluding the talks, King Carol II opinion” and showed that the visit “is reviewed the main economic proposals more meaningful than thought, Romania’s made by the Romanian government to the role being of utmost importance in the British government: the nautical base on given situation”18. The fact that the king Lake Tasaul; developing the commercial received the “Order of the Garter”, the navy on the Danube; lumber and silos. highest British decoration, was appreciated Chamberlain promised that the British by the press in Romania as the clearest government would examine the Romanian proof of the fact that the sovereign was suggestions as presented by the king and considered one of the most prominent declared that he would be very content if, personalities of the time. Carol II was to following the examination, they would appreciate that “a peace which was to come to the conclusion that it was possible culminate with the Munich shame, could to undertake some action on the proposed

19 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 POLITICAL HISTORY Marusia Cîrstea throw us, willy-nilly, under the German 6 Gheorghe Buzatu, coordinator, Titulescu şi influence”19. strategia păcii, Iaşi, Editura Junimea, 1981, p. 379. 7 The evolution of international life Constantin Vlad, Diplomaţia secolului XX, between 1936 and 1939 determined a change Bucharest, Titulescu European Foundation, in the ratio of forces on the continent. In 2006, pp. 96-97. 8 See, in detail, Gheorghe Paşcalău, Relaţii this context, Romanian diplomacy remained politice româno-engleze (1929-1933), Bucharest, connected to the old paradigms – the Editura Didactică şi Pedagogică, 1995. League of Nations, alliance with France, 9 Marusia Cîrstea, op. cit., p. 94. close relations with Great Britain, regional 10 Nicolae Titulescu, Documente diplomatice, treaties, etc., corroborated to efforts of Bucharest, Editura Ştiinţifică, 1967, p. 718-719. adapting to new realities. 11 Ion Pătroiu, Valeriu Florin Dobrinescu, România, Anglia şi Europa anilor ’30, Craiova, Editura Scrisul Românesc, 1996, p. 45. Note 12 1 Ibidem, p. 46. Academia Română, Istoria Românilor, vol. 13 VIII, România Întregită (1918-1940), coordi- Foreign Relations Ministry Archive, nator Ioan Scurtu, Bucharest, Editura Bucharest, fund 71 Anglia, vol. 16, f. 312. 14 Ibidem, f. 314. Enciclopedică, 2003, pp. 445-447. 15 2 Ibidem, f. 318. See, in detail, Marusia Cîrstea, Din istoria 16 relaţiilor anglo-române (1936-1939), Bucharest, Ibidem, f. 316. 17 Ibidem. Editura Mica Valahie, 2004. 18 3 Idem, London fund, vol. 76, un-paged. Ion M. Oprea, Nicolae Titulescu, Bucharest, 19 Editura Ştiinţifică, 1966, pp. 130-167. Apud Ioan Scurtu, Istoria românilor în timpul 4 Marusia Cîrstea, op. cit., p. 70. celor patru regi (1866-1947), vol. III, Carol al II-lea, 5 „Adevărul”, 5 July 1922. Bucharest, Editura Enciclopedică, 2001, p. 254.

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POLITICAL HISTORY THOUGHT AND PRACTICE

Radical and moderate political groups in the Sociology School of Bucharest

Antonio MOMOC

Abstract: The Sociology School of Bucharest has not been yet studied from the perspective of the political views of its members. This article represents only a part of a larger research that exhaustively investigates the political orientations of the disciples, as well as the mentor of the Sociology School. We have identified the groups formed inside the School in the ’30s and their relationship to the political power. Keywords: sociology, political view, elite, society, propaganda, legionarism, communism.

fter the 1918 Union, the socio- useful to the politicians with decision political actors of the new Romanian power, to the King and his ministers. A state proposed various modernization However, the School of Bucharest did projects. These political projects com- not develop as a unitary block. In the back- peted after 1929 to become solutions during ground of the parliamentarian democracy the Great Depression. The Sociology crisis, centrifugal tendencies occurred in- School of Bucharest – first through its side the School. In the ’30s, the systemic founder Dimitrie Gusti, and then in the parties were replaced with the extreme ’30s, through the already intellectually right movement, which was attractive due grown-up disciples – presented both to the to its promise of radical system changes. civil and political society with its own Some of Gusti’s collaborators remained modernization project, entitled Science of loyal to his project according to which the Nation1. specialists should serve the nation throughout Dimitrie Gusti’s sociological, political and the state. Other monographers separated from ethical view involved more than the mono- the School and approached the projects of graphic research of the Ro-manian villages. the other social or political actors. Some of His ideal was achieving a Sociology of the them embraced certain political ideals in nation, based on researching all the their public life, in the press or by adhering to Romanian villages and cities, in order to political movements. provide an exhaustive vision upon the According to our modest knowledge, social realities in Romania. The outcome The Sociology School of Bucharest has not of the huge research was going to become been yet studied from the perspective of the

21 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 POLITICAL HISTORY Antonio Momoc political views of its members. This article been invited by Gusti, and the professor represents only a part of a larger research had no other criterion except for them to that exhaustively in-vestigates the political accept the program of the institution. In the orientations of the disciples, as well as the ’20s the Sociology School manifested itself mentor of the Sociology School2. We have outside the influences of political power, identified the groups formed inside the as part of the civil society. School in the ’30s and their relationship to When King Carol II came back in the political power. power, he became the RSI President of Our research method reconstructs the Honour. In the ’30s the School starts an cultural-political biography of Gusti and of undeclared competition with the other his main collaborators. The representative actors on the Romanian political scene. biography3 follows the history of an indi- Politically unaffiliated, Gusti accepted in 1932 vidual. The resear-cher’s interest does not the proposal to join the Government led by orient towards what is unique, but towards the National Peasant Party. Invited in the tracing the formative contexts and the ex- Council of Ministers as a technocrat, professor periences shared with others, which followed Gusti led the Ministry of Instruction, Cults similar cultural and political paths. Com- and Arts in the National Peasant Govern- plementary, the method focuses on differences, ments presided by Alexandru Vaida- explaining the choice between different Voievod and Iuliu Maniu. intellectual and political-cultural options. In Once Gusti ended his Ministry mandate, order to reconstruct the cultural and poli- the King named him Active President, tical paths, we have identified the members’ General Manager of the Cultural Royal attitudes reflected in their scientific work Foundation “Principele Carol”. Through and in their articles from print media. We the cultural action that took place in the have insisted on personal documents that villages after 1934, the Royal teams of the became public: journals, correspondence, Foundation constituted themselves as memoirs and more recently in oral history message carriers and builders of the interviews4. national specificity as the latter was In the ’20s the School materialized in defined by the national doctrine, con- the Sociology Seminar and in the public centrated in Gusti’s political view. debates from the Romanian Social Insti- During the second part of the ’30s, tute (RSI), where Gusti treated problems RSI and the Foundation served Carol’s of society from the Science of the Nation monarchy. Through the propaganda8 perspective. The politicians included his coordinated by Gusti while he was leading the themes in their speeches, adding their own “Principele Carol” Foundation, the King political and electoral solutions5. was trying to win the competition with the At RSI Gusti was interested in Legionary Movement by attractting the forming a lobby group that would unite young elites and the rural society. Some of intellectuals based on their professional skills Gusti’s disciples employed in the mo- and gain legitimacy of the social inter- narchist state institutions: Henri H. Stahl vention above the party organizations. After was the Research Manager in the Foun- 1921, RSI organized 2 conferences regarding dation, Octavian Neamţu was the main the project of the New Constitution6. Gusti organizer of the royal teams on field and, gathered at RSI experts keen on Romania’s together with Anton Golopenţia, they institutional development7. Any politician dedicated themselves to the village cultural was able to become an RSI member had he work. 22 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

THOUGHT AND PRACTICE Radical and moderate political groups in the Sociology School of Bucharest

According to the Social Service Law Ionică and Ion Samarineanu against the introduced on October 18th, 19389, the Monographic School were shy. But in its Romanian royal dictatorship made the second year of issuing, the magazine took cultural action work man-datory. Although the shape of some Notebooks (Caete) with not a member of the Council of Ministers, strict legionary inclination, containing Gusti had the position of a Minister editorials signed by “Capitan” Corneliu responsible exclusively in front of the Zelea Codreanu. King. The royal dictatorship offered Gusti Similarly to the other groups that the opportunity to apply his village moder- emerged from the Sociology School, the nization national program, as if he was a legionary group was not very united. One state minister. As President of the Social of the most fervent protestors against the Service, the professor was res-ponding Monographic School, D. C. Amzăr, abandoned politically exclusively to the King, while the Legionary Movement in 1938 and the other ministers in the Council were became a diplomat. obliged to provide their support and The founder’s of the Sociology assistance. School attitude regarding to the political Other monographers like Mircea views of his students was conciliatory. He Vulcănescu, Xenia Costa-Foru or Traian did not remove neither the legionary Herseni refused to be culturally active at students (D.C. Amzăr, E. Bernea), nor the the Royal Foundation „Principele Carol” communist ones (Miron Constantinescu) in the ’30s. As a student, Mircea Vulcănescu from the School. All those adhering to was enrolled in the Romanian Christian Gusti’s modernization project were able to Students Association (nationalist- orthodox), part of the School. Gusti’s support for but also attended the summer courses Herseni even after the latter joins the organized by the International University Legionary Movement is the clearest proof Federation for the Society of Nations. that becoming a legionary did not auto- Between 1926-1929 he participated with a matically led to being excluded from the certain consistency at the monographic monographers’ circle. research, but at the beginning of the ’30s he Herseni moved from communism to abandoned the village campaigns, as research fascism because the attraction of the poli- started to be replaced by propaganda. tical extremes derived from the common Although a sympathizer of Nae Ionescu, values of the radical political promises. In Vulcănescu does not join the radical right the interwar period many communist movement, but chooses public admi- militants migrated to fascism, just as some nistration, preferring to be a clerk of the of the fascists adhered to communism. The liberal bourgeois state10. wandering of the militants can be Under the pressure of the legionary understood only by referring to the world nationalism, Gusti’s School suffered both communism and fascism had internal conflicts and dissidences. The proposed to replace11. dissident group from Rânduiala, Arhivă de Herseni collaborated in 1932 with gând şi faptă românească review denied left-wing reviews such as Societatea Monography, separated from Gusti and de mâine and Stânga, Linia generală a entered the Legionary Movement. In the vremii. After writing for Stânga, he refuses first 4 numbers of Rânduiala review, the to be a militant for the Foundation, but attacks of the group formed by Dumitru joins the Legionary Movement in Cristian Amzăr, Ernest Bernea, Ion I.

23 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 POLITICAL HISTORY Antonio Momoc

1937. The mobilizing speech Herseni 5 Gusti, Dimitrie (1924), Doctrinele partidelor uses in the brochures Mişcarea Legio- politice: 19 prelegeri publice organizate de ISR, 12 in „Arhiva pentru Ştiinţa şi Reforma Socială”, nară şi Muncitorimea and Mişcarea year V, Romanian Social Institute, Cultura 13 Legionară şi Ţărănimea is identical Naţională Press, Bucharest. to the one of the cultural activists from 6 Gusti, Dimitrie (1923), Noua Constituţie a României: 23 prelegeri publice organizate de ISR, the „Principele Carol” Foundation. What cu o anexă cuprinzând Noile Constituţii Europene, differs is the Hero they were worshi- Cultura Naţională Press, Bucharest ping: Gusti’s students served the Monarchy 7 Manoilescu, Mihail (1993), Memorii (vol. I), of Carol the Second, while for Herseni Enciclopedic Publishing House, Bucureşti, pp. 49-50. 8 Rostás, Zoltán „Strategii de comunicare la Şcoala and the legionaries, Corneliu Zelea Sociologică a lui Dimitrie Gusti. Direcţii de cer- Codreanu was the Savior. cetare” in The Romanian Communications Sciences Review “Jurnalism & Comunicare”, year II, no. 2, spring 2003, pp. 3-7. Notes 9 1 See Dimitrie Gusti, (1934), Sociologia militans. Hamangiu, Constantin (1939), Codul general al Introducere în sociologia politică, vol. I, ISR României, (Coduri, Legi. Decrete-legi şi Regu- Publishing House, Bucharest and Dimitrie Gusti, lamente), vol. XXVI, 1938 – Part II, Monitorul (1937), Ştiinţa naţiunii, Imprimeria Centrală Oficial Publishing House, Bucharest, pp. 2001- 2007. Publishing House, Bucharest, no. 2-3, year II, 10 February-March 1937, Romanian Social Institute. Mircea Vulcănescu was a referent at the Office for 2 Momoc, Antonio (2008), O istorie politică a Research in the Ministry of Finance between 1929- Şcolii de Sociologie de la Bucureşti, PhD thesis, 1933. In 1933 he was also a Government Auditor for coordinated by Proffesor Zoltán Rostás, the Romanian Agriculture Bank. From June 1935 University of Bucharest, Faculty of Sociology until September 1937 he was the Managing Director 3 See Jerry Muller, (1987), The other God that of the Customs. Then he was named Manager of the National Debt in the Ministry of Finances. failed: Hans Freyer, and the deradicalization of 11 German conservatism, Princeton University Chioveanu, Mihai (2005), Feţele fascismului. Press, Princeton, New Jersey. Politică, ideologie şi scrisul istoric în secolul XX, 4 University of Bucharest Press, p. 69. See Rostás, Zoltán (2001), O istorie orală a 12 Şcolii Sociologice de la Bucureşti, Paideia Herseni, Traian (1937), Mişcarea Legionară şi Publishing House, Bucharest. Muncitorimea, Bucovina Publishing House, Bucharest. 13 Idem (1937), Mişcarea Legionară şi Ţărănimea, Bucovina Publishing House, Bucharest.

24 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

POLITICAL HISTORY THOUGHT AND PRACTICE

Anul 1938 şi înfiinţarea Frontului Renaşterii Naţionale – context european şi context naţional

Mihaela Camelia BUZATU

Abstract: In 1938, the map of Europe was devided in four kinds of political regimes: communist, fascist, parliamentary and authoritarian. In Romania, which was included in the last category, the year 1938 represented the political triumph of the king Charles II, who changed the constitution, dissolved the political parties and established the National Rennaisance Front. These changes were a part of the European political transformations which will determin the beginning of the second world war. Keywords: party, constitution, king, government, foreign policy.

eceniul al IV-lea al secolului XX1 a categorii de state: state cu regim parla- fost pentru Europa unul al schim- mentar sau democraţie liberală (Franţa, D bărilor majore, un deceniu con- Regatul Unit, Irlanda, Ţările de Jos, Belgia vulsiv, al sfârşitului crizei economice, al Luxemburg, Elveţia, Norvegia, Suedia, naşterii şi dezvoltării regimurilor autoritare Finlanda, Cehoslovacia şi Islanda), state cu sau extremiste. „De la comunism la fas- regim fascist (Italia şi Germania), state cu cism sau nazism – arăta un istoric român – regim comunist (U.R.S.S.) şi state cu regim aproape toate ţările Europei trec, mai autoritar tradiţionalist (Spania, Portugalia, devreme sau mai târziu, prin febra tota- Turcia, Grecia, Bulgaria, Iugoslavia, România, litarismului (provocată de dezgustul demo- Ungaria, Austria, Polonia, Lituania, Letonia raţiei şi de mitologia unei «lumi noi» şi a şi Estonia)3. Ţările din această ultimă unui «om nou»).”2 Manifestarea acestor categorie, exceptând Portugalia şi Spania, ideologii extremiste – de stânga sau de se găseau geografic între ţările cu regim dreapta – care în ţările de origine au fost fascist şi ţările cu regim comunist, iar cea acceptate drept politici de stat, dublate de mai mare parte a lor vor intra după cel de- politica de conciliere a puterilor europene al doilea război mondial fie în componenţa democratice, vor deteriora vizibil relaţiile Uniunii Sovietice, fie în orbita politică a internaţionale la nivel european şi vor U.R.S.S.-ului. Anul 1938, la nivel euro- duce, în final, la izbucnirea celui de-al pean, a continuat evoluţia politică ce avea doilea război mondial. să se sfârşească cu izbucnirea celui de-al Într-o hartă a Europei, corespunzând doilea război mondial, în timp ce în începutului de an 1938, Serge Berstein şi România, acelaşi an a reprezentat perioada Pierre Milza împărţeau continentul în patru triumfului în politica internă pentru regele

25 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 POLITICAL HISTORY Mihaela Camelia Buzatu

Carol al II-lea, acum fiind instaurat re- să aibă astfel un pretext, în 1938, de-a o şi gimul personal al suveranului, adoptându- desfiinţa formal, ca ineficientă. O aseme- se o nouă constituţie care să-l legitimeze, nea interpretare mi se pare a păcătui prin luându-se o serie de măsuri ce au dus la o ceea ce se numeşte teleological phallacy: implicare tot mai activă a monarhiei în priveşti anii 1930-1938 din perspectiva lui 1938 şi interpretezi prin urmare toate eve- viaţa politică, implicare ce o regăsim în nimentele precedete drept tot atâtea etape scoaterea partidelor politice în afara legii şi care trebuiau să ducă la evenimentul anului în crearea climatului ce a dus la apariţia 1938, declanşarea dictaturii regale. În ce Frontului Renaşterii Naţionale. mă priveşte aş dori să văd anii 1930-1938 Unul dintre evenimentele politice im- mai curând ca un complex joc în trei între portante ale anului 1938 şi primul în or- rege, Garda de Fier şi partidele democra- dine cronologică, este cel petrecut la 10/11 tice tradiţionale. Acest adevărat triunghi al februarie, atunci când guvernul Goga- morţii – replică grotescă la «triunghiul» Cuza îşi depune demisia, în locul său fiind morţii din primul război mondial – n-a fost constituit guvernul condus de Patriarhul decât un clasic triumvirat, în care doi 4 dintre participanţi se aliază pentru ca să-l Miron Cristea ; Henri Prost considera că elimine pe-al treilea şi luptă apoi pe viaţă din acel moment „suveranul devenise pro- 5 6 şi pe moarte , între ei, pentru adjudecarea priul său prim-ministru” . Lovitura de stat puterii absolute.”9 dată de rege, prin care acesta alcătuia un Consiliu de Miniştri obedient şi la con- Perioada cuprinsă între venirea pe tron ducerea căruia îl numea pe patriarh, a fost a lui Carol al II-lea în 1930 şi anul interpretată diferit de istoricii români. O schimbărilor politice – 1938 – este văzută, primă orientare ar fi aceea, potrivit căreia, astfel, ca o perioadă având trei actori po- regele Carol al II-lea trecuse la instituirea litici: regele, Garda de Fier şi partidele tra- regimului personal după o lungă perioadă diţionale. Pentru a putea prelua puterea de tatonări, perioadă în care a făcut tot într-o formă autoritară, Carol al II-lea ceea ce a depins de el pentru a discredita trebuia să-şi înlăture ceilalţi doi adversari – atât partidele politice cât şi instituţia Parla- Garda şi partidele. Conştientizând faptul mentului, istoricii susţinând ideea unui că noul context politic creat prin insta- plan privind instaurarea unei dictaturi încă urarea regimului autoritar nu-i este deloc de la urcarea pe tronul României, februarie favorabil şi anticipând următoarea mişcare '38 reprezentând doar momentul prielnic a regelui, Corneliu Zelea Codreanu a 7 anunţat, la 21 februarie 1938, dizolvarea pentru punerea în aplicare a planului . 10 Al.Gh. Savu merge mai departe, afirmând Gărzii . Această autodizolvare reprezenta că regele îşi propusese „încă înainte de ur- însă un gest formal, instituţional, căci carea pe tron” impunerea unei astfel de spiritul gardist şi sprijinul Germaniei 8 pentru ideile gardiste au continuat să existe forme de guvernare . O teorie interesantă, 11 care vine să o contrazică pe cea expusă şi după această dată . Ameninţarea pe care anterior, este aceea lansată de Sorin o constituiau ideile Gărzii de Fier chiar şi Alexandrescu: după 21 februarie, o regăsim în deca- pitarea mişcării de dreapta extremă pe „Carol a fost învinuit mai târziu de urzirea, care Carol al II-lea şi Armand Călinescu o în aceşti ani, a unui plan diavolesc: el ar fi structurează în câteva etape, etape influ- dorit, încă din 1930, să înfiinţeze o dic- enţate şi de evoluţiile politice externe: tatură personală, dar neîndrăznind să treacă 12 imediat la fapte, a făcut tot ce a putut ca să arestarea lui Corneliu Zelea Codreanu , destabilizeze democraţia parlamentară şi fabricarea unui proces şi uciderea căpita- 26 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

THOUGHT AND PRACTICE Anul 1938 și înființarea Frontului Renașterii Naționale – context național și context european nului împreună cu alţi 13 legionari, pre- privind scoaterea partidelor politice în textul fiind fuga de sub escortă, în timp ce afara legii, este dat şi decretul lege nr. erau transportaţi din închisoarea de la 1421, prin care era înfiinţat Consiliul de Râmnicul Sărat la cea de la Jilava, în Coroană18. Acest organism al statului noaptea de 29/30 noiembrie 193813. Anul funcţionase şi în trecut, elementul de no- 1938 ne apare astfel ca un an al victoriei utate fiind legat de caracterul permanent lui Carol al II-lea asupra Gărzii de Fier; pe care consiliul îl căpătase; nici acesta, este însă o victorie de scurtă durată, însă, nu venea să îngrădească puterea pe deoarece, cu sprijinul Germaniei şi sub care regele Carol al II-lea şi-o arogase cu conducerea lui Horia Sima, Garda se va puţin timp în urmă, deoarece rolul Consi- revigora şi va deveni foarte puternică în liului era unul consultativ, hotărârile lui anii următori lui '38, căci „în pânzele ei nefiind obligatorii pentru rege19. bătea vântul succeselor Reichului”14. Concomitent cu punerea în umbră sau Cel de-al doilea adversar al lui Carol cu eliminarea adversarilor, Carol al II-lea a al II-lea – partidele politice tradiţionale – încercat să creeze cadrul instituţional ne- este mult mai uşor de învins; de această cesar schimbărilor iniţiate în februarie dată opozantul principal al regelui nu putea 1938, pasul cel mai important fiind pro- fi identificat în postura unei singure per- mulgarea noii Constituţii, care venea să soane, ba mai mult, era vorba de un număr schimbe pe cea adoptată în timpul domniei impresionant de partide15, a căror coeziune tatălui său, regele Ferdinand şi datând din era aproape nulă. Rezultatul alegerilor din anul 1923. Fără a insista asupra preve- decembrie 1937, potrivit căruia nici un derilor noii legi fundamentale, vom men- partid nu reuşise să atingă pragul de 40% ţiona faptul că regele a folosit şi acest pri- (prima majoritară) necesar formării guvernului lej pentru a sublinia popularitatea de care şi instalarea guvernului Goga-Cuza, au se bucura regimul inaugurat la 10/11 fe- reprezentat semnalul de alarmă ce a dus la bruarie; pentru aceasta, el a supus textul „trezirea” partidelor; „democraţii se trezesc constituţiei, redactat de Istrate Micescu, şi strâng, în fine, rândurile.”16 Era, însă, unui plebiscit care a avut loc pe data de 24 destul de târziu, cel care va juca de acum februarie şi, prin intermediul căruia, popu- înainte rolul principal pe scena politică a laţia şi-a putut exprima „liberă” opinia ţării fiind Carol. Fără un sprijin extern, asupra constituţiei. Rezultatul plebiscitului precum cel al Gărzii de Fier şi având un – 4.297.581 voturi pentru şi 5.843 contra20 pronunţat caracter eterogen, opus omoge- – nu poate fi considerat unul obiectiv, dacă nităţii Gărzii, partidele sunt scoase în afara se ţine cont de timpul extrem de scurt, de legii la 30 martie17; cu toate acestea ele vor doar 4 zile, care a trecut de la data publi- continua să-şi desfăşoare activitatea, vor fi cării textului constituţiei şi până la data la însă înlocuite, în mai puţin de un an, care s-a desfaşurat plebiscitul. Fără îndo- printr-o organizaţie politică de tip monolit ială, alegătorii nu cunoşteau conţinutul ex- – Frontul Renaşterii Naţionale. Dacă în plicit al textului elaborat de oficialităţi; cu cazul Gărzii de Fier, Carol al II-lea nu toate acestea, Carol va sublinia în nenu- oferise o alternativă politică la uciderea lui mărate rânduri larga adeziune manifes- Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, lipsa acestei tată de populaţia României faţă de noul alternative determinând mai târziu renaş- sistem, adeziune concretizată prin rezul- terea Gărzii, alternativa la desfiinţarea tatul favorabil înregistrat cu ocazia ple- partidelor politice a fost însuşi Frontul Re- biscitului21. Nu este mai puţin adevărat fap- naşterii Naţionale. În aceeaşi zi cu decretul tul că o parte a populaţiei vedea în regele

27 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 POLITICAL HISTORY Mihaela Camelia Buzatu

Carol al II-lea singurul om care ar fi putut mându-şi nici un fel de angajament faţă de să conducă ţara spre mai bine în perioada România26. Singura soluţie viabilă pentru respectivă, iar actele acestuia, fără a fi ţara noastră rămânea o apropiere de chestionate, considerate drept cele mai Germania, fapt ce l-a determinat pe rege să bune soluţii22. aibă la 24 noiembrie, la Berchtesgaden, o Cât priveşte politica externă, Carol a întrevedere cu Hitler27. Cunoscând rezul- încearcat iniţial urmărirea liniei tradiţio- tatul întâlnirilor avute de Carol cu ofi- nale, aceea a apropierii de Anglia şi Franţa cialităţile din Londra şi Paris, Führerul a şi menţinerea alianţelor regionale – Mica avut un ton ultimativ, cerându-i regelui Înţelegere şi Înţelegerea Balcanică. Anul român să se hotărască dacă va merge 1938 nu va fi, însă, unul lipsit de eveni- alături de Reich, sau dacă se va poziţiona mente majore pe plan european, fapt ce-l împotriva acestuia. Pe lângă cererile ce ţin va determina pe rege să adopte poziţia de politica externă, conducătorul german cerută de circumstanţe, iar nu aceea pe va încerca din acel moment şi o intervenţie care atât el cât şi marea parte a populaţiei o în treburile interne ale ţării şi anume, considerau corectă. Interesant de observat aducerea Gărzii de Fier la conducerea cum vedea regele, la 1 septembrie 1938, României28. Aşa cum s-a afirmat în isto- situaţia României şi ce soluţii propunea: riografia românească, cererile insistente ale „E adevărat că ne găsim într-o situaţie lui Hitler ca Garda de Fier să fie adusă la politică extrem de gravă şi care ne poate putere l-au determinat pe Carol al II-lea să antrena la o modificare a politicii noastre recurgă la măsuri rapide pentru decapi- 29 externe, ce am ţinut-o cu dinţii de câţiva tarea mişcării legionare ; prin eliminarea ani. Legăturile cât mai strânse cu Franţa şi, lui Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, regele ră- îndeosebi, cu Anglia, fidelitate absolută mânea singura persoană de contact a Führerul. aliaţilor noştri (adesea foarte greu) şi să nu Deşi nu a fost încântat de acţiunile între- ne lăsăm angajaţi niciodată într-un com- prinse de regele român, Hitler, după o pri- plex care să ne ducă, în mod automatic, în mă reacţie negativă, va accepta noua con- conflic‹t› cu Germania, iar faţă de U.R.S.S. junctură creată în România, interesele eco- nici o legătură prea strânsă, care să facă pe germani să creadă că facem un act ostil nomice ale germanilor fiind mult prea lor.”23 mari pentru a lăsa incidentul petrecut la 30 noiembrie 1938 să afecteze relaţiile co- Perspectivele României se înrăutăţesc, merciale româno-germane30. însă, odată cu semnarea acordului de la Ieşind pentru moment învingător şi în 24 München ; era evident că marile puteri „bătălia” contra Reichului, Carol îşi va occidentale nu erau dispuse să apere in- îndrepta atenţia asupra problemelor care 25 teresele ţărilor mici . Ultima încercare de apăruseră în politica internă; o creionare a obţinere a unor garanţii, menite să ofere un acestor probleme face şi Al. Gh. Savu: oarecare echilibru României în politica ex- ternă, se va materializa în noiembrie 1938, „Nemulţumirile s-au concentrat, firesc, îm- atunci când vor avea loc vizitele oficiale potriva regelui Carol al II-lea. Căci, în timp ce sub regimul parlamentar actele regelui ale lui Carol al II-lea la Londra (15-18 no- îşi găsiseră o acoperire în guvern, iar ac- iembrie) şi Paris (19-21 noiembrie). Pre- tele guvernului în parlament şi în partidul zentate în termeni destul de îngăduitori de aflat la putere, sub dictatură, datorită con- presa vremii, acţiunile diplomatice nu au centrării puterilor statului în mâinile mo- avut rezultatul scontat, nici unul dintre narhului, lichidării parlamentului şi dizol- reprezentanţii Angliei sau Franţei neasu- vării partidelor politice, Coroana rămăsese,

28 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

THOUGHT AND PRACTICE Anul 1938 și înființarea Frontului Renașterii Naționale – context național și context european

practic, descoperită. Faptul că noua consti- planul propus de Armand Călinescu, acesta tuţie înscrisese responsabilitatea miniştrilor nu poate fi considerat decât o utopie, visul pentru politica ordonată de rege nu putea său, acela de a pune alături bogaţi şi săraci, să constituie în nici un caz o disculpare a 31 intelectuali şi ţărani, copii şi vârstnici fiind lui în faţa opiniei publice.” unul irealizabil. Oameni care nu îşi mani- Se auzeau tot mai des voci care îl festaseră adeziunea faţă de noul regim şi îndemnau pe rege la luarea unei decizii în care erau „ameninţaţi” de contextul extern, ceea ce priveşte reînceperea activităţii par- nu puteau deveni peste noapte adepţii unor tidelor politice; această repunere în drep- idealuri care nu le aparţineau. Cu toate turi a vechilor politicieni, Carol nu numai acestea, Carol II a trecut la punerea în că nu şi-o dorea, dar o considera de ne- aplicare a ceea ce se dorea a fi o mişcare acceptat în condiţiile în care pasul im- de renaştere naţională, înfiinţând, cum portant în „eliminarea” partidelor fusese spuneam mai sus, la 16 decembrie 1938, deja făcut la 30 martie. Pentru a finaliza Frontul Renaşterii Naţionale34. conflictul dintre el şi partide în avantajul Legea de înfiinţare, cuprinzând 8 arti- său şi pentru a încerca o apropiere de cetă- cole, redactate într-un stil concis, chiar la- ţeni, regele a creat, la 16 decembrie 1938, conic, era semnată de Carol al II-lea, de Frontul Renaşterii Naţionale32, prin decretul- prim-ministrul Miron Cristea şi de miniştrii lege de înfiinţare acesta devenind „unică Justiţiei şi Internelor, Victor Iamandi şi organizaţie politică în Stat”. Constituind Armand Călinescu. Încă de la început, se acest organism, regele încerca să deţină un sublinia unicitatea FRN-ului (art. I), „orice control cât mai amănunţit asupra treburilor altă activitate politică”, exceptând Frontul, interne, dar şi asupra populaţiei României, urmând „a fi socotită clandestină” (art. populaţie ce era sprijinită să se înscrie în VII); în privinţa scopului înfiinţării FRN, partidul nou format, al cărui conducător în lege se amintea „mobilizarea conştiinţei era însuşi Carol al II-lea. naţionale în vederea întreprinderii unei Deşi Frontul Renaşterii Naţionale a acţiuni solidare şi unitare româneşti” (art. fost văzut adeseori drept partidul lui Carol II). Cine putea face parte din Frontul Re- al II-lea, ideea înfiinţării unui astfel de naşterii Naţionale? De drept, consilierii re- organism politic o găsim menţionată şi de gali, la cerere, cetăţenii români de peste 21 Armand Călinescu, fapt demonstrat de un de ani, exceptând „militarii activi” şi memoriu înaintat de acesta regelui, la 20 „membrii ordinului judecătoresc” (art. IV octombrie 193833; în memoriu, era subli- şi V). Din punct de vedere politic, demo- niată necesitatea alcătuirii unei formaţiuni craţia românească urma să fie circumscrisă politice subordonată suveranului. Prin consti- de nou-înfiinţatul organ politic, deoarece tuirea acestei noi organizaţii se urmărea acesta, se arăta în articolul VI, „are, singur, înlăturarea definitivă a vechilor partide poli- dreptul de a fixa şi depune candidaturile tice, care, deşi fuseseră desfiinţate, îşi con- pentru alegerile parlamentare, administrative tinuau activitatea sub diferite forme. şi profesionale”. O explicaţie a caracterului Aceasta nu se dorea a fi o structură politică concis al legii din 16 decembrie 1938, o în sensul partidelor tradiţionale, ci, mai cu găsim în articolul VIII – „un regulament seamă, o mişcare populară care să atragă special, făcând parte integrantă din prezenta intelectualitatea, tinerii, dar şi celelalte lege, va determina condiţiunile de organi- categorii sociale; ea trebuia să unească nu zare şi funcţionare a «Frontului Renaşterii politicieni, ci oameni simpli, cărora să le Naţionale»”35. ofere un ideal comun. Dacă analizăm obiectiv

29 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 POLITICAL HISTORY Mihaela Camelia Buzatu

Printr-un document de mai puţin de o laboratorii săi apropiaţi, Armand Călinescu, pagină, Carol al II-lea oferea o singură Gheorghe Tătărescu şi Ernest Urdăreanu, după alternativă vieţii politice româneşti, după cum aflăm din însemnările făcute de Armand ce, în urmă cu mai bine de şase luni, pu- Călinescu în jurnalul său, la 9 februarie 1938 sese capăt unei activităţi politice dominată (Armand Călinescu, Însemnări politice, 1916- 1939, ediţie îngrijită şi prefaţată de dr. Al. Gh. de mai multe partide. 1938 se arătase, atât Savu, Bucureşti, Editura Humanitas, 1990, p. pe plan intern, cât şi pe plan extern, ca un 377). an zbuciumat, cu evenimente în perma- 7 Printre susţinători se numără: Ioan Scurtu (în nentă schimbare, iar finalul său îl găsea pe Contribuţii privind viaţa politică din România. rege în fruntea statului, conducând atât Evoluţia formei de guvernământ în istoria direct, din tronul Hohenzollernilor din modernă şi contemporană, Bucureşti, Editura România, cât şi indirect, prin intermediul Ştiinţifică şi Enciclopedică, 1988, passim) sau nou-înfiinţatului Front al Renaşterii Naţionale. Neagu Cosma (în Culisele palatului regal. Un Pentru moment, Carol al II-lea învinsese. aventurier pe tron Carol al II-lea (1930-1940), Un an mai târziu, Europa intra în cel de-al Bucureşti, Editura Globus, 1990, passim). 8 Al.Gh. Savu, Dictatura regală (1938-1940), doilea război mondial, statele de pe con- Bucureşti, Editura Politică, 1970, p. 154. tinent se divizau în tabere politice şi mi- 9 Sorin Alexandrescu, Paradoxul român, litare, sfârşitul marii conflagraţii trasând Bucureşti, Editura Univers, 1998, p. 99. harta europeană pentru următoarea jumă- 10 Petre Ţurlea, Nicolae Iorga între dictatura tate de secol. regală şi dictatura legionară, Bucureşti, Editura Enciclopedică, 2001, p. 28. 11 Note La 13 martie 1938, Armand Călinescu (în 1 Pentru o istorie a Europei în secolul XX, vezi op.cit., p. 384) nota în jurnalul său: „... străinii Serge Berstein, Pierre Milza, Istoria Europei, centrali vor încuraja tot pe gardişti şi la mo- vol. V. Secolul XX (din 1919 până în zilele mentul decisiv vor conta tot pe ei, chiar când noastre), trad. de Monica Timu, ediţie îngrijită, oficialitatea română ar crede potrivit să schim- be politica externă”. note şi comentarii de Doina Bercan-Sterpu, Iaşi, 12 Institutul European, 1998. Pretextul arestării a fost scrisoarea cu un 2 Lucian Boia, România, ţară de frontieră a conţinut ofensator pe care Corneliu Zelea Europei, Bucureşti, Editura Humanitas, 2002, Codreanu i-a trimis-o lui Nicolae Iorga chiar în p. 90. ziua închiderii de către autorităţi a restauran- 3 Serge Berstein, Pierre Milza, op.cit., p.112. telor legionare (26 martie 1938), scrisoare în 4 Printre primele măsuri luate de guvernul care îl învinuia pe istoric de „necinste su- fletească” (Petre Ţurlea, op. cit., p. 29.) Miron Cristea se numără cele care vor ajuta la 13 instituţionalizarea noului regim şi anume: in- Ioan Scurtu, Gheorghe Buzatu, op.cit., p. 352. troducerea stării de asediu şi a cenzurii, 14 demiterea prefecţilor şi numirea în locul aces- Florin Constantiniu, O istorie sinceră a tora a unor ofiţeri de rang superior (Ioan poporului român, Bucureşti, Univers Enciclopedic, 1997, p. 359. Scurtu, Gheorghe Buzatu, Istoria românilor în 15 secolul XX, (1918-1948), Bucureşti, Editura La 27 februarie 1938, cu prilejul promulgării Paideia, 1999, p. 344). noii Constituţii, Patriarhul Miron Cristea, într- 5 Henri Prost, Destinul României (1918-1954), un amplu rechizitoriu adresat partidelor po- trad. de Valer Moga şi Valeria Pioraş, ediţie litice, vorbea despre „hidra cu 29 de capete îngrijită, notă asupra ediţiei, note şi indice de electorale”, aluzie la cele 29 de grupări politice Valer Moga, Bucureşti, Editura Compania, existente în România la acea dată. (Ioan Scurtu, Gheorghe Buzatu, op. cit., p. 345.) 2006, p. 169. 16 6 Etapele loviturii de stat fuseseră plănuite în Sorin Alexandrescu, op. cit., p. 112. detaliu de către regele Carol al II-lea şi co-

30 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

THOUGHT AND PRACTICE Anul 1938 și înființarea Frontului Renașterii Naționale – context național și context european

17 Istoria Românilor, vol. VIII, România Întregită 31 Al. Gh. Savu, Sistemul partidelor politice din (1918-1940), coordonator Ioan Scurtu, secretar România, Bucureşti, Editura Știinţifică şi Petre Otu, Bucureşti, Editura Enciclopedică, Enciclopedică, 1976, p. 153. 2003, p. 395. 32 Arhivele Naţionale Istorice Centrale, fond 18 Al.Gh. Savu, op.cit., p. 172. Frontul Renaşterii Naţionale, dosar 1/1939, f. 8; 19 Ibidem. referitor la FRN, amintim două lucrări mai noi: 20 Ioan Scurtu, Gheorghe Buzatu, op. cit., p. Radu Florian Bruja, Carol al II-lea şi Partidul 345. Unic: Frontul Renaşterii Naţionale, Iaşi, Editura 21 Al.Gh. Savu, op. cit., p. 163-164. Junimea, 2006; Petre Ţurlea, Partidul unui 22 Henri Prost, op. cit., p. 171. Rege: Frontul Renaşterii Naţionale, Bucureşti, 23 Carol al II-lea, Între datorie şi pasiune. Editura Enciclopedică, 2006. Însemnări zilnice, vol. I (1904-1939), ediţia a 33 Al.Gh. Savu, op. cit., p. 156-158. II-a revăzută şi completată de Marcel-Dumitru 34 Arhivele Naţionale Istorice Centrale, fond Ciucă şi Narcis Dorin Ion, Bucureşti, Editura Frontul Renaşterii Naţionale, dosar 1/1939, f. 8. Curtea Veche, 2003, p. 229. 35 Ibidem. 24 Faţă de acordul de la München (29 sep- tembrie 1938), prin care Reichul anexa re- giunea sudetă, aparţinând Cehoslovaciei, Franţa şi Anglia au adoptat o poziţie pasivă, con- ducătorii politici de la Paris şi Londra con- siderând că printr-o astfel de atitudine vor ajunge la un consens cu Hitler şi vor putea evita declanşarea unui război; desfăşurarea ulterioară a evenimentelor a dovedit că tactica adoptată de ei nu a avut efectele aşteptate (cf. cu Florin Constantiniu, op. cit., p. 360). 25 Sorin Alexandrescu, op. cit., p. 121. 26 Ioan Scurtu, Gheorghe Buzatu, op. cit., p. 351. 27 Ibidem, p. 352. 28 Al.Gh. Savu, op. cit., p. 222-224. 29 Ibidem, p. 226. 30 În perioada premergătoare celui de-al doilea război mondial, cât şi în timpul desfăşurării acestuia economia României va fi în mare parte orientată spre Germania, acordul care va consfinţi acest lucru fiind semnat la 23 martie 1939; se încerca, prin acest acord, câstigarea bunăvoinţei germanilor în politica expansio- nistă pe care o practicau la momentul respectiv. Preţul plătit de ţara nostră va fi mult prea mare, dacă se au în vedere prevederile respectivului acord, prin care economia românească se transforma într-o economie menită să îndeplinească ce- rinţele Germaniei, pătrunderea capitalului ger- man pe piaţa românescă ducând şi la o creştere a controlului pe care Führerul îl va exercita în România (a se vedea Rebecca Haynes, Politica României faţă de Germania între 1936 şi 1940, trad. de Cristina Aboboaie, Iaşi, Editura Polirom, 2003).

31 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 POLITICAL HISTORY THOUGHT AND PRACTICE

Planul Marshall și consecinţele sale pentru Europa

Cosmin Lucian GHERGHE

Abstract: The Marshall Plan – officially styled „the European Recovery Program” (ERP) – had a major contribution to the rebuilding of Europe, the Americans being engaged in a policy of blocking the spread of communism in the entire world. For the first time, the European countries had to act with a single economic unity, to collaborate with each other. The Marshall Plan generated the issue of the Schuman Plan, which, in turn, generated the European Coal and Steel Community, then the EURATOM and the common market, tracing the direction for what was to become the European Union. Keywords: foreign policy, security, recovery, economic assistance, program, doctrine.

upă încheierea celui de al doilea nomic, ceea ce va rămâne sub numele de război mondial s-a trecut la împăr- „Doctrina Truman”. Trăsătura principală a D ţirea sferei de influenţă asupra con- acesteia a reprezentat-o desprinderea de un tinentului European de către cele două anume globalism, în favoarea priorităţii superputeri SUA şi URSS. Sovieticii au acordate Europei Occidentale şi a redresării obţinut „teritoriile eliberate” de armata roşie sale, ca o condiţie a securităţii americane. şi au impus în aceste ţări ideologia lor. Un rol important în organizarea SUA, apreciind „problema germană” de Europei de după război, în perioada 1947 importanţă covârşitoare, îşi va orienta ţe- – 1949, a avut-o şi secretarul de stat lurile pe direcţia sprijinirii europenilor american George Marshall Catlett (1880- pentru lichidarea diviziunii, creării şi con- 1959)1. El a iniţiat un ajutor masiv pentru solidării Europei unite, a unei alianţe Grecia şi Turcia pentru a putea rezista atlantice care să împiedice expansiunea presiunilor comuniste, şi a propus, la ini- sovietică. ţiativa preşedintelui democrat Truman un Concomitent cu victoria electorală a program ambiţios, Planul Marshall, un opoziţiei republicane în Congresul american, vast program de sprijin economic (peste preşedintele Harry Truman (1884-1972), 10 miliarde de dolari), care va contribui la într-un discurs ţinut în faţa Congresului reconstrucţia Europei, cu condiţia ca Statelor Unite, la 12 martie 1947, ofi- aceste state prin reprezentanţii lor să-şi cializează politica externă a Statelor Unite prezinte nevoile şi să se înţeleagă asupra de a proteja naţiunile ameninţate de comu- celor mai potrivite mijloace. nism prin asistenţă militară şi suport eco- 32 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

THOUGHT AND PRACTICE Planul Marshall și consecințele sale pentru Europa

Ca Secretar de Stat, la 5 iulie 1947, torul pe care-l consideră ca o salvare, numai Marshall este invitat la distribuirea pre- România care se zbate în lipsuri şi în mi- miilor Universităţii Harward. În discursul zerie, nu are nevoie de el!”6 ţinut cu această ocazie îşi expune „faimosul După desfăşurarea Conferinţei de la Program of European Recovery” care va fi Paris din iunie 1947 miniştrii de externe punctul de plecare spre aşa numitul Plan francez (Georges Bidault) şi britanic Marshall de construcţie a Europei2. (Ernest Bevin) semnează un comunicat Prin programul lansat, generalul Marshall prin care invită 22 de state europene să a declarat „război foamei, sărăciei, dis- trimită reprezentanţii lor la Paris pentru a perării şi haosului din Europa”, pentru că discuta punerea în aplicare a planului „reconstrucţia structurii economice… va generalului Marshall, cu privire la refa- cere evident mult mai mult timp şi eforturi cerea economică a Europei. S-a luat hotă- mai mari decât am prevăzut noi”3. rârea să fie invitat şi ministrul de externe al Acest program numit oficial „European Rusiei, Molotov, pentru a i se prezenta Recovery Program” (ERP) avea drept oferta de ajutor economic a SUA pentru scop de a contribui la „renaşterea unei întreaga Europă. economii active în lume pentru a avea La sfârşitul Conferinţei de la Paris condiţiile politice şi scoiale în care să dintre Franţa, Anglia şi Rusia aliaţii au poată să existe instituţiile libere”, reali- refuzat participarea la program, iar Molotov zarea „unui acord de către tote ţările Europei a declarat că „statele îşi pierd autonomia asupra nevoilor actuale şi asupra a ceea ce lor economică şi independenţa naţională în aceste ţări… vor face ele însele pentru a profitul unor mari puteri”7. eficientiza toate măsurile pe care acest Stalin a văzut în planul Marshall nu guvern ar putea să le ia. Nu ar fi nici bine numai hotărârea Occidentului de a se pro- nici util ca guvernul SUA să stabilească el teja împotriva comunismului, dar şi o în- însuşi un program destinat punerii pe cercare de a desprinde Moscova, prin avan- picioare a economiei europene. Aceasta taje economice, ţările satelite de URSS. este problema europenilor”4, rolul SUA Stalin a interzis astfel participarea acestor rezumându-se la acordarea „unui ajutor state la Planul Marshall, şi a luat măsuri de prietenesc, la stabilirea unui program euro- consolidare a controlului sovietic asupra ţărilor pean” şi „aplicarea acestuia în măsura în satelite şi asupra partidelor comuniste8. care va fi posibil să o facă”5 „European După ce URSS a respins oferta ame- Recovery Program” destinat aliaţilor euro- ricană, speranţa administraţiei Truman a peni după cel de-al doilea război mondial a fost să utilizeze planul Marshall ca mijloc fost primul plan de reconstrucţie conceput de a înlesni un proces de integrare între de americani. Planul Marshall reprezintă ţările Europei Occidentale. extensia în domeniul economic a „Doctrinei Pentru a se stabili nevoile economice Truman”. comune, la 12 iulie 1947 s-a desfăşurat la Rusia şi statele satelite ei, printre care Paris Conferinţa de Cooperare Economică şi România, considera această ofertă de Europeană. Dintre statele Europei invitate ajutor ca o tendinţă de subjugare politică. la Paris de către Franţa şi Anglia pentru „Ziarele regimului la noi, consemna în Jur- discutarea Planului Marshall au răspuns nalul său avocatul C.I. Năvărlie, consideră favorabil următoarele ţări: Belgia, Olanda, acest ajutor ca o adevărată catrastrofă pentru Luxemburg, Irlanda, Austria, Italia, Islanda, România. Statele mari ca Anglia, Franţa, Turcia, Portugalia, Danemarca, Grecia, Italia etc., pot primi cu recunoştinţă aju- Suedia, Norvegia, Elveţia, zona de vest a

33 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 POLITICAL HISTORY Cosmin Lucian Gherghe

Germaniei şi teritoriul Triest. Ulterior au relaţiilor comerciale între ţările partici- mai fost admise RFG (1955) şi Spania pante şi reducerea barierelor comerciale. (1959)9. Au refuzat să ia parte statele ocu- Planul Marshall era administrat de pate sau aflate sub influenţa URSS: Ungaria, două instituţii: ECA (Economic Cooperation Polonia, Iugoslavia, Bulgaria, Albania, Administration), de partea americană şi Cehoslovacia, România şi Finlanda. OECE (Organizaţia Europeană de Coope- Guvernul român, într-o notă semnată rare Economică), de partea europeană. de ministrul de externe Gheorghe Tătărescu, OECE a contribuit la repartizarea aju- prin care se refuza colaborarea preciza că: torului american, fiind înfiinţată ca orga- „organizarea propusă de guvernele brita- nizaţie permanentă de coordonare a poli- nice şi franceze va duce fatal la rezultate ticilor economice naţionale12. OECE a pus care vor însemna pe de o parte o ştirbire a la punct un sistem multilateral de plăţi, independenţei pe care ţările Europei vor, şi liberalizarea schimburilor, în special prin trebuie să o păstreze cu privire la politica stabilirea aşa numitelor coduri de libera- lor economică, iar pe de altă parte o imix- lizare şi prin suprimarea restricţiilor cantitative. tiune în afacerile interne ale acestor ţări ”10. Programul de Reconstrucţie a Europei În timpul desfăşurării lucrărilor Con- s-a încheiat cu un an înainte de data ferinţei s-au stabilit priorităţile care tre- preconizată datorită războiului din Coreea. buiau rezolvate: obţinerea şi menţinerea Transferul total de fonduri către stabilităţii financiare interne şi dezvoltarea Europa s-a ridicat la suma de 13,3 miliarde cooperării economice între statele asociate. de dolari contribuind la redresarea eco- În septembrie 1947 Comitetul European nomică a Europei. de Cooperare Economică publică un raport Ajutorul american acordat prin Planul privind nevoile şi costurile Programului Eu- Marshall a avut drept rezultat stoparea ropean de Reconstrucţie (ERP) pe o perioadă extinderii comunismului în occident dar şi de 4 ani. La 2 aprilie 1948 Congresul Sta- realizarea coeziunii Europei de Vest. telor Unite votează actul de Cooperare Eu- OECE – prima formă de organizare euro- ropeană care autorizează Planul Marshall, peană, a asigurat în mod eficient sprijinul preşedintele Truman promulgându-l a doua zi. financiar statelor europene în efortul lor de Prima întrunire oficială a Comitetului redresare. Convenţia din 14 decembrie European de Cooperare Economică pentru 1960 a înlocuit OECE cu Organizaţia de determinarea nevoilor fiecărei ţări, anterior Cooperare şi Dezvoltare Economică în trecerii prin Congres a legii de alocare a care au intrat şi Statele Unite, Australia, fondurilor a avut loc la 15 aprilie 1948 iar Canada, Japonia, Noua Zeelandă, creându- la 16 aprilie s-a constituit Organizaţia se astfel comunitatea statelor industria- Europeană de Cooperare Economică, care lizate13. coordona ajutorul american oferit prin Planul Marshall – vast program de Planul Marshall. Aceasta a inclus acele asistenţă economică – a avut o contribuţie state care au participat la sesiunile Comi- importantă la refacerea Europei, americanii tetului Pentru Cooperare Economică Euro- angajându-se pe linia unei politici de blo- peană din iulie 194711. S-a stabilit, de ase- care a răspândirii comunismului în întreaga menea, „Programul European de Reconstrucţie lume. Pentru prima oară ţările europene a Europei”, care prevedea dezvoltarea trebuiau să acţioneze cu o singură unitate industriei, agriculturii, menţinerea stabili- economică, să colaboreze între ele. tăţii monetare şi bugetare, amplificarea Planul Marshall a generat redactarea planului Schuman, care la rândul lui a 34 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

THOUGHT AND PRACTICE Planul Marshall și consecințele sale pentru Europa generat Comunitatea Europeană a Cărbunelui 8 Florin Constantiniu, O istorie sinceră a şi Oţelului apoi EURATOMUL şi Piaţa poporului român, Editura Univers Enciclopedic, Comună trasând direcţia pentru ceea ce Bucureşti, 1997, p. 472. 9 Derek Urwin, op. cit., p. 360. avea să devină Uniunea Europeană. 10 Constantin I. Năvărlie, op. cit., p. 72. 11 Cezar Avram, Gheorghe Pîrvu, Roxana Note 1 Radu, Ramona Gruescu, România şi exigenţele Derek Urwin, Dicţionar de istorie şi politică integrării europene, vol. I, Editura Alma, europeană, 1945-1995, Institutul European, Iaşi, Craiova, 2007, p. 60. p. 322. 12 2 Guillaume Courty, Guillaume Devin, Gilles Ferréol, Dicţionarul Uniunii Europene, Construcţia Europeană, Editura C.N.I. „Coresi” Editura Polirom, Bucureşti, 2001, p. 132. 3 S.A., Bucureşti, p. 16; Păun Nicolae , Planul Cezar Avram, Construcţia europeană, evoluţie, Marshall – veritabilă instituţie a construcţiei instituţii, programe, Editura Universitaria, 2003, europene, în Studii Istorice, Omagiu profesorului p. 50. Camil Mureşanu, Cluj-Napoca, 1998, p. 507- 4 Ibidem. 5 513. Ibidem. 13 6 Charles Zorgbibe, Construcţia Europeană. Constantin I. Năvărlie , Jurnal. Între abandon Trecut, prezent, viitor, Editura TREI, Bucureşti, şi crucificare. România 1946-1949, vol. II, 1998, p. 21; Pascal Fontaine, Construcţia Editura de Sud, Craiova, 2000, p. 67. 7 Europeană de la 1945 până în zilele noastre, Derek Urwin, op. cit., p. 131. Institutul European, Iaşi, 1998, p. 5.

35 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 POLITICAL HISTORY THOUGHT AND PRACTICE

The birth of the E.U. Historiographical and political aspects regarding the period 1945-1970

Ionuţ ŞERBAN, Florian OLTEANU

Abstract: The article discusses the main moments which have led to the creation of the European Union. There are also presented the main stages of the establishment of several European institutions, such as: the European Economic Community, the European Community of Atomic Energy, the European Coal and Steel Community etc., between 1945 and 1970, their development and evolution. The conclusion refers to the fact that Europe has begun to turn into an important economic force capable of beginning an intense process of political partnership. Keywords: European Union, political and historioghraphical aspects, political and economical experience, international relations, political partnership.

t the end of the Second World War, Great powers as Italy, Germany, were new major changes influenced the in a social and economical chaos after their A international relations. Europe had defeat in the war, Great Britain and France, lost its political supremacy over the world though victorious, had serious problems which will be for the next fifty years caused by the war damages and by the exercised by U.S.A., which claimed the disintegration of their colonial empires2. highest position in the economy of the The American strategy was settled world and the major role in the politics of using very important means as: credits, reconstruction in the post-war era. The capital exportation and investments. In 5 reconstruction was oriented mainly over June 1947, General George C. Marshall, the Western Europe, because in the East, the U.S. secretary, launched in a speech the Soviet Union started the implement- presented at Harvard University a program tation of its political system using the of measures, which proposed the growth military force, as its leader Joseph of the industrial and agricultural production, Vissarionovitch Stalin (1870-1953) declared the exportation and financial stability. The in 1943 to Milovan Djilas, the lieutenant program, known as “Marshall Plan”, was of the Yugoslavian communist leader, accepted by 16 states from the occidental Josip Broz Tito: “the political system of a influence area. In the “Eastern camp”, at state will be implemented wherever its the “recommendation” of the Soviet Union, army goes in”1. all the states refused the program. Austria, 36 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

THOUGHT AND PRACTICE The birth of E.U. Historiographical and political aspects…

Greece and Turkey had a major economic In the frame of the geopolitical and aid because they were “buffer states” and geo-strategic evolution is also included the pylons against the Soviet assimilation process of creation of the European identity. politics3. The United Europe is a long-term project. The main consequence of the “Marshall The main problem is the equivalence Plan” was the quick economical recons- between national and European conscience. truction in Western Germany, under the The European Union is a political, cultural, surveillance of the allied forces. The main social and economical entity which also has aspects were the process of democra- a strategic influence in the “globalization tization and elimination of the extremists movement”, in fact a long list of events belonging of former Nazi party. States as which were the consequence of the fight Great Britain and France had major problems between great powers for the world after losing their colonies. Italy had difficulties domination7. with the social movements and great The idea of a United Europe had a first differences between the industrialized North mention in the Pan-European movement, and agricultural South. Spain will be initiated by Coudenhove-Kalergi, a Czech dominated until 1975 by the dictatorial aristocrat, in 1923. Six years later, Aristide leadership of the General Francisco Franco4. Briand, one of the artisans of the Nations The communist international movement League, proposed a “federalization” based had an important influence in states like on the French-German cooperation. France and Italy, terrorist movements based The British Prime Minister Winston on fight for ethnical emancipation inten- Churchill proposed in 1946 at the Zurich sified their fight for separation in Spain discussions the idea of the united Europe, (Bask organization ETA) and in Great having the help of the French President Britain (Irish organization IRA, with a Charles de Gaulle8. political wing, Sinn Fein)5. The accomplishment of the common The new technologies, the informa- policy of security and defense imposes the tional evolution, the era of mass-media existence of resources, forces and capacities9. contributed to the creation of a “middle The birth of the European Union is a class”, a strong social group formed by result of centuries of wars, treaties, poli- lawyers, medics, technicians, managers, tical and economic experience. The study businessmen, administration employees. of this process imposes cooperation between This was the frame of a new concept, “the historians, specialists in economy, law, state of social prosperity”, which produced geopolitics. an increase of people’s revenues, a The coordinator of the collection reducing of work days in a week, the “Construction of Europe”, the great development of tourism, the growth of the historian Jacques le Goff noted: number of automobiles, goods, the mass “Europe builds. It is a great hope, which access at the travels in airplanes, ships, the will become reality if only we consider the reformation of social insurance system, the history: A Europe without history would modern evolution of the education6. be an orphan and a miserable. Because Other problems as illegal immigration, the present day comes from the yesterday work unregistered, drug traffic, terrorism, and the tomorrow is the result of the past. pollution and protection of the environment, A past which must not paralyze the present, woman’s condition, human rights are typical but help to be different in fidelity and new for the second half of the XX-th century. in progress. Between the Atlantic, Asia and

37 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 POLITICAL HISTORY Ionuț Șerban, Florian Olteanu

Africa, our Europe exists really for a long and European Ministry of Defense. It was time, designed by geography and shaped placed under the control of the European by history, early from the times when Parliamentary Assembly. Greeks gave the name it bears. The future Jean Monnet (1888–1979 – a very important people must rely on these heritance, which, counselor of the allied governments, during from the Ancient times, even from Pre- the Second World War), and Robert historic times, reached Europe step by Schuman (1886–1963 – French Foreign step, making it extraordinarily creative in Affairs Minister) initiated a plan able to its unity and its diversity, including a put together the production of coal and world complex frame”10. steel in France and Western Germany16. It One of the first steps of the consti- was the base of the “Schuman decla- tution of the common policy of security ration”, published on 9 May 195017. and defense is the Treaty of Brussels (17 During the discussions with the German March 1948), which established the basis Chancellor Konrad Adenauer, on 4 April of the Western European Union (U.E.O.)11. 1951 Jean Monnet defined the warranty of The introduction of the treaty has as main the union agreements based on the objective the mutual warranty of the se- principle of equality: curity of the states, which signed the “I am authorized to propose that the treaty. The fifth article imposed for the relations between Germany and France, Member States the task of the military within the Community, will be governed help and political assistance in case of a on the principle of equality, in the Council military attack against an European state12. and in the Assembly and in all the The U.E.O. Treaty offered large attri- European institutions, present or future”18. butions in matters of European defense Konrad Adenauer made his response: strategy, but in the conditions of the Cold “You know how I am attached to the War appeared other organizations which equality rights for my country in the future made a very restraint area of action of this and to my conviction of the domination treaty13. actions in which it was entrained in the On 11 August 1950, at the 5th Con- past. I am glad to give my full accord to sultative Assembly of the European Council14 your proposal, because I do not see the (created in May 1949), the former British Community without total equality”19. Prime Minister Sir Winston Churchill, the As a direct consequence, on 18 April hero of the World War II and of the Allied 1951 the Treaty of Paris was signed among Conferences and post-war arrangements France, Federal Germany, Italy, and the three (Teheran, Yalta, Moscow), proposed the Benelux countries (Belgium, Luxembourg, creation of the European United Army15. and the Netherlands). It established the The E U A should be under democratic European Coal and Steel Community control, and also would have an alliance (E.C.S.C.), a first step in the creation of the with Canada and USA. European Union. The treaty could act On 24 October 1950, the President of starting on 23 July 1952 until 23 July 2002. the European Council, Hene Peven launched The treaty which established the the Plan of the Defense of the European E.C.S.C. has a major importance as Petre Community (C. E. A.), which was presented Prisecaru considered: “the objective of the to the National French Assembly. The C. C.E.C.O. (E.C.S.C.) – common reglementation E. A., in accordance with the constitution of the coal and steel is less important than treaty, should have had a common budget the international principles established, 38 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

THOUGHT AND PRACTICE The birth of E.U. Historiographical and political aspects… which conducted to the start of the being known as European Economic Western European integration based on a Community (E.E.C.). The second made political vision oriented to the future and the frame in controlling the atomic energy, to the pragmatic action”20. named the Treaty of European Atomic Energy This treaty imposed a new theory, that Community (EURATOM). The treaties had of the intensification of the economic re- judicial power starting on 1-st January lations which creates a solidarity conducting 1958. Later, the Treaty establishing the soon to a political cooperation21. European Economic Community became the Until August 1954, the C.E.A. treaty Treaty establishing the European Community25. was ratified by five Member States (Italy, The British opposition in signing the Germany, Belgium, Luxembourg, Netherlands). treaties from 1957 will be diminished by But, after a preliminary vote, without pre- offering to the British government the status senting the contents of the treaty, the National of the supervisor on the common market French Assembly rejected the project. It in the field of coal and steel. was the end of the C.E.A. project22. In July 1969, the West-German The annalists considered the failure of Chancellor Willy Brandt proposed to the C.E.A. project as a consequence of an members of C.E.E. an active implication insufficient consideration for the internal in the creation of the common strategy in problems of the European states during the foreign policy of defense. Cold War when Europe was divided The birth date of the concept of co- between the “capitalist West” and “the operation in the external policy (known as socialist East”23. “political cooperation”) is December 1969, During 1-3 June 1955, at the Con- at the summit of C.E.E. in Hague, when ference of Messina a committee was the Member States decided to make a appointed, led by Paul Henri Spaak, which report over the cooperation possibilities in had as main responsibility the preparation the field of foreign affairs. of a preliminary report about the ways of A committee formed by high rank the creation of the common market. officials under the presidency of Etienne The Suez Crisis from 1956, the last Davignon (a high rank official of Foreign colonial aggression put France and Britain, Affairs Ministry from Belgium), created a the most powerful European states after report which recommended the creation of the war, in a desperate situation. Europe the “harmonization system of the points of represented nothing when forces as U.S.A. view, the coordination of the positions and, or U.S.S.R. made their intervention. when it is possible, accepting of common The historians consider that the Suez positions”26. The “Davignon report” was adopted Crisis imposed the next step on the Euro- on 28 October 1970 in Luxembourg and pean construction, the birth of a European became the frame of the “political coope- Community. In the conditions of the ration” in the C.E.E. states between 1970- failure of the plan of a European army, the 1989. The report of the Belgian Prime architects of the Union realized that the Ministry Leo Tindemans pointed out the only way was an economic one24. absence of the common defense and se- On March 25th, 1957, at Rome two curity policies. The “Tindemans report” treaties were signed by Belgium, the insisted over the general conclusion: the Netherlands, Luxembourg, France, Federal Union remained uncompleted without a Germany and Italy. The first one repre- common defense policy. The security pro- sented the birth certificate of the E.U.,

39 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 POLITICAL HISTORY Ionuț Șerban, Florian Olteanu blems included only the economical and 5 Peter Calvocoressi, Politica mondială după 1945, political aspects, and not the military field27. Ediţia a VII-a, Bucureşti, Editura Allfa, 2000, p. Starting with 1962, a preoccupation of 269. 6 John Barber, op.cit., p. 428. the members of E.E.C. proposed to create 7 Ion Ganea, Europa în căutarea unei identităţi an integration of the European Communities reale în domeniile securităţii şi apărării. Raportul which succeeded in 1967 (an institutional dintre comunitar şi naţional în aceste domenii, in integration of the E.E.C., E.C.C.S. and “Studii şi articole de istorie”, LXX, Editura 28 Publistar, Bucureşti, 2005, p.72. EURATOM) . 8 The next step was made at the Hague Ion Pâlşoiu, Organizaţii politice şi militare internaţionale, Editura Universitaria, Craiova, 2004, Conference in 1969 where a report to develop 29 p.50. a Unitary Monetary Unity (U.E.M.) was 9 Sime Pirotici, O şansă istorică: Uniunea demanded. Europeană, in “Studii şi articole de istorie”, LXX, The period between 1945 and 1970 Editura Publistar, Bucureşti, 2005, p. 135. represents the time of creation of the 10 Jacques le Goff, preface at the work of Josep communitarian structures. At that time, the Fontana, Europa în faţa oglinzii, Editura Polirom, Iaşi, 2003. Western states knew to leave out the 11 Ibidem, p. 73. problems caused by the war, especially the 12 Ibidem. fear of a new grow-up of Germany. The 13 Gheorghe Magheru, Uniunea Europeană- o historical reconciliation between Germany idee istorică, in “Magazin Istoric”, anul XXVIII, and France was the first step. After the nr.6 (327), 1994, p. 36-38. 14 failure of the project of a united European Vasile Şeclăman, Căi eficiente de extindere a army, in 1954, caused by the veto of the relaţiilor comerciale interne şi internaţionale ale României în economia de piaţă-doctoral thesis, French Parliament, only the economic way A.S.E, Bucureşti, 2006, p.101-103. was embraced, this will contribute to the 15 Ion Ganea, loc.cit., p. 74. political cooperation. 16 Charles Zorghibe, Histoire de la construction The creation in 1957 of the C.E.E., europeene, Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1996, p.38. defined the way which would be followed 17 in the second half of the XX-th century. Sime Pirotici, loc.cit., p. 136. 18 Jean Monnet, Memoires, Paris, Editure Fayard, The historians must consider beside the 1976, p.413-415. facts of the Cold War, the struggle between 19 Ibidem. communism and capitalism, between U.S.A. 20 Petre Prisecaru, Teoria integrării economice and U.S.S.R., between “East” and “West” europene, Bucureşti, Editura Sylvi, 2001, p.29. that Europe started to be an economic force 21 Walter Cairns, Introducere în legislaţia Uniunii able to initiate a strong political partnership Europene, Bucureşti, Editura Universal Dalsi, 2001, p.16. until 1970. 22 Ion Pâlşoiu, op.cit., p. 52. 23 Ion Ganea, loc.cit., p.74. Note 24 Paula Daniela Gânga, Cuplul Franţa-Germania 1 Duncan Townson, Dictionary of Modern într-o europă în schimbare, în Despre Europa, History, Penguin Books, London, 1994, p. 342. Editura Lumen, Iaşi, 2006, p. 15. 2 John Barber, Istoria Europei Moderne, Editura 25 Augustin Fuerea, Manualul Uniunii Europene, Lider, Bucureşti, 1993, p. 480. Ediţia a III-a, Bucureşti, Editura Univers Juridic, 3 Ibidem, p.483. 2006, 35. 4 Serge Berstein, Pierre Milza, Istoria secolului 26 Ion Ganea, loc.cit., p. 75. XX.Lumea între răboi şi pace(1945-1973), vol.II, 27 Archive of the European Integration (A.E.I.) Bucureşti, 1998, p.145. http://www.aei.pitt.edu//942. 28 Sime Pirotici, loc.cit., p. 138. 29 Ibidem. 40 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

POLITICAL HISTORY THOUGHT AND PRACTICE

De la internaţionalismul socialist la naţional-comunism Despre metamorfozele ideii naţionale în România comunistă

Mihai GHIŢULESCU

Abstract: Twenty years after the fall of the communist regime we still feel working its ideological mechanisms. The main reason is our incapacity to understand what happened in society during the four decades of communist rule. We thought that it is enough to know the facts and to blame the perpetrators (although we never actually did that). But this is only the first step. Furthermore, we must take an analytic approach. That is why, in this article I aim to analyze the way in which communism mixed with nationalism in Romania. I have a look at the principles of socialist internationalism, at the practice of the so-called „national- comunism” in several socialist/communist countries and, finally, I focus on the Romanian pattern, showing its ideas and its functioning. My conclusion is that the „national-communism” is not a specific type of nationalism, but a simple rhetoric, ignoring any sense and mixing demagogically coloured elements from both ideologies. Keywords: socialism, communism, nationalism, internationalism, history.

a două decenii de la căderea comu- inevitabil la crearea unei alte istorii sociale, nismului, nostalgia ia tot mai mult care o dublează pe cea consacrată prin L locul „tristei amintiri”. Şi când spun istoriografie. De aici, pentru o vreme, o nostalgie nu mă gândesc la retorica, mai confuzie în ceea ce priveşte raportarea la mult sau mai puţin sinceră, de tipul „ce perioada avută în vedere. Ajungi, atunci bine era, că aveam casă şi servici (sic!)!”, când nu ai trăit respectivele vremuri şi/sau ci la ajustarea memoriei după zicala „cele nu te-ai scufundat în scrierile istorice, să rele să se spele, cele bune să se-adune!”. nu mai ştii ce a fost rău şi ce a fost bine şi, Într-o astfel de situare, trecutul, oricât de de aceea, să perpetuezi inconştient rema- negru, devine simplu decor pentru expe- nenţe comuniste. rienţele personale de care îţi aduci aminte Condamnarea comunismului este o ope- dacă nu cu plăcere ori cu regret, măcar cu raţiune mult mai dificilă decât s-a crezut. duioşie. Într-o viaţă de om, istoria per- Demascarea crimelor şi rostirea de sentinţe sonală o bate pe cea socială. Numai că o – aproape nici o aluzie la Raportul Comi- sumă de istorii personale similare duce siei prezidenţiale, care necesită o discuţie

41 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 POLITICAL HISTORY Mihai Ghițulescu aparte – sunt necesare, dar insuficiente. Nu al politicii în istoria sa […], imagologia, ajunge să stabilim faptele, să descoperim rădăcinile sociale şi psihologice […], impactul făptaşii şi să-i dăm deoparte pentru a scăpa asupra societăţii româneşti contempo- de comunism. E absolut necesar să-i dise- rane…”2. Cea de a doua carte, Iluziile lite- căm ideologia, instrumentele, mobilurile şi raturii române, a criticului şi istoricului literar alibiurile, pe de o parte pentru a putea iden- Eugen Negrici3, „efervescenţa mitogene- tifica şi elimina „depunerile” încă nume- tică”4 românească manifestată aşa cum s-a roase, iar pe de altă parte pentru că, odată manifestat ea în literatură (inclusiv cea din cunoscute metodele şi instrumentele mani- perioada comunistă). În sfârşit, după două pulatorii ale regimului totalitar, va fi mult analize meritorii, vine rândul unei sinteze mai uşor să le contracarăm pe cele arhi- asemenea. Este vorba de „manualul pentru folosite în actualul regim democratic. Cunoaş- liceu” O istorie a comunismului din România, terea comunismului are deci, simultan, o apărut sub egida Institutului de Investigare funcţie curativă şi una profilactică. a Crimelor Comunismului în România5. În agitaţii ani ’90, comunismul a fost Realizat impecabil, manualul relevă difi- condamnat înverşunat, patetic şi cu iz sen- cultatea, dacă nu chiar imposibilitatea, zaţionalist – fapt de înţeles pentru acea elaborării unei sinteze istorice inteligibile a vreme, benefic, fără îndoială, dar, vedem comunismului românesc. Oricine este cât astăzi, nu prea eficient. Îndrăznesc să spun de cât familiarizat cu literatura dedicată că nici o ţară din lumea civilizată (cu ex- epocii, îşi dă cu uşurinţă seama că autorii cepţia spaţiului ex-sovietic – incorectitu- au reuşit să reţină într-un mod admirabil dine politică asumată!) nu a păstrat atât de esenţialul, să dea maximum de informaţie puternic urmele unui regim totalitar la două în minimum de cuvinte. Rămâne între- decenii după abandonarea acestuia. Discursul barea: ce poate înţelege elevul mediu de de tip „Memorialul durerii” a dominat spa- liceu, născut după 1990. Sincer, mai nimic! ţiul public, descurajând şi punând în umbră Pentru el, totul seamănă a ficţiune, a Orwell, demersurile analitice (destul de solide în aşa că nu prea mai are sens să folosim Occident, puţine şi firave, la noi). Lucrurile clişeul trimiterii la Orwell pentru a desluşi nu pot şi nu trebuie să mai rămână aşa. „mecanismul psihologic prin care regimul co- Mare parte a rândurilor de mai jos au munist a manipulat conştiinţele oamenilor fost scrise cu câţiva ani în urmă, fiind prin propagandă”6. abandonate în aşteptarea unor revizuiri şi Şi totuşi, „mecanismul psihologic…” adăugiri mereu amânate. Actuala revenire trebuie desluşit… Nu-i vorba numai de asupra lor se datorează unor apariţii edi- comunism, ci de orice regim, partid, curent toriale recente. În primul rând, volumul ori om politic… Adevărata garanţie a de- Politică şi istorie. Cazul comuniştilor români mocraţiei nu stă în consacrarea ei formală, 1944-1977, al regretatului istoric Vlad adică în ceea ce azi numim „stat de drept”, Georgescu1. Scrisă în 1978 şi publicată în ci în asumarea ei de către individ, adică în Germania în 1983, lucrarea reprezintă o voinţa şi în capacitatea acestuia de a o analiză rece (chiar incredibil de rece, dacă apăra, rezistând tentativelor de manipulare. ne gândim la momentul realizării), aplicată Cu aceste gânduri am revenit asupra şi ultra-documentată (autorul chiar averti- textului care încearcă să disece raporturile zează că a sacrificat „fluenţa lecturii în destul de încâlcite dintre naţionalism şi favoarea caracterului documentar”), urmărind comunism, cele două mari isme prin care să explice „histo-politografia comunismului indivizii au fost manipulaţi pe parcursul român, locul istoriei în politică, precum şi ultimelor două secole. 42 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

THOUGHT AND PRACTICE De la internaționalismul socialist la național-comunism…

După o perioadă interbelică în care oricare alţi lideri estici, unicul principiu de curentele naţionaliste au dominat spaţiul legitimare consta în ataşamentul faţă de public şi după două dictaturi care au făcut URSS şi asumarea obligaţiei de a îndeplini din naţionalism o adevărată politică de stat, de îndeplini directivele Kremlinului10. Au venirea la putere a Partidului Comunist adoptat deci, fără discuţii, ideologia inter- Român a însemnat o despărţire sau, pentru naţionalismului proletar aşa cum era pre- a folosi una din metaforele matrimoniale zentată de Marx, Engels, Lenin şi mai ales ale istoricului Stephen Fischer-Galaţi, un Stalin, adică susţinerea primatului solida- „divorţ de tradiţie”7. rităţii de clasă în raport cu cea naţională. Mişcarea comunistă promitea o altfel Internaţionalismul nu este considerat contrar de democraţie decât cea oferită de socie- intereselor naţionale, pretinzând că se îm- tatea capitalistă, o democraţie care să slu- bină cu „patriotismul socialist” în lupta jească interesele „clasei muncitoare”. Odată pentru libertate a diferitelor ţări, posibilă însă ajunsă la putere însă, ea a desfiinţat orice numai „pe calea dezvoltării socialiste”11. democraţie. A respins totodată naţionalismul El nu este, teoretic, o negare, ci o depăşire şi a adoptat internaţionalismul, susţinând a naţionalismului căruia i se recunoaşte ro- principiul egalităţii naţiunilor. În scurt timp, lul diferit în funcţie de condiţiile istorice intenţiile s-au transformat, în practică, în (chiar rolul pozitiv în cazul naţiunilor asu- contrariul lor, iar apoi au fost cu totul prite), dar care este considerat „ostil sco- abandonate prin îmbrăţişarea unui naţio- purilor finale ale clasei muncitoare”12. nalism foarte asemănător cu cel mişcărilor Naţiunea era definită ca o comunitate fasciste anterioare. Astfel, deşi în planul umană stabilă, constituit istoric pe baza ideologiilor originare extrema dreaptă şi comunităţii de limbă, de teritoriu, de viaţă extrema stângă erau radical diferite, în economică şi de factură psihică materia- planul practicii social-politice au dat naş- lizată în cultura naţională. Întrunirea cu- tere unor regimuri totalitare similare8. mulată a tuturor acestor elemente era con- siderată obligatorie, dar rolul esenţial era Etapa internaţionalismului socialist rezervat intereselor economice. Momentul Odată cu proclamarea Republicii Po- istoric al naşterii naţiunii poate fi aflat „în pulare Române, în 1947, au fost create perioada capitalismului ascendent”, chiar practic toate condiţiile pentru instaurarea dacă unele din componentele sale au pre- statului totalitar. Un prim pas l-a constituit cedat acest moment. Ca orice fenomen istoric, înregimentarea militară a ţării în blocul ea este presupusă a avea un sfârşit, plasat sovietic, prin tratatul româno-sovietic de perioada următoare victoriei comunismului prietenie, colaborare şi ajutor reciproc. Au în lumea întreagă şi instaurării unui sistem urmat consolidarea partidului unic de masă al economiei comuniste mondiale care ar şi impunerea modelului totalitar sovietic fi creat condiţiile pentru contopirea tuturor prin adoptarea Constituţiei din aprilie 1948. naţiunilor într-una singură13. Comuniştii au acţionat foarte rapid pentru Stalin în persoană a trasat linia de con- transformarea României urmând modelul duită a comuniştilor în „problema naţională”. sovietic şi folosind practicile staliniste9. În viziunea sa, aceasta se manifestă diferit Noii conducători ai României şi-au în funcţie de interesele de clasă pe care le asumat rolul de susţinători ai planurilor serveşte: „În timpuri diferite păşesc în are- Moscovei de transformare a estului euro- na luptei clase diferite şi fiecare clasă înţe- pean într-un adevărat imperiu comunist. lege în felul ei «problema naţională»”14. Pentru ei, poate mai mult decât pentru Referindu-se la cazul particular al popoa-

43 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 POLITICAL HISTORY Mihai Ghițulescu relor din Rusia, el a încercat să ilustreze catalogat drept imperialist, războinic şi diferenţa dintre „problema naţională” a reacţionar. Pentru a câştiga, sau măcar proletarilor şi cea a nobilimii ori a burghe- pentru a face faţă, nu trebuia şi nu putea să ziei. Dacă acestea din urmă doresc, în lupte de una singură, ci să contrapună sta- viziunea sa, izolarea naţională, proletarii telor occidentale o coaliţie cuprinzând sta- au în vedere, dimpotrivă, desfiinţarea tele estice. Pentru mobilizarea lor a apelat barierelor ridicate între naţiuni. De aceea, la „chestiunea naţională a proletarilor”. trebuie acordată mare atenţie condiţiilor Aceasta nu mai însemna acum doar soli- comune tuturor proletarilor, comunităţii lor daritatea proletarilor de naţionalităţi di- de interese, iar „deosebirile naţionale” tre- ferite din interiorul aceluiaşi stat ori din buie luate în considerare numai în măsura state diferite, ci, pur şi simplu, solidaritatea în care nu contravin „intereselor comune statelor în care proletariatul devenise „clasă ale proletarilor”15. Ideea sa este simplă: conducătoare”. Diferenţele dintre ele trebuia solidaritatea dintre clasele corespondente şterse prin eliminarea particularităţilor na- din cadrul diferitelor naţiuni are prioritate ţionale şi înlocuirea lor cu modelul so- în raport cu cea dintre clasele sociale di- vietic. Cel care a lansat apelul a fost A.A. ferite din interiorul aceleiaşi naţiuni. Jdanov, ideologul oficial al stalinismului. Pentru Stalin, „problema naţională” este o „Căile naţionale spre socialism trebuiau nebuloasă care poate fi clarificată numai definitiv părăsite” spunea acesta, chemând reducând-o la o sumă de probleme sociale toate „forţele progresiste” să facă front („revendicări de clasă”)16. Din tot textul comun cu Uniunea Sovietică, „bastionul său se pot desprinde câteva idei precise: visului de egalitate şi fericire al omenirii”. egalitatea de drepturi cetăţeneşti pentru Strategiile sale de intensificare a luptei de toate naţionalităţile din Rusia, libertatea clasă internaţionale şi consecinţele ei în folosirii limbii materne, dreptul de auto- Europa răsăriteană au fost definitivate în administrare (însă numai în condiţiile unei 1947 şi materializate în Cominform (Biroul „conştiinţe proletare dezvoltate”) şi negarea, de Informaţii al Partidelor Comuniste şi de pe poziţii materialist-dialectice, a exis- Muncitoreşti), un organism care, ca suc- tenţei „spiritului naţional”, „din punct de cesor al Cominternului, îşi propunea să vedere logic o nerozie”17. Evident, aceste concentreze diversele tendinţe din cadrul precepte staliniste erau valabile şi pentru comunismului mondial19. noile state-satelit. Stalin era singurul în- Jdanov a impus tuturor partidelor co- dreptăţit să (re)interpreteze ideologia pentru muniste care au participat la Cominform legitimarea diverselor acţiuni sau compor- (cele din estul european, minus Albania şi tamente conjuncturale18. Germania de Est, plus Franţa şi Italia) Teoria socialistă cu privire la „problema adoptarea unei declaraţii prin care se re- naţională” a constituit fundamentul noii cunoştea URSS calitatea de depozitar al politici externe a URSS. În condiţiile im- dezideratelor umaniste ale luptei anti- plicării americane în reconstrucţia Europei fasciste. Stilul său era imperativ şi mani- şi ale sprijinului acordat de către englezi heist: nu vedea nici o cale de mijloc între forţelor anticomuniste greceşti, sovieticilor socialismul sovietic şi capitalismul occi- le-a devenit tot mai evident că vremea dental, fapt ce a dus la accelerarea pro- concordiei dintre aliaţi era definitiv apusă cesului de aservire a statelor socialiste din şi că se deschidea o epocă nouă, de luptă est, la depăşirea formelor democratice păs- între estul socialist şi pretins democratic, trate în primii ani de după război. Modelul pacifist şi progresist şi vestul capitalist, care li s-a impus consta în distrugerea so- 44 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

THOUGHT AND PRACTICE De la internaționalismul socialist la național-comunism… cială, economică, politică, culturală a ordinii reprezentat mari impedimente pentru noua anterioare, eliminarea tuturor duşmanilor putere. În foarte scurt timp, toate reperele reali sau potenţiali şi implantarea unor istoriei româneşti au fost inversate. Solida- structuri noi, calchiate după cele sovietice20. A ritatea internaţională, atât de invocată în fost inventată chiar şi o teorie care să des- istoriografia trecută şi viitoare, a fost pentru crie natura noilor regimuri: ele nu erau moment înlocuită cu „lupta de clasă”, în- chiar „dictaturi ale proletariatului”, ci expe- vestită cu rolul de motor al istoriei. rimente ale unei noi formule politice, „demo- Internaţionalismul se dovedeşte, de fapt, un craţia populară”. Aparent o formă goală, antinaţionalism. Nu doar că toate marile această sintagmă este foarte importantă. Ea evenimente istorice sunt reinterpretate ca a oferit acoperirea ideologică pentru modul simple acte de clasă, dar românii sunt pla- diferit în care se construia socialismul în aţi în rolul negativ de agresori imperialişti fiecare ţară şi, în special, pentru implicarea ai revoluţiei socialiste: unirea din 1859 era ţărănimii, categoria dominantă. Revoluţia rezultatul înţelegerii dintre boierime şi nu era specifică nici uneia din ele şi urma burghezie în dauna maselor populare, uni- peste tot prescripţiile Moscovei dar trebuia rea cu Basarabia şi Transilvania, acte de să ţină cont de condiţiile de la faţa locului. agresiune împotriva revoluţiilor din Rusia „Democraţia populară” era definită ca o şi Ungaria. Din 1947 până în 1956, Istoria formă de organizare politică a societăţii României va purta numele de Istoria R.P.R23. care, în funcţie de condiţiile istorice, putea Cuvântul „naţiune” şi derivatele sale au lua fie forma „dictaturii proletariatului”, fie început să fie evitate în vorbirea oficială; pe cea a „dictaturii proletariatului şi a ţără- relevantă mi se pare observaţia istoricului nimii”. „Revoluţiile democrat-populare” erau Vlad Georgescu că „până şi campionatele privite iniţial ca mişcări pentru indepen- naţionale de fotbal au fost rebotezate cam- denţă naţională şi reformă politică şi so- pionate republicane”24. cială şi, abia odată acestea realizate, ele se Misiunea rescrierii istoriei a revenit transformau în revoluţii socialiste. „Demo- unor noi istorici, în cea mai mare parte, craţii populare” erau nu numai ţările din improvizaţi (este de notat numele lui Europa de Est, ci şi statele socialiste din Mihail Roller, adevărat guru al istorio- Asia21. grafiei de la sfârşitul deceniului al V-lea şi În această primă fază, internaţiona- începutul celui următor). „Vechii” istorici listă, în România, s-a urmărit distrugerea ai perioadei interbelice, acuzaţi de naţio- oricărei legături cu trecutul „burghezo- nalism şi de pro-occidentalism, au fost naţionalist”, în toate domeniile: economie, principalele ţinte ale epurărilor25, alături de cultură şi, mai ales, politică. Eradicarea „vechii” politicieni, scriitori etc. Capul clasic trecutului a început în 1948, imediat după de acuzare era „fascismul”, un clişeu al instaurarea republicii, şi se poate considera jargonului socialist al vremii, cuprinzând că în 1952 el era deja, de facto, încheiat22. întreaga opoziţie românească faţă de noua Schimbarea a avut un caracter cu atât mai „orânduire”. În „fascism” erau incluse toate brutal cu cât peisajul ideologic românesc valorile negative: naţionalismul, antisovie- nu cunoscuse o direcţie marxist-revolu- tismul, anticomunismul etc. şi, în plus, era ţionară prea puternică. Puţinele tradiţii de considerat instrumentul ideal al atacurilor stânga (poporanismul, ţărănismul) nu au din exterior, din partea „fascismului” şi anunţat revoluţia, social-democraţii au rămas „imperialismului” internaţional26. marginali pe scena politică, iar comuniştii În acest punct devine vizibilă limitarea au fost interzişi. Totuşi, acestea nu par să fi internaţionalismului socialist la statele

45 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 POLITICAL HISTORY Mihai Ghițulescu lagărului estic. Orice legătură cu occidentul lui Vasile Luca s-a bazat pe dorinţa de capitalist era exclusă. Până şi „proletarul” putere nelimitată sau pe „naţionalismul” occidental părea decăzut din rolul său lui Gheorghiu-Dej sau dacă ea avut loc din istoric. Nu era suficient ca românii să iniţiativa acestuia sau ca urmare a instruc- întreţină relaţii strânse cu popoarele vecine ţiunilor Moscovei. Există, în principal, şi în special cu cel sovietic, trebuia să două opinii. Prima consideră acţiunea ar fi existe o strânsă legătură seculară şi chiar o fost cauzată de conflictul dintre „grupul îndatorare faţă de acestea. Ideea insulei de din ţară” şi „grupul de la Moscova”. În acest latinitate dispare pentru o vreme lăsându-i caz, ar fi putut fi vorba de „naţionalism” pe români să se piardă în marea slavă27. dar nu înţeles ca şovinism, ci doar ca o Misiunea „frontului istoric” a fost să de- convingere că liderii din ţară, şi nu cei din monstreze „rolul creator şi stimulator pe străinătate, ar fi fost moştenitorii de drept care marea cultură a marelui vecin a avut- ai firavei tradiţii revoluţionare româneşti o asupra românilor, de la sciţi la comu- şi, prin urmare, tot ei ar fi trebuit să îşi nişti, de la epoca pietrei, la aceea a socia- asume rolul de executanţi ai ordinelor lui lismului”: lor se presupunea că le-am fi Stalin30. E uşor de observat că „naţionalis- datorat desăvârşirea etnogenezei, protecţia mul” nu prea e de fapt naţionalism, ci un în Evul Mediu, modernizarea, indepen- simplu conflict de interese. Această opinie denţa şi, bineînţeles, modelul călăuzitor nu explică însă de ce au fost eliminaţi doar pentru viitor28. Nu e deloc greu să obser- cei doi lideri moscoviţi, iar cei de rangul al văm o contradicţie flagrantă: istoricii anti- doilea (Valter Roman, Leonte Răutu etc.) naţionalişti români au promovat involuntar au fost menţinuţi în continuare. O a doua nu doar sovietismul, ci un adevărat opinie, care exclude cu hotărâre atât con- naţionalism rus, care, teoretic, era condam- flictul dintre grupuri cât şi şovinismul/ nat de preceptele staliniste. antisemitismul dejist, nu explică motivele O altă limită a internaţionalismului eliminării altfel decât prin interesele per- comunist „românesc” poate fi considerată sonale. Ea pune însă în centru mişcarea şi lupta sângeroasă care s-a dat în interiorul antisionistă, de fapt antisemită, lansată de şi pentru controlul PMR. La vremea apa- Stalin. Astfel, acesta, fără să se manifeste riţiei pe scena politică a României post- deschis împotriva celorlalţi, l-ar fi preferat belice, în conducerea PCR au existat trei pe Gheorghiu-Dej tocmai pentru că nu era grupuri: cei care rămăseseră în ţară şi acti- evreu. În plus, anunţarea sionismului ca pe- vaseră în ilegalitate (Ştefan Foriş, Lucreţiu ricol pentru comunism şi campania anti- Pătrăşcanu etc.), „grupul din ţară” al celor semită pornită la Moscova şi în alte ţări ale care fuseseră întemniţaţi încă din anii ’30 blocului ar fi fost un bun prilej pentru (în frunte cu Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej şi din „românizarea”, adică instalarea în funcţii a care a făcut parte şi Nicolae Ceauşescu) şi propriilor oameni, şi, în special, excluderea „grupul de la Moscova” (Ana Pauker, Vasile Anei Pauker – „faptul că Ana Pauker era Luca etc.)29. Gheorghiu-Dej şi grupul său evreică a fost un accident fericit pentru s-au impus în cele din urmă, eliminându-le Dej”, scria istoricul Dennis Deletant – şi a pe celelalte două. Trecând peste acuzaţiile lui Vasile Luca (de origine maghiară)31. formale care li se aduceau victimelor epu- Nu ar fi fost deci vorba de antisemitism ci rărilor, lupta pentru putere pare să se fi de folosirea în favoarea sa a antisemitis- concentrat asupra compoziţiei etnice a con- mului stalinian. Nici unul din cele două ducerii partidului. Bineînţeles, este greu de moduri de a explica lupta de la vârful apreciat dacă eliminarea Anei Pauker şi a partidului nu este satisfăcătoare. Ambele 46 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

THOUGHT AND PRACTICE De la internaționalismul socialist la național-comunism… lasă în umbră cazurile particulare ale braţele ideii naţionale”, scria Katherine multor excluşi şi ale multor rămaşi. Chiar Verdery32. A luat naştere astfel ceea ce se va în lipsa datelor precise, este de notat că numi „comunismul naţional” sau „naţional- atitudinea comuniştilor faţă de cei de altă comunismul”. etnie şi în special faţă de evrei este departe România nu a fost un caz singular. Se de „progresismul” afirmaţiilor cu privire la poate spune chiar că, pretutindeni, comu- „problema naţională”. Mai important decât nismul a manifestat o tendinţă de trecere, ideile şi sentimentele faţă de „străini” ale mai lentă sau mai rapidă, mai zgomotoasă diverşilor conducători români este faptul sau mai discretă, de la internaţionalism la că, la cumpăna deceniilor al V-lea şi al VI- naţionalism. Fenomenul nu este, aşadar, în lea, internaţionalismul şi antisemitismul au esenţă, tipic românesc, ci caracteristic evo- avut o sursă comună. luţiei regimurilor comuniste în general33 Se poate aprecia că internaţionalismul chiar dacă s-a apreciat (de către filosoful a cunoscut o pantă ascendentă până la Alain Finkielkraut) că, prin formele paro- moartea lui Stalin pentru ca apoi să des- xistice atinse de naţional-comunism în vremea crească în intensitate. Urmele sale au ră- lui Nicolae Ceauşescu, statul român ar fi mas adânci vreme de un deceniu, iar la fost un „ideal-tipic” al acestui regim34. nivel declarativ s-au menţinut până la Paradoxal, deschizătoarea de drumuri sfârşitul regimului comunist. Internaţio- a fost şi în acest sens tot Rusia, care, prin nalismul, privit retrospectiv, nu pare să fi Stalin, a desfăşurat, chiar din perioada lo- susţinut atât cooperarea între statele comu- zincilor internaţionaliste, o politică naţiona- niste cât cooperarea fiecăruia dintre ele cu listă foarte agresivă. Denumirea de URSS URSS. A fost deci mai degrabă un amestec a fost masca perfectă pentru naţionalismul de anti-naţionalism principial (chiar „anti- rus, pentru oprimarea celorlalte popoare naţional”) şi sovietism (incluzând aici şi cărora, doar aparent, li se asigurase dreptul naţionalismul rus). de autoguvernare. China a dat şi ea o tentă naţională comunismului său. România, Naţional-comunismul Albania, Coreea de Nord au urmat aceeaşi linie. Ungaria şi Bulgaria s-au alăturat şi Falimentul internaţionalismului şi ele iar RDG, care multă vreme a evitat naţionalismele compensatoare orice manifestare de spirit naţional, a recurs, Comunismul românesc, ca de altfel la sfârşit, când a devenit evidentă lipsa toate comunismele implantate de URSS oricărui argument pentru existenţa sa, la după cel de Al Doilea Război Mondial, s-a aceeaşi retorică naţionalistă35. găsit încă de la începuturile sale într-o Există un grup de ţări cărora li s-a apli- criză de legitimitate. Internaţionalismul, cat, cu precădere, eticheta de „naţional- manifestat în special ca ataşament faţă de comunism”: Albania, Coreea de Nord, Moscova, şi asumarea rolului de repre- Cuba, România şi Vietnam. Acestea s-au zentant al „clasei muncitoare” nu au reuşit opus oricărei tentative de reformare şi, să îi aducă suportul popular de care ar fi totodată, au urmărit obţinerea unei cât mai avut absolută nevoie. Cu timpul, el a puternice stabilităţi populare. Nu este întâm- operat o schimbare de direcţie încercând să plător că, în paralel cu încurajarea compor- compenseze, în faţa majorităţii naţionale, tamentelor naţionaliste, au manifestat o lipsa democraţiei prin adoptarea făţişă a apetenţă pentru comunismul dogmatic, naţionalismului majoritar. „Chiar slăbi- reticent faţă de orice formă de înnoire. ciunea regimului l-a forţat să cadă în Situaţia lor a fost de două ori paradoxală:

47 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 POLITICAL HISTORY Mihai Ghițulescu liderii comunişti au desfăşurat o retorică erodeze treptat; în plus, odată cu retragerea anticominternistă şi antisovietică deşi ajun- trupelor străine s-a creat un vid de legi- seseră la putere numai ca urmare a pre- timitate ce nu putea fi umplut altfel decât siunii sovietice (şi se poate aprecia că fără prin apelul la valorile naţionale39. existenţa ei nu ar fi rezistat atâta vreme); În ceea ce priveşte conjunctura, se poate un alt paradox este că prin proclamarea in- spune că, în epoca stalinistă, naţionalismul dependenţei faţă de Moscova s-a desă- nu a existat în stare latentă, răbufnind uneori vârşit puterea dictatorilor naţionali care a la semnalele Kremlinului. Trecerea, în dus la respingerea democratizărilor propuse grade diferite şi cu viteze diferite, a început de la „centru”: ruptura de modelul sovietic după moartea lui Stalin (1953) şi odată cu a permis menţinerea în viaţă a stalinis- curentul de „democratizare”/„liberalizare” mului până târziu36. Pe acestea se poate susţinut în special de Hrusciov. Conjunc- întemeia afirmaţia că, în peisajul global al tura favorabilă despărţirii nete de Uniunea comunismului, „naţional-comunismele” ocupă Sovietică a reprezentat-o însă conflictul un rol intermediar, între experienţe de inspi- ideologic dintre sovietici şi chinezi de la raţie liberală (de la care păstrează mani- începutul anilor ’60. festările de independenţă şi suveranitate naţională) şi comunismele utopice (cărora Naţional-comunismul românesc le împărtăşesc radicalismul ideologic)37. În acest cadru general, România a mers E greu de spus care au fost motivele mai departe decât ceilalţi. Explicaţia stă pentru care unele state au decis să se în- probabil în tradiţia discursului naţionalist drepte spre un astfel de regim. Ţările eti- pe care antinaţionalismul începuturilor co- chetate ca „naţional-comuniste” erau diferite muniste l-a acoperit, dar nu a reuşit să îl din punct de vedere cultural, proveneau anihileze. A contat poate şi sentimentul parti- din arii geografice diferite, aveau interese cularităţii româneşti în blocul comunist, acea economice diferite şi, nu în ultimul rând, obsesie a „insulei de latinitate din marea se confruntau cu pericole politico-militare slavă”. diferite. Din această evidentă eterogenitate Manualul O istorie…, de care am vor- nu se poate deduce decât că „naţional- bit la început, sintetizează perfect trăsăturile comunismul” a fost un sistem sau foarte naţional-comunismului românesc. De aceea, suplu sau foarte ambiguu, făcând astfel citez in extenso: 38 faţă unor situaţii din cele mai diverse . „Degenerarea naţionalistă a ideologiei de Fenomenul, general, s-ar explica, în viziunea la Bucureşti, care s-a produ în ultimele istoricului Lucian Boia, prin „caracterul două decenii de comunism românesc, a izolaţionist al utopiilor” şi prin incapaci- găsit un teren fertil de acceptare populară. tatea comunismului de a oferi, aşa cum Naţiona-lismul românesc din secolul al promitea, „raiul pe pământ”. Discursul naţio- XIX-lea şi cel interbelic a fost orientat mai nalist apare ca o formă, cea mai frecventă degrabă către istorie, limbă şi cultură şi nu arareori eficientă, de diversiune în (utilizate ca argumente în construcţia faţa dificultăţilor acumulate, o compensare statului naţional), decât către ideea de a lipsurilor şi frustrărilor din viaţa de zi cu democraţie şi drepturi politice ale cetă- ţenilor ca în modelul naţionalist francez, zi a oamenilor. Apare din nou în discuţie spre exempluş exploatarea specificului chestiunea legitimităţii. În ţările unde regi- naţional a dus la subordonarea integrală a mul fusese impus prin ocupaţie sovietică istoriei şi culturii faţă de politica oficială, (cum a fost şi cazul României, până în 1958), aceasta fiind învestită cu misiunea de a era firesc ca internaţionalismul impus să se crea miturile cu funcţie ideologică legiti- 48 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

THOUGHT AND PRACTICE De la internaționalismul socialist la național-comunism…

matoare, iar ulterior de a servi cultului evreii fiind rapid înlocuiţi cu etnici români. delirant al lui Ceauşescu […]. În acest S-a apropiat, de asemenea, de Tito, sus- context, comunismul n-a ştiut să facă ţinând neamestecul sovieticilor în afacerile diferenţa între cabotinism şi patriotismul 40 interne şi l-a aprobat pe Mao în apărarea autentic.” hotărâtă a moştenirii staliniste. A boicotat Încercând o schiţă cronologică a naş- demersul lui Hrusciov pentru formarea terii şi evoluţiei naţional-comunismului ro- unor corpuri integratoare supranaţionale mânesc trebuie să precizăm că momentul (în cadrul CAER), considerând că singurul schimbării majore este plasat, de regulă, în mod de a-şi apăra hegemonia era inde- 1964, dar se acceptă faptul că el a fost pendenţa (chiar autarhia) economică. Ideea pregătit încă din deceniul trecut. Înainte de industrializări rapide, cu accentul pe implantarea naţionalismului, mai mult sau industria grea, preluată direct de la Lenin mai puţin oficial, ca politică de stat, a fost şi Stalin, l-a transformat – iată un nou nevoie de o desovietizare, de o afirmare a paradox! – pe Dej într-un „comunist autonomiei faţă de Moscova, fără ca aceasta naţional”. În acest sens, sunt juste două să implice şi o destalinizare puternică. S-a observaţii ale lui Dennis Deletant: 1) Dej a argumentat că decizia plenarei din august făcut distincţia dintre „modelul sovietic” şi 1953 a fost prima formulare a „liniei na- Uniunea Sovietică, care, în noua sa ţionale” şi a marcat cariera viitoare a lui politică, abandonase respectivul model Gheorghiu-Dej. În cuvântarea sa de la 23 (altfel spus, românul devenise mai sovietic august 1953 acesta a pus un semn de ega- decât sovieticii) şi 2) campania de stabilire litate între obiectivele istorice ale Partidului a noului curs al României a fost, con- Muncitoresc Român (este interesant că acesta comitent, activă şi reactivă42. Faţă de con- s-a prezentat întotdeauna ca „român”, şi nu flictul sino-sovietic el s-a păstrat pe o „din România”, aşa cum recomandase poziţie de neutralitate dar a preluat din Stalin), al naţiunii române şi construcţia acesta ideea egalităţii tuturor statelor so- socialistă a unui stat român modern41. cialiste pe care a opus-o Kremlinului. La Manifestarea, chiar dacă slabă, a indepen- începutul anilor ’60, presa românească a denţei româneşti ar fi survenit, aşadar, la început să publice o serie de articole anti- foarte puţin timp de la dispariţia lui Stalin, sovietice. Astfel, ca reacţie faţă de Moscova, într-o vreme în care destalinizarea viitoare Dej a trecut la folosirea armei naţionalis- nu era încă clară. Alte momente impor- mului, comuniştii români, altădată cei mai tante ar fi fost Congresul al II-lea din 1955 fideli, au trecut rapid la promovarea valo- şi plenara din 1958. Pentru Dej, campa- rilor naţionale. Pentru o vreme im-punerea niile de destalinizare lansate de Hrusciov liniei naţionale a avut efectul scontat: nu prevesteau nimic bine. Asemenea altor obţinerea unei mai largi baze populare veterani politici, el considera că noua po- pentru conducerea dejistă43. litică nu putea decât să submineze sistemul, în Legitimarea rupturii de URSS şi a general, şi regimul din România, în special. trecerii la „comunismul naţional” a fost A profitat de ea numai în măsura în care Declaraţia cu privire la poziţia Partidului era utilă scopurilor sale de autonomizare şi Muncitoresc Român în problemele mişcării cucerire a puterii absolute, practicând o comuniste şi muncitoreşti internaţionale, destalinizare strict controlată şi limitată la din 1964, cunoscută şi sub numele de De- atacurile împotriva foştilor rivali. A asigu- claraţia de independenţă a PMR, declara- rat o „românizare” a eşaloanelor superioare ţie prin care comuniştii români îşi mani- din partid şi administraţie, maghiarii şi festau autonomia şi cereau chiar sprijin

49 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 POLITICAL HISTORY Mihai Ghițulescu occidental împotriva Moscovei. Ea a fost confirmat declaraţia de independenţă din concepută ca răspuns la Planul Valev care 1964, în 1968, cu prilejul invadării Ceho- urmărea crearea unei regiuni economice slovaciei de către trupele Pactului de la formată din RSS Moldovenească, România Varşovia. S-a convins atunci că că apelul şi o parte din Bulgaria, evident controlată la sentimentul naţional, retoric şi prin de Uniune44. diverse simboluri, poate fi un mecanism În continuare, în perioada 1964-1971, eficient pentru controlul social şi pentru România a cunoscut o perioadă de „li- dictatura personală46. Răbufnirea violentă bertate” limitată şi strict supravegheată, a naţionalismului s-a produs în 1971, când fiind greu de apreciat dacă a fost sau nu Ceauşescu a lansat aşa-numitele „teze din vorba despre o reală destalinizare. A fost iulie” ce anunţau o „(mini)revoluţie cul- vremea „recuperării trecutului”, a reabili- turală”. „Liberalizarea” şi „deschiderea” au fost tării şi reintegrării în cultura românească a definitiv stopate iar noua linie „naţional- valorilor naţionale, deriva naţionalistă de comunistă” s-a radicalizat continuu, mai peste câţiva ani fiind, în acele momente, ales în anii ’80, când a şi fost confirmată probabil, imposibil de prevăzut. Au apărut prin „tezele de la Mangalia” (1983), până în primele sinteze de istorie naţională de 1989. Camuflate sub sintagma de „umanism după război, au fost recuperate nume mari socialist”, cele 17 „teze din iulie” repre- ale culturii române, a apărut un suflu nou zentau, de fapt, o întoarcere la realismul în literatura contemporană. În aprecierea socialist al anilor ’50, altoit, de această noilor schimbări este totuşi nevoie de o dată, cu o notă naţionalistă. Se făcea che- anumită rezervă: liberalizarea culturală a mare la „creşterea continuă a rolului con- fost subordonată scopurilor şi intereselor ducător a partidului în toate domeniile puterii comuniste. Partidul Muncitoresc activităţii politico-educative”, sublinierea (redevenit, din 1965, Comunist) Român a „marilor realizări ale poporului român – încercat să îşi aroge un rol mult mai mare constructor al socialismului”, îmbunătă- decât a avut în istoria românilor, ca „vârf ţirea „formelor de învăţământ politico- de lance” al „forţelor democratice şi pro- ideologic al membrilor şi cadrelor de partid”, gresiste” cărora le-ar fi revenit rolul pentru „un control mai riguros” pentru evitarea toate realizările naţionale şi sociale. Pentru publicării lucrărilor care „nu sunt la nivelul aceasta, a reţinut din trecut numai per- activităţii politico-ideologice a partidului” sonalităţile şi numai operele care con- sau, şi mai grav, conţin „idei şi concepţii veneau. „Recuperarea” s-a făcut cu preţul dăunătoare intereselor construcţiei socialiste”. pierderii sensurilor reale; a fost o „preluare Accentul trebuia pus „pe promovarea pro- critică”, implicând reformulări, reinterpre- ducţiilor naţionale cu un caracter militant tări, scoateri din context ori eliminări. şi revoluţionar”47. Toată acţiunea de reconstruire a întregii În următorii aproape 20 de ani, culturi române a avut două obiective prin- România s-a aflat într-o stare de izolare iar cipale: legitimarea comunismului şi propa- spaţiul public intern s-a aflat sub controlul ganda. Privind retrospectiv, considerăm ca strict al autorităţilor. Cultura română a fost „naţional-comunismul” exaltat care a ur- marcată de preceptele ceauşiste iar operele, mat era previzibil45. de orice gen, care s-au dovedit contrare aces- Nicolae Ceauşescu, venit la putere în tora au atras asupra autorilor lor măsuri 1965 şi rămas unic conducător după 1967, represive. S-a spus, nu fără îndreptăţire, că s-a păstrat în primii ani ai „domniei” în naţionalismul regimurilor comuniste nu a limitele trasate de predecesorul său. El a fost unul original în exprimare, ci s-a 50 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

THOUGHT AND PRACTICE De la internaționalismul socialist la național-comunism… dovedit apropiat de cel practicat de statele cărui sens etnic este subliniat încă din fasciste ale perioadele interbelice. Axele Capitolul Introductiv, unde se precizează sale majore, comune, în mare, tuturor ca- că „minorităţile naţionale… se bucură de zurilor, au fost: cultul personalităţii lide- deplină egalitate în drepturi cu poporul rului suprem, exaltarea manifestărilor popu- român”, şi amintit mai apoi când se stipu- lare naţionaliste, rescrierea istoriei, crearea lează că statul „asigura dezvoltarea culturii unei imagini a „patriei în pericol perma- poporului român şi a culturii minorităţilor nent”, afirmarea independenţei în cadrul naţionale, socialistă în conţinut, naţională blocului comunist48. Înainte de a privi asu- în formă” (articolul 17, alineatul j.). Cum pra fiecăreia dintre acestea, este necesară o „poporul român” şi „poporul muncitor” prezentare a modului în care constituţiile nu par să fie unul şi acelaşi lucru, folosirea perioadei comuniste au formulat rapor- alternativă a celor două sintagme – se vor- turile dintre popor/naţiune şi stat şi expli- beşte, de exemplu, despre „independenţa şi carea „conceptelor-cheie” în „problema suveranitatea” celui dintâi, despre „cuceririle” naţională”, aşa cum erau ele gândite în şi „duşmanii” celui din urmă (articolul 17, ideologia „naţional-comunistă”. alineat a) – nu poate crea decât confuzie. Înclinăm să credem că la redactarea textului, Stat popular, stat naţional, stat-naţiune „cele două popoare” au fost considerate Primul act fundamental al regimului sinonime, scăpându-se din vedere deose- comunist, Constituţia din 1948 a repre- birea creată involuntar. zentat o ruptură cu tradiţia: dacă toate consti- Cea de a treia Constituţie (1965) acor- tuţiile anterioare avuseseră în vedere ca- dă, rândul ei, întreaga putere poporului litatea de „stat naţional” a României (im- care reuneşte „clasa muncitoare…, ţărăni- plicită în 1866, explicită în 1923 şi 1938), mea, intelectualitatea, celelalte categorii ea a înlocuit-o cu cea de „stat popular”, un de oameni ai muncii, fără deosebire de stat în care întreaga putere „emană de la naţionalitate”. Tot acum, reapare naţiunea, popor şi aparţine poporului”(articolul 3). sub forma „naţiunii socialiste”. Ea este „Poporul” înlocuieşte pretutindeni naţiunea considerată sinonimă cu „poporul”, fiind deci, (adjectivul „naţional” mai apare pe alocuri: teoretic, o naţiune civică şi nu una etnică. „economia naţională”, „independenţa naţională Practic, în cele două decenii şi jumătate cât a RPR”, „Marea Adunare Naţională”) şi a rămas în vigoare, litera constituţiei se va este lipsit de orice conotaţie etnică. Faptul dovedi în contradicţie cu realitatea. că se vorbeşte despre „naţionalităţi con- Înflorirea naţional-comunismului a trans- locuitoare” sau „populaţii de altă naţiona- format sintagma „naţiune socialistă” într-o litate decât cea română” pare o simplă formă goală, folosită ca alibi şi ca mijloc constatare a unei stări de fapt, neîncer- legătură cu dogmele comuniste49. cându-se instrumentarea ei politică. Constituţia din 1952 se situează în „Naţiunea socialistă” şi acelaşi plan dar aduce un plus de ambi- „patriotismul socialist” guitate. Statul nu mai este pur şi simplu În prezentarea concepţiilor despre na- „popular” ci aparţine „oamenilor muncii ţiune, naţionalism, internaţionalism, vom de la oraşe şi sate” (articolul 1). Bizar este apela la două lucrări „politologice” ale epocii: că întâlnim două tipuri de popor: pe de o un manual universitar de Socialism ştiinţific50 şi parte, „poporul muncitor”, format din „oa- un Dicţionar politic51. Primul lucru obser- menii muncii…” şi care este subiectul politic vabil este existenţa a două tipuri de naţiune: al statului; pe de alta, „poporul român”, al „naţiunea burgheză” şi „naţiunea socialistă”.

51 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 POLITICAL HISTORY Mihai Ghițulescu

Pentru ilustrarea celei dintâi, sunt trecute lismului ca sistem global” (S.S., p. 358), por- în revistă definiţiile unor autori străini, nind, e adevărat, de la „naţiunea burgheză”, precum Ernest Renan, R. Redsolb, Rupert dar reprezentând „un proces negator pre- Emerson, Mario Albertini, dar şi români, cum şi un salt calitativ”. Caracteristicile ei, D. Gusti, P. Andrei, C. Rădulescu-Motru, pe lângă cele comune cu „naţiunea bur- L. Blaga, Mircea Djuvara (S.S., pp. 176- gheză” (limba, teritoriul) sunt: economia 178), ajungându-se la concluzia existenţei bazată pe proprietatea obştească, dispariţia a două tipuri de definiţii: spiritualiste şi antagonismelor de clasă şi deci relaţiile de biologiste. Ambele sunt considerate false, colaborare între clasele şi grupurile sociale, cu precizarea că în primele „pot fi găsite deţinerea puterii de către clasa muncitoare mult mai multe elemente viabile” (S.S., p. în alianţă cu intelectualitatea şi ţărănimea 179); li se reproşează „anistorismul”, faptul şi, în sfârşit, o cultură care stă la baza că „naţiunea apare ca o entitate atempo- „conştiinţei naţionale socialiste” (S.S., pp. rală, existând dintotdeauna” (S.S., p. 179). 358-359; D.P., pp. 387-389). Privind însă „din unghiul unei concepţii Deşi în plină exacerbare naţionalistă, generale materialist-dialectice despre societate” naţionalismul este respins ca „ideologie şi (S.S., p. 180), ar trebui să ne pară evident politică a burgheziei în problema naţio- că „orice formă de comunitate are un ca- nală” (D.P., p. 384), dar nu a oricărei bur- racter istoric” (S.S., p. 180), că naţiunea, ghezii, indiferent de timp şi loc. El este forma de comunitate corespunzătoare so- este una dintre cele mai importante arme cietăţii capitaliste, a apărut în perioada tre- ale burgheziei pentru a-şi satisface inte- cerii de la feudalism la capitalism (D.P., p. resele economice şi a-şi consolida poziţia 387) şi că este definibilă ca întrunire, graţie politică. Se poate face distincţia dintre „invincibilului rol integrator” al „modului naţionalismul „burgheziei dominante”, folosit de producţie capitalist” (S.S., P. 182), într- „pentru a dezbina popoarele, a le asupri şi o „unitate organică” a mai multor elemente: exploata” (D.P., p. 384) şi cel al „bur- etnia (ansamblul trăsăturilor comune ale unei gheziei dominate”, determinat de „politica populaţii, rezultate în urma convieţuirii (S.S., de dominaţie şi asuprire naţională”(D.P., p. 189)), teritoriul, limba literară unică, eco- p. 384). Dacă primul este reacţionar şi şo- nomia capitalistă, relaţii de clasă antago- vin, cel din urmă e „în ansamblu are un nice, o putere de stat capitalistă şi o cultură caracter democratic, progresist”. Totuşi nici „de tip capitalist” pe baza căreia comuni- el nu este complet ferit de derapaje şovine. tatea îşi modelează „conştiinţa de sine a Adevărata rezolvare a „problemei naţionale” unităţii sale” (S.S., p. 181). Conştiinţa naţională ar sta deci în „lichidarea societăţii care are ea însăşi caracter istoric şi poartă am- generează asemenea raporturi”. Singură prenta intereselor de clasă, nefiind, de fapt, societatea socialistă este presupusă a putea decât o parte a „conştiinţei de clasă”. elimina conflictele etnice pentru că ea pla- Pe lângă această „naţiune burgheză” sează în locul naţionalismului „patriotismul mai există şi „naţiunea socialistă”, un „nou socialist”, „o etapă nouă, calitativ superioară tip de naţiune, incomparabil mai puternic în evoluţia conştiinţei patriotice” (S.S., şi mai omogenă” după spusele lui Ceauşescu p.366) şi desemnând mai degrabă un ata- însuşi (apud S.S., p. 357), pentru că este „o şament valorile socialismului decât faţă de comunitate de viaţă economică” şi „uni- cele naţionale. tară din punct de vedere social politic”. Ea Paradoxal, se vorbeşte în continuare apare în urma unui proces istoric „care nu despre „internaţionalismul proletar” şi, te- va fi altul decât procesul dezvoltării socia- oretic, este privit, în mare, la fel ca în urmă 52 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

THOUGHT AND PRACTICE De la internaționalismul socialist la național-comunism… cu două decenii. Aşa cum spunea Alain tive ale rezolvării” (S.S., p. 361). România Finkielkraut, el a încetat să mai fie un ţel este prezentată ca un stat model în acest sens, real al comunismului românesc, dar a dată fiind preocuparea Partidului pentru continuat să fie invocat ca alibi52. Temeiul „naţionalităţile conlocuitoare”, pentru „asigu- său continuă să fie văzut în solidaritatea de rarea egalităţii în drepturi şi a condiţiilor clasă dincolo de frontierele naţionale dar, de afirmare nestingherită a fiecărei na- ni se spune acum, având şi el un caracter ţionalităţi” (D.P., p. 386). Sunt aduse ca istoric, „conţinutul…formele şi metodele argument articole de constituţie, procente sale” suferă schimbări în funcţie de de reprezentare a minorităţilor etc. „condiţiile concret-istorice”(S.S., p. 367). Astfel, sfera sa apare ca lărgită şi, prin „Problema naţională” urmare, diluată. Nu se mai referă doar la În ciuda declaraţiilor oficiale privind colaborarea dintre statele blocului comunist, respectarea drepturilor minorităţilor naţionale, ci cuprinde şi „mişcările de eliberare naţional- efectele politicii reale au lăsat impresia unui colonială” şi „alte forţe antiimperialiste” proces de omogenizare etnică în sensul scă- (S.S., p. 368). Internaţionalismul proletar derii procentului de minoritari prin emi- nu mai are ca ţintă finală contopirea graţie sau asimilare. Încă din anii ’50, a tuturor naţiunilor în una singură. Dispariţia fost desfăşurată celebra şi misterioasa „aface- naţiunii este de neconceput pentru că socia- re a vânzării evreilor”, începută de Gheorghiu- lismul nu poate face abstracţie de „carac- Dej, continuată şi extinsă de Ceauşescu. În terul naţional al formei de comunitate”, aceeaşi perioadă, maghiarii din Transilvania au pentru că naţiunea „este o componentă a beneficiat de o regiune autonomă dar, chiar acestei societăţi [socialiste]”. Ca argument şi aşa, situaţia lor a lăsat de dorit. concret, se spune că ar fi absurd să conce- În anii ’60, potrivit unor observatori, pem dispariţia naţiunii numai într-o parte a situaţia maghiarilor pare să se fi îmbună- lumii şi menţinerea ei în zonele capitaliste tăţit în ceea ce priveşte folosirea limbii ma- şi în lumea a treia, ambele întârziate din terne, menţinându-se însă restricţii referi- punct de vedere istoric. În sfârşit, la Con- toare la schimburile culturale. După des- gresul a X-lea al PCR şi la Conferinţa na- fiinţarea Regiunii Autonome Maghiare, în ţională (1972) „s-a stabilit” că „procesul 1960, în ciuda protestelor guvernului ma- edificării socialiste multilateral dezvoltate ghiar, „problema maghiară” a revenit în este implicit procesul dezvoltării naţiunii discuţie cu ocazia reformei administrativ- înseşi” (S.S., p. 360). Vorbind despre dis- teritoriale. Ceauşescu a promis că va ţine pariţia naţiunii în vest, avându-se în vedere cont de structura etnică a populaţiei şi va pe atunci încă tânăra integrare europeană, veghea la respectarea prevederilor consti- se spune că integrarea supranaţională ar fi tuţionale cu privire la folosirea limbii ma- imposibilă din cauza rezistenţei burgheze terne în şcoli, administraţie etc. în loca- care şi-ar vedea ameninţate interesele eco- lităţile în care trăiau „naţionalităţi conlo- nomice şi politice (S.S., p. 196). cuitoare”. S-a ţinut de cuvânt numai parţial. O altă problemă o reprezintă „relaţiile Propunerea de creare a unui „judeţ puternic”, naţionale în socialism”, înţelegând prin ele cuprinzând zonele cu cea mai mare densi- „raporturile dintre naţiunile sau grupurile tate de populaţie maghiară, a fost ignorată. naţionale existente în interiorul aceleiaşi În schimb, în noua organizare, maghiarii societăţi” (S.S., p. 188). Generatoare de erau lăsaţi majoritari în mai multe judeţe tensiuni în capitalism, „problema naţională” decât în perioada anterioară dar lipsiţi de îşi găseşte în socialism „condiţiile obiec- posibilitatea de a crea un bloc, cu even-

53 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 POLITICAL HISTORY Mihai Ghițulescu tuale pretenţii de autonomie; ca o com- o îmbunătăţire a situaţiei etnicilor maghiari pensaţie, unele zone au fost alese pentru de pe teritoriul românesc. În Transilvania, investiţii speciale în vederea industriali- a început să crească numărul protestelor cu zării rapide. Pe măsură ce guvernul de la privire la reprezentarea în Marea Adunare Bucureşti şi-a dezvoltat autonomia, Ungaria Naţională, învăţământul în limba maternă a găsit un sprijin la Moscova în „ches- (se operase o fuziune a şcolilor în limba tiunea Transilvaniei”. În 1968, teama că maghiară cu cele româneşti, adică o redu- tulburările minorităţilor vor fi un prilej cere gradată a celor dintâi) etc. Diversele pentru o eventuală intervenţie sovietică în nemulţumiri i-au făcut pe maghiari să pri- România l-a determinat pe Ceauşescu să vească cu suspiciune politica de egalizare facă o serie de concesii economice zonelor prin modernizare. Investiţiile sporite în zo- locuite de maghiari. Teama s-a dovedit ne- nele cu populaţie majoritar maghiară erau justificată. Participarea Ungariei la acţiunea privite ca un mijloc ascuns de a reduce de la Praga a stârnit nemulţumiri în rândul numărul acesteia în vederea asimilării. maghiarilor iar reticenţa comună faţă de Asimilarea era încurajată pe trei căi: mi- URSS a dus la o îmbunătăţire a relaţiilor grarea românilor în Transilvania şi emigra- interetnice materializată în creşterea canti- rea din provincie a germanilor şi maghia- tativă a presei de limbă maghiară şi ger- rilor, reducerea numărului şcolilor cu pre- mană şi în crearea, în 1969, a Consiliului dare în alte limbi prin stabilirea unui nu- Oamenilor Muncii de Naţionalitate Maghiară măr minim de elevi şi promovarea folosirii şi respectiv Germană53. limbii române ca limbă a majorităţii. În plus, În ceea ce priveşte minoritatea ger- migrarea forţei de muncă dinspre rural mană, lucrurile s-au precipitat după 1970, spre urban, în condiţiile în care majoritatea când guvernul polonez a hotărât să permită românilor locuiau la ţară iar oraşele deveni- emigraţia în Germania de Vest, fapt care a seră mai puţin cosmopolite după plecarea stârnit o cerere de sporire a numărului de germanilor şi a evreilor, avea să aibă ca emigranţi germani din România. Puterea rezultat tot „românizarea”55. de la Bucureşti a răspuns printr-o cam- În anii ’80, când Ceauşescu a ajuns să panie de presă în scopul liniştirii spiritelor. joace până la capăt cartea naţionalistă, mino- S-a ţinut sub tăcere înţelegerea dintre ţara rităţile îi apăreau ca nişte elemente primej- noastră şi RFG, în urma căreia guvernul dioase, reprezentante ale unor valori străine. de la Bonn vira sub formă de credite sume Maghiarii, de altfel, cei mai numeroşi, erau cuprinse între 4000 şi 10000 DM pentru principala sa obsesie. Dictatorul român este fiecare imigrant sosit din România. Se esti- încadrabil, alături de alţi lideri „conserva- mează că numărul total al acestora, între tori” est-europeni, în categoria comuniştilor 1967 şi 1989, s-a ridicat la circa 200000 de xenofobi, pentru care orice încercare de persoane54. reformă echivala cu o trădare a intereselor Acordul de la Helsinki (1975) a făcut naţionale56. posibilă examinarea internaţională a situaţiei minorităţilor din România. Deşi guvernul Rescrierea istoriei semnase o serie de documente internaţio- Se poate observa că discursul politic ro- nale în această materie, respectarea lor se mânesc a cunoscut, în timpul celor aproape dovedea arbitrară. Dacă Germania de Vest 50 de ani de comunism, mai multe etape. a înţeles să nu se folosească de Acord Prima dintre ele a corespuns ultimilor ani pentru a nu periclita emigrarea, Ungaria a dinainte de instaurarea oficială a noului re- hotărât să profite de ocazie pentru a obţine gim (1945-1948) şi a fost marcată de 54 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

THOUGHT AND PRACTICE De la internaționalismul socialist la național-comunism… confuzie, simţind despărţirea de trecut dar torii ale literaturii noastre în context uni- nevăzând-o realizată. Au urmat internaţio- versal este protocronismul”61. Astfel, Neagoe naliştii şi antinaţionaliştii ani 1948-1960 Basarab era privit ca un contemporan su- când trecutul a fost curăţat de orice urmă perior lui Machiavelli dar şi ca un anti- de „naţional”, în general, şi de „românesc”, cipator al barocului literar, Cantemir ar fi în particular. Între 1960 şi 1971 s-a simţit o fost un romantic avant la lettre, Heliade vagă liberalizare, s-au reluat unele contacte Rădulescu, un psihanalist, Negruzzi, un pre- cu Occidentul, s-a început „recuperarea va- decesor superior al lui Flaubert, Alecsandri lorilor naţionale”, dar s-a şi anunţat ultima un presimbolist iar Eminescu, nici mai fază, „absolutistă”, dintre 1971 şi 198957. mult nici mai puţin decât un strămoş al În tot acest timp, regimul s-a transformat existenţialismului. Protocronismului nu îi (sau a lăsat impresia că se transformă), era suficient să reinterpreteze istoria, avea „ţelul istoriei” s-a schimbat şi, odată cu el, nevoie şi de o legitimare a sa ca teorie şi, şi istoriografia58. pentru aceasta, şi-a autoproclamat filiaţia Naţionalismul a devenit, în epoca cu operele marilor istorici şi literaţi din Ceauşescu, principalul argument istoric şi trecut: „direcţia principală urmată de cer- politic. Românii trebuia să apară uniţi nu cetările ultimelor două decenii a fost domi- doar în prezent, în jurul Partidului şi al Con- nată de acelaşi spirit ce-i însufleţise pe Iorga ducătorului, ci şi în trecut, în întreaga lor şi Călinescu: a dovedi valoarea «în absolut»”, istorie. Folosit ca instrument de dominare, scria Dan Zamfirescu62. Bineînţeles, mala- naţionalismul a îmbinat tradiţia cu scopu- dia nu s-a putut limita la literatură, ci a rile urmărite de puterea comunistă. Cam- cuprins rapid întreaga istorie. Totul începea pania de recuperare a fost, de fapt, una de cu „Australanthropus Olteniensis” – „unul manipulare. Teoretic, reelaborarea în sens din primele exemplare decisive în procesul naţionalist a istoriei ar fi trebuit să implice antropogenezei pe calea lui homo sapiens” o atenuare a mecanismelor luptei de clasă. (Mihnea Gheorghiu) –, descoperit, chipurile, Practic, cele două au reuşit să coexiste59. la Bungiuleşti, în Olt, aproape de „Naţionalizarea istoriei” s-a manifestat Scorniceşti63, care trebuia să arate că „aici într-un mod bizar, dar nu chiar original : începe antropogeneza în Europa”64 şi con- „protocronismul”. Acesta mai apăruse într- tinua, în antichitate, cu Burebista, condu- o formă foarte virulentă în Rusia stalinistă, cătorul unei armate unificate de 200000 de când se ajunsese la concluzia că toate ma- oameni (cifră nemaiatinsă de nimeni până rile realizări din cultura şi ştiinţa universală în epoca modernă). Atât de puternic pare erau, în fapt, nişte creaţii ruseşti. Proto- să fi fost „împăratul” dac, încât Cezar, teri- cronismul românesc s-a înscris în această fiat, ar fi ordonat asasinarea lui de către un linie, dar nu ca imitaţie, ci ca urmare a unei commando special, numit – ţineţi-vă bine! logici similare, unele rădăcini în autoh- – CIA (adică… Centuria Infesta Addita). tonismul secolului al XIX-lea60. Conceptul Era, prin urmare, normal ca un astfel de a fost lansat în 1974, printr-o carte a isto- personaj să se bucure de toată atenţia CC ricului literar şi esteticianului Edgar Papu, al PCR, care a hotărât ca, în 1980, cu Din clasicii noştri: contribuţii la ideea pro- ocazia Congresului internaţional de ştiinţe tocronismului românesc, în care se susţinea istorice de la Bucureşti, să se serbeze fix „întâietatea cronologică a atâtor iniţiative 2050 de ani de la înscăunarea sa65. Mircea literare româneşti faţă de unele realizări cel Bătrân a devenit „cel mare” pentru că, similare din alte părţi” şi se concluziona fără al său Rovine, Europa se pare că ar fi că „una din dominantele trăsături defini- fost islamizată. Mihai Viteazul a fost un

55 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 POLITICAL HISTORY Mihai Ghițulescu vajnic luptător pentru unitatea naţională 1989 „a patra putere politică a lumii, după (deşi conform preceptelor marxist-leni- Israel (statul şi etnia universal răspândită) niste adoptate oficial, naşterea naţiunii era SUA şi URSS”70. Consecinţe ale acestei imagini legată de trecerea la capitalism). Horea, erau exaltarea patriotică a populaţiei şi Cloşca şi Crişan au anticipat, chiar dacă posibilitatea liderului suprem de a se numai cu 5 ani, Revoluţia Franceză. Secolul înscrie în galeria glorioaselor figuri istorice. al XIX-lea era recuperat prin revoluţiile şi Prin prezentarea istoriei ca suită de lupte personalităţile sale progresiste, „democrate defensive cu toată lumea apare imaginea premarxiste”. În sfârşit, perioada interbe- „patriei în primejdie permanentă”71. Efectele lică şi regimul antonescian au fost parţial pot fi observate în aceleaşi două planuri: al „reabilitate”, scoţându-se în evidenţă refor- populaţiei şi al liderului. Pentru prima, „patria mele sociale, succesele politicii externe, în primejdie” înseamnă o exacerbare naţio- rezistenţa antifascistă, cu un accent supra- nalistă, inevitabil însoţită de o ostilitate dimensionat pe activitatea PCR şi, bineînţeles, faţă de tot ce este „străin” şi, eventual, de o cu precizările de rigoare privitoare la ex- distragere a atenţiei de la realităţile ime- ploatarea muncitorimii şi starea proastă a diate. „Conducătorul” găseşte astfel ocazia ţărănimii. Prosovietismul anilor ’50, deşi de a poza în „Salvator” şi de a cere strân- parte a revoluţiei, era condamnat66. Punctul gerea rândurilor în jurul său. terminus: România ceauşistă. Acesta a fost discursul dominant, chiar Pe scurt, „neamul, ţara, istoria lor îşi unic, dacă ţinem cont că el putea fi ocolit pierd dimensiunile reale, explodează în dar nu combătut explicit. Discursurile alter- univers, se gigantizează, totul devine epo- native, neoficiale, erau inacceptabile. Ros- cal, istoric, uriaş, fără seamăn…”67. turile campaniei erau legitimarea, obţine- Toată această „re-istorie” ar fi fost lip- rea susţinerii populare, obturarea disfunc- sită de sens dacă nu ar fi fost pusă în le- ţiilor regimului etc. În ce măsură au fost gătură cu prezentul. Regula de bază a ori- acestea realizate? S-a afirmat că metodele cărei mitologii istorice este că prezentul se lui Ceauşescu au fost eficiente pentru că proiectează în trecut68. Redesenarea trecu- numai astfel s-ar justifica obedienţa popo- tului implica o percepţie denaturată a pre- rului, numărul relativ mic de acte de zentului şi o imaginare a viitorului con- opoziţie făţişă. Pe de altă parte, deznodă- form idealurilor puterii. Două au fost, în mântul demonstrează falimentul întregii principal, imaginile pe care „recuperarea” sale politici. Adevărul este undeva la mijloc. cantitativă şi calitativă a istoriei trebuia să Cu siguranţă că în anumite momente, mai le creeze. Prima este cea a „destinului ales la început, când virulenţa nu atinsese mare al unei ţări mici”, crearea iluziei unei cotele din final, judecat în raport cu domi- mari puteri în ciuda dimensiunilor şi a naţia sovietică, discursul naţionalist era potenţialului redus. Istoria s-a vrut o do- preferabil iar „tovarăşul” s-a bucurat de vadă că şi o ţară ca România poate juca un oarecare simpatie. Cu siguranţă, şi mai rol important în politica internaţională, târziu au existat oameni care au rezonat la situându-se pe poziţie de egalitate cu retorica patriotardă. Totuşi, aceasta nu a marile puteri. Cu cât statutul internaţional reuşit să pună în umbră evidenţa, degra- a devenit mai labil, cu atât Ceauşescu a darea continuă a vieţii de zi cu zi şi să simţit nevoia de compensare prin discurs asigure politicii ceauşiste sprijinul dorit. (istoric) a realităţii69. O afirmaţie elecventă în acest sens aparţine aceluiaşi Dan Privit ca piesă în ansamblul „naţio- Zamfirescu: România a fost între 1964 şi nalismelor” româneşti, „naţional-comunismul” 56 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

THOUGHT AND PRACTICE De la internaționalismul socialist la național-comunism… este, aparent, total diferit de toate celelalte. Andreescu, O istorie a comunismului din De fapt, el nu a făcut decâ să preia mai România. Manual pentru liceu, Ed. Polirom, vechi teme naţionaliste şi să le combine Iaşi, 2008. 6 Ibidem, p. 102. într-o manieră care, fatalmente, nu putea fi 7 originală. Originalitatea constă în folosirea Stephen Fischer-Galaţi, România în secolul al XX-lea, trad. Manuela Macarie, cuvânt înainte naţionalismului, în scopurile pe care el a de Kurt Treptow, Institutul European, Iaşi, fost chemat să le realizeze. Fiind, fără în- 1998, p. 53., p. 133. doială, la început, (şi) o reacţie la inter- 8 Andrei Roth, Naţionalism sau democratism, naţionalismul anti-naţional, materializat în Ed. Pro Europa, Târgu Mureş, 1999, p. 35. dominaţia sovietică – adică, până la urmă, 9 Dennis Deletant, România sub regimul un naţionalism clasic „emancipator” şi comunist, trad. Delia Răzdolescu, Fundaţia „liberalizator” – cu timpul, el a devenit Academia Civică, Bucureşti, 1997, pp. 64-68. 10 „reacţionar”, „izolaţionist”, formă în care a Vladimir Tismăneanu, Reinventarea politicului. cunoscut manifestările de cea mai mare Europa răsăriteană de la Stalin la Havel, Ed. amploare din istoria românească. Dema- Polirom, Iaşi, 1999, p. 49. 11 B.N. Ponomarev (sub redacţia), Dicţionar gogia naţionalistă existentă dintotdeauna s- politic, Ed. Politică, Bucureşti, 1958, p. 304. a văzut acum eliberată de orice constrân- 12 Ibidem, pp. 406-407. geri teoretice. Naţionalismul comunist a 13 Ibidem, p. 408. fost pură propagandă. Mască pentru o 14 I.V. Stalin, Cum înţelege social-democraţia politică falimentară, instrument de legiti- problema naţională?”, Ed. PMR, Bucureşti, mare şi mobilizare, între el şi ideologia pe 1948, p. 5. care a slujit-o a existat o prăpastie. De 15 Ibidem, p. 12. 16 aceea, sintagmele „naţional-comunism” ori Ibidem, p. 17. 17 Ibidem, p. 30. „naţionalism comunist” nu desemnează un 18 tip aparte de naţionalism, ci doar indică Vladimir Tismăneanu, op. cit., p. 50. 19 Ibidem, p. 45. circumstanţele în care el funcţionat. Deşi 20 Ibidem, p. 46. practicat la nivel de stat, a fost întotdeauna 21 B.N. Ponomarev (sub redacţia), op. cit., pp. în contradicţie cu linia oficială. A fost pro- 189-190. movat şi negat în egală măsură. Căderea 22 Stephen Fischer-Galaţi, op. cit., p. 133. regimului comunist este dovada clară că 23 Lucian Boia, Două secole de mitologie naţionalismul a eşuat în îndeplinirea mi- naţională, Ed. Humanitas, Bucureşti, 1999, pp. siunii pentru care a fost reanimat. A reuşit 116-118. 24 în schimb să producă efecte, probabil, Vlad Georgescu, op. cit., p. 43. 25 Stephen Fischer-Galaţi, op. cit., p. 137. nesperate: să dea dependenţă şi să lase 26 moştenitori. Ibidem, pp. 134-135. 27 Lucian Boia, op. cit., p. 119. 28 Vezi Vlad Georgescu, op. cit., pp. 26-28. Note 29 1 Dennis Deletant, op. cit., pp. 97-98. Vlad Georgescu, Politică şi istorie. Cazul 30 Stephen Fischer-Galaţi, op. cit., p. 144. comuniştilor români 1944-1977, ediţie îngrijită 31 Dennis Deletant, op. cit., pp. 98-99. şi postfaţă de Radu Popa, Ed. Humanitas, 32 Apud Andrei Roth, op. cit., p. 94. Bucureşti, 2008. 33 2 Lucian Boia, op. cit., p. 120. Ibidem, pp. 6-7. 34 3 Andrei Roth, op. cit., p. 36. Eugen Negrici, Iluziile literaturii române, Ed. 35Lucian Boia, op. cit., p. 120-121. Cartea românească, Bucureşti, 2008. 36 4 Andrei Roth, op. cit., pp. 94-95. Ibidem, p. 7, passim. 37 5 Jean-François Soulet, Istoria comparată a Mihai Stamatescu, Raluca Grosescu, Dorin statelor comuniste din 1945 până în zilele Dobrincu, Andrei Muraru, Liviu Pleşa, Sorin

57 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 POLITICAL HISTORY Mihai Ghițulescu noastre, trad. Silvia Albeşteanu, Ana Zbarcea, de Dan Berindei, prefaţă de J.F. Brown, Ed. Ed. Polirom, Iaşi, 1998, p. 156. Polirom, Iaşi, 2003, pp. 112. Vezi şi Eugen 38 Ibidem, p. 157. Negrici, op. cit., pp. 268-270. 39 Lucian Boia, op. cit., p. 121. 62 Ibidem, p. 112. 40 Mihai Stamatescu et allii, op. cit., p. 107. 63 Vlad Georgescu, op. cit., pp. 91-92. 41 Stephen Fischer-Galaţi, op. cit., p. 157. 64 Anneli Ute Gabanyi, op. cit., pp. 116-117. 42 Dennis Deletant, op. cit., p. 119. 65 Vlad Georgescu, op. cit., pp. 91-93. 43 Vladimir Tismăneanu, op. cit., pp. 90-92. 66 Al Zub, Orizont…; „Mituri…”; Lucian Boia, 44 Dennis Deletant, op. cit., p. 121. op. cit., pp. 125-134. 45 Lucian Boia, op. cit., pp. 121-125. 67 Vlad Georgescu, op. cit., p. 111.s 46 Dennis Deletant, op. cit., p. 137. 68 Lucian Boia, „Destinul mare al unei ţări 47 Apud ibidem, p. 143. mici”, în: Lucian Boia (sub direcţia), op. cit., p. 48 Jean-François Soulet, op. cit., p. 160. 215. 49 Constituţiile din 1948, 1952, 1965, în http: 69 Ibidem, pp. 209-211. //legislatie.resurse-pentru-democratie.org; 70 Apud ibidem, p. 207. Alexandra Ionescu, op. cit. 71 Eugen Negrici, „Mitul patriei primejduite”, 50 Socialism ştiinţific. Manual universitar, Ed. în: Lucian Boia (sub direcţia), op. cit., p. 220; Didactică şi Pedagogică, Bucureşti, 1973 - în Jean-François Soulet, op. cit., pp. 164-165. continuare, în text (S.S, p.). 51 Dicţionar politic, Academia „Ştefan Gheorghiu”, Ed. Politică, Bucureşti, 1975 - în continuare, în text (D.P., p. ). 52 Andrei Roth, op. cit., p. 36. 53 Dennis Deletant, op. cit., pp. 127-130. 54 Ibidem, pp. 131-132. 55 Ibidem, pp. 152-156. 56 Vladimir Tismăneanu, op. cit., pp. 200-201. 57 Al. Zub, Orizont închis. Istoriografia română sub dictatură, Institutul European, Iaşi, 2000, pp. 171-172. 58 Idem, „Mituri istoriografice în România ultimei jumătăţi de secol”, în Lucian Boia (sub direcţia), Miturile comunismului românesc, Ed. Nemira, Bucureşti, 1998, p. 90. Chiar dacă alegând borne temporale diferite, tot patru perioade stabileşi Vlad Georgescu: sovietizarea din 1944-1960, începutul reinterpretării din 1960-1965, relaxarea ideologică din 1965-1971 şi „noile mituri” sau „kitschul istoric” de după 1971 (Vlad Georgescu, op. cit., p. 149). Eugen Negrici însă delimitează cinci faze: „faza fundamentalistă” (1947-1953), „falsa destalini- zare” (1953-1957), „noua glaciaţiune” (1957-1964), „mica liberalizare” (1964-1971) şi „perioada comunismului naţional-ceauşist (1971-1989) (Eugen Negrici, op. cit., pp. 243-271). 59 Lucian Boia, op. cit., p. 126. 60 Ibidem, p. 130. 61 Apud Anneli Ute Gabanyi, Cultul lui Ceauşescu, trad. Iulian Vamanu, cuvânt înainte

58 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

ROMANIA TODAY POLITICS, ADMINISTRATION AND ECONOMY

Il y a 20 ans… (Un panorama constitutionnaliste de la révolution roumaine)

Mircea CRISTE

Abstract: This study is a panorama of the events that took place twenty years ago which transformed in radical fashion the Romanian society, a society that presented itself in the époque as one of the most Stalinist states and that had no other way for exiting but the revolution. Following the events which unfolded in December 1989, Romania knew a succession of documents of constitutional value, presented in this study, which remain fresh material for researchers. Keywords: revolution, communist rule, constitution, political regime.

e 21 décembre 1989 la Roumanie ni par l'intermédiaire des ses élus (qu'il ne avait encore une Constitution, celle contrôle guère), de modifier la loi fon- L octroyée par Ceausescu en 1965. Il damentale ou de la protéger contre les s'agissait d'une Constitution marxiste, qui abus des gouvernants, notamment en ce proclamait le Parti Communiste comme qui concerne les droits fondamentaux. force politique dirigeante de toute la so- La révolution représente ainsi le ciété et la Grande Assemblée Nationale moyen par lequel on sort du domaine du comme organe suprême du pouvoir. droit pour se situer dans le domaine du Le lendemain, Ceausescu emporta cette fait, de la force qui, en détruisant l'ancien Constitution dans sa fuite. Conçue pour ordre constitutionnel, le remplace par un défendre un régime et un dictateur, elle n'a nouveau1. Dans le déroulement d'une révo- pas réussi à survivre à son auteur. lution on distingue trois étapes: une première où l'ordre existant et le fait révolutionnaire 1. Le bouleversement de l'ordre sont en bascule2, une deuxième étape où la constitutionnel par la révolution. révolution l'emporte sur l'ancien ordre L'éclatement d'une révolution se produit, constitutionnel et la troisième qui correspond comme condition générale, lorsque la à l'instauration du nouvel ordre. Constitution ne reflète plus les besoins et Quant à la société roumaine, celle-ci les aspirations des citoyens. Il est égale- se trouvait, à la fin de la dernière décennie, ment requis qu'on ait soustrait au peuple le sous l'emprise d'un régime totalitaire qui contrôle sur la Constitution, c'est-à-dire rendait impossible toute évolution dans le qu'il n'a plus la possibilité, ni directement, sens d'une démocratisation du système. La

59 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 ROMANIA TODAY Mircea Criste révision de la Constitution était le mono- mièrement, par ce communiqué furent pole du législatif (la Grande Assemblée démantelées les anciennes structures de Nationale), qui adoptait les amendements pouvoir et mises en place d'autres contrôlées à une majorité de deux tiers des députés, par le C.F.S.N.7. Même si l'organe qui tous élus du parti unique. Une telle situation détenait le pouvoir suprême, la Grande faisait facile toute violation des droits fon- Assemblée Nationale, n'était pas expressément damentaux3, d'autant que la Constitution mentionné, on ne peut conclure qu'à sa de 1965 disposait, d'une manière catégo- suppression, puisque l'intention du nouveau rique, que “seule la Grande Assemblée pouvoir était de dissoudre toutes les Nationale décide sur la constitutionnalité structures du régime renversé. De plus, au des lois” (article 43/14). moment où, dans le procès des époux Il était devenu évident pour tous qu'une Ceausescu, le dictateur invoqua la compé- démocratisation de la société n'était plus tence de la G.A.N. pour le juger, on lui possible en respectant la légalité socialiste, répliqua que celle-ci n'existait plus. mais qu'une action de force était nécessaire. En second lieu, le communiqué con- A cette fin plusieurs scénarios avaient été tenait une ébauche des nouvelles règles déjà mis au point avant décembre 1989, constitutionnelles. Quelques-unes concernaient mais tous avaient été déjoués par la police l'organisation politique de la nouvelle so- sécrète. Pourtant, les mécontentements accu- ciété : l'abandon du rôle dirigeant d'un seul mulés provoquèrent un terrible mouvement parti et l'établissement d'un système démo- populaire spontané qui éclata le 16 décembre cratique pluraliste de gouvernement; l'orga- 1989 à Timisoara, se propageant en moins nisation d'élections libres; la séparation des d'une semaine dans tout le pays et provo- pouvoirs législatif, exécutif et judiciaire et quant la chute du régime de Ceausescu4. A l'élection de tous les dirigeants politiques la tête de ce mouvement s'étaient placés pour un ou au plus deux mandats. D'autres des leaders ad-hoc, issus de la masse de règles visaient les droits fondamentaux: manifestants, auxquels se rallièrent certains l'élimination des dogmes idéologiques, le dissidents et même des opposants de l'inté- respect des droits et des libertés des mino- rieur du Parti communiste. Ils formèrent rités nationales et l'assurance de leur entière un organe de direction du mouvement, le égalité en droits avec les Roumains, ainsi Front de Salut National, qui, dans un que le respect des droits et des libertés de premier temps, agit comme un Gouver- l'homme, y compris le droit de voyager nement de fait5, réunissant des personna- librement. Ce premier communiqué du lités démocrates apparemment sans couleur F.S.N. disposait également qu'un comité politique, et qui préféra prendre ses déci- de rédaction de la nouvelle Constitution sions sous forme de communiqués, qui con- commencerait à fonctionner immédiatement tenaient non seulement des actes politiques et contenait aussi une liste provisoire des et des appels à la population, mais aussi membres du Conseil8. des dispositions juridiques à valeur consti- Un deuxième communiqué9 fut publié tutionnelle. pour annoncer la victoire des forces révo- Le plus important de ces communiqués lutionnaires, même si une certaine crainte fut sans doute le premier6 qui, en re- liée à la fragilité de celle-ci était percep- connaissant que la révolution “ouvrait une tible. Ce communiqué disposait que la nouvelle page dans la vie politique et éco- culpabilité du dictateur et de ses laquais nomique de la Roumanie”, faisait valoir la serait établie devant des tribunaux, qui volonté de changement du F.S.N. Pre- décideraient avec toute sévérité des peines 60 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

POLITICS, ADMINISTRATION AND ECONOMY Il y a 20 ans…

à infliger pour l'action de destruction du plus d'une continuité de l'institution monar- pays. L'armée fut déclarée seule détentrice chique, la quarantaine d'années du régime des armes, les unités subordonnées au communiste l'avait transformé radicalement, Ministère de l'Intérieur étant intégrées au d'une manière qui rendait impossible un Ministère de la Défense. En ce qui concernait retour pure et simple à l’ancienne Consti- les organes des nouvelles structures démo- tution11. Cela explique pourquoi les partisans cratiques, le communiqué disposait que de l'application de plein droit de la Consti- celles-ci devaient entamer sans délai l'acti- tution de 1923 sont restés minoritaires. vité de reconstruction du pays, en se D'autre part, la Constitution de 1965 subordonnant au Conseil du F.S.N. et en n'a pas été expressément abrogée, seules adoptant avec celui-ci les mesures politi- quelques dispositions (notamment celles ques, sociales, administratives et économiques concernant les structures de pouvoir) étant nécessaires dans les premières étapes de la remplacées par des lois spéciales. Les autres reconstruction. sont demeurées, avec valeur constitutionnelle Enfin, le troisième et dernier communiqué et non comme des lois ordinaires12. Elles annonçait que les époux Ceausescu avaient ont formé un bloc de constitutionnalité à été jugés, condamnés et exécutés par un côté d'autres décrets-lois adoptés jusqu'au tribunal militaire extraordinaire pour des vote de la nouvelle Constitution. Au sein crimes commis à l'encontre du peuple de ce bloc on remarque notamment le roumain. La disparition du couple dicta- décret-loi n° 2 publié le 27 décembre 1989, torial signifiait la victoire entière des nouvelles sur l'organisation et le fonctionnement du forces, situation se traduisant, sur le plan Conseil de Front de Salut National et des du droit constitutionnel, par la fin de la conseils territoriaux du F.S.N. Selon période où les décisions étaient prises par l'expression couramment utilisée dans la communiqués. Pour le professeur Draganu doctrine, il est une mini Constitution révo- „les jours de 22-26 décembre 1989 forment lutionnaire, qui contient des dispositions ce qu'on pourrait très bien appeler l'étape concernant les nouveaux organes du du pouvoir révolutionnaire diffus ou l'étape pouvoir, leur organisation et leurs rapports. du gouvernement par communiqués”10. En réaffirmant que toutes les struc- tures de pouvoir de l'ancien régime dicta- 2. La confirmation du nouveau pouvoir torial sont et restent dissoutes, ce décret-loi organise le Conseil du F.S.N. comme un Le problème des conséquences d'une quasi-Parlement. Il se voit reconnaître la révolution populaire s'était déjà posé dans compétence d'adopter des décrets-lois et le cas roumain, avec le précédent créé à la des décrets, d'adopter le budget, de nommer fin de la deuxième guerre mondiale, et de révoquer le Premier ministre, le quand, après une période de dictature président de la Cour Suprême de Justice et inaugurée par le coup d'Etat du roi Charles le procureur général, de nommer le Gouverne- II en 1938, on est revenu à la Constitution ment, d'adopter le système électoral, de ra- de 1923. tifier les traités internationaux, de déclarer l'état de guerre. Composé de 145 membres, 2.1. Le gouvernement d'assemblée ce Conseil fonctionnait en sessions et en Ce ne fut plus le cas en 1990, puisque commissions de spécialité et pour la les conditions n'étaient plus les mêmes. Si, période d'entre sessions ses attributions en 1944, la société roumaine n'avait pas étaient exercées par un bureau exécutif. Le changé par rapport au 1938, bénéficiant en Bureau exécutif, ayant en tête le président

61 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 ROMANIA TODAY Mircea Criste du Conseil du F.S.N., était composé d'un l'autorité publique. Le Front ne constituait premier vice-président, de deux vice-présidents, pas une formation politique qui aurait d'un secrétaire et de six membres. Le possédé une stratégie et un programme président du Conseil était élu par ses pairs clairement définis, n'étant pas enregistré et il avait accompli le rôle d'un Président comme une organisation politique, selon de République, même si ses pouvoirs les dispositions du décret-loi n° 8/1989. étaient bien limités13. Pour protester contre la décision du Du fait que le président, le bureau F.S.N. de se présenter aux élections, le Parti exécutif et le Gouvernement étaient nommés National Paysan (chrétien et démocrate), le et révoqués par le Conseil du F.S.N., on a Parti Social-démocrate et le Parti Libéral tiré la conclusion que dans cette deuxième organisèrent le 24 janvier 1990 une grande période „le régime politique de notre pays manifestation populaire, préoccupés du a rempli, au moins sur plan normatif, les fait que tout l'appareil de l'Etat puisse se caractéristiques de ce qu'on appelle le gouverne- transformer d'un jour à l'autre en un parti ment ou le régime d'assemblée”14. politique, à fin d'obtenir le plus de voix16. Une fois proclamé, le principe du plu- Les dirigeants du Front furent contraints ralisme politique a été mis en oeuvre par le de négocier avec les représentants des décret-loi n° 8 du 31 décembre 1989 sur autres partis une nouvelle organisation du l'enregistrement et le fonctionnement des pouvoir, négociations qui s'étaient concrétisées partis politiques et des organisations publi- dans une entente conclue le premier février ques en Roumanie15. Les partis ont été ainsi 1990. A la suite de cet accord, fut adopté organisés dans le respect de la souveraineté, le décret-loi n° 81 du 9 février 199017 sur de l'indépendance et de l'intégrité territo- le Conseil Provisoire d'Union Nationale. riale, de la démocratie, en vue de la garantie Le premier article de ce décret-loi con- des libertés et des droits des citoyens. sacrait la substitution au Conseil du F.S.N. Un moment important pour le dé- d'une nouvelle autorité, le Conseil Provi- veloppement constitutionnel ultérieur est soire d'Union Nationale (C.P.U.N.), composé intervenu le 24 janvier 1990, à la suite de pour moitié des membres de l'ancien l'annonce par le Front de Salut National de Conseil, l'autre moitié étant constituée par son intention de présenter des candidats les représentants des partis, des formations propres aux prochaines élections. Cette politiques et des organisations des mino- déclaration a provoqué une vive réaction rités nationales cooptés. Même s'il fut de la part de la plupart partis politiques, envisagé d'en limiter le bénéfice aux partis notamment les partis traditionnels, qui ont qui avaient participé à l'entente du premier reproché au F.S.N. de tenter de mono- février, il est resté possible de coopter poliser le pouvoir. Jusqu'à cette date, le d'autres partis et formations politique ou Front s'était présenté comme une structure organisations des minorités nationales, de pouvoir provisoire, ayant pour mission avec l'accord du nouveau Conseil et en de gérer les affaires courantes de l'Etat et respectant le principe de la parité. de rendre possible le passage vers une Dans le communiqué qui a suivi la société démocratique en organisant des première réunion du C.P.U.N., celui-ci se élections libres dans le plus court délai. Le présenta comme un organe législatif et du Conseil du F.S.N. jouait le rôle d'un pouvoir de l'Etat pour une période transi- Parlement, son président remplissait les toire, jusqu'aux premières élections libres. fonctions d'un chef de l'Etat et les conseils Le nouveau Conseil était composé de 241 locaux du F.S.N. étaient des organes de membres: 106 représentants de l'ex-C.F.S.N., 62 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

POLITICS, ADMINISTRATION AND ECONOMY Il y a 20 ans…

105 représentants des partis et des forma- Sénat s'établirent, en séance commune, en tions politiques, 27 représentants des mino- Assemblée Constituante présidée – successive- rités nationales et 3 représentants de l'Association ment – par les présidents des deux chambres. des anciens détenus politiques. Les partis Ce premier Parlement créé après les constitués après étaient acceptés aux débats événements de décembre 1989 remplissait du C.P.U.N. avec le statut d'observateurs. donc tant les attributions d'une assemblée A cette première organisation du C.P.U.N. législative, que celles d'une Constituante. on apporta très vite des modifications par Une fois la Constitution adoptée, devaient le décret-loi n° 82 du 13 février 199018, qui être organisées des élections dans un délai a porté le nombre des membres à 253 et maximum d'un an. qui a organisé le nouveau Bureau exécutif Selon le décret-loi n° 92, le Président et les commissions spécialisées du C.P.U.N. désignait le Premier ministre, dans la personne du représentant du parti ou de la 2.2. La République de 1990 formation politique qui avait obtenu le A partir de son entrée en fonction, le plus des mandats au Parlement ou – en cas Conseil Provisoire d'Union Nationale eut d'absence de majorité – dans la personne comme but le passage vers une société d'un député ou sénateur, après consultation démocratique stable. Pour cette raison, le des partis représentés au Parlement. Le plus important acte adopté par le Conseil Président ne pouvait rester membre d'un fut le décret-loi n° 92 du 14 mars 199019 pour parti ou d'une formation politique et il l'élection du Parlement et du Président de n'était pas responsable devant le législatif. la Roumanie. En revanche, la responsabilité pour l'activité Il convient de remarquer d'abord que de l'exécutif revenait obligatoirement au ce décret-loi a réorganisé les institutions Premier ministre, qui contresignait les actes politiques, en prévoyant expressément la du Président. séparation des pouvoirs législatif, exécutif Toutefois, les relations Président – et judiciaire. La place du C.P.U.N. fut prise Parlement étaient bien délimitées, avec très par un Parlement formé de deux chambres peu de possibilités de contrôle réciproque. (l'Assemblée de députés et le Sénat), Le Président ne pouvait être démis qu'au l'exécutif était constitué d'un Gouverne- cas où il aurait commis des actes qui le ment avec, à sa tête, un Premier ministre et rendent indigne de cette fonction et selon était prévue de nouveau l'institution du une procédure assez complexe. Dans un Président de la République, qui n'avait bien premier temps il devait être suspendu de sûr rien de commun avec celle instituée pour ses fonctions sur proposition d'un tiers des la première fois en Roumanie en 1974. députés et sénateurs, en séance commune Le Parlement bicaméral créé par le des deux chambres et ensuite la destitution décret-loi n° 92/1990 reprenait une tradition était soumise à un référendum. De son commencée en 1866 et interrompue en côté, le Président n'avait pas la compétence 1940. Les élections se déroulèrent au scrutin de dissoudre le Parlement, sauf le cas où la de liste, les parlementaires étant élus au Constitution n'aurait pas été adoptée dans suffrage universel, égal, direct, secret et un délai de 9 mois20. Même dans cette situation, libre exprimé par les citoyens. Les orga- il devait avoir au préalable l'accord du nisations des minorités nationales qui Premier ministre et des présidents de n'avaient pas accédé au Parlement, ont eu l'Assemblée des députés et du Sénat. En aussi droit à un mandat de député. De tout cas, la Constituante était de plein droit plein droit, l'Assemblée des députés et le dissoute en cas de non-adoption de la

63 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 ROMANIA TODAY Mircea Criste nouvelle Constitution dans un délai de 18 ces derniers avec voix consultative23. Sans mois. énumérer les principes sur lesquels la A cette analyse, purement théorique, il commission devait travailler, le Règlement faut ajouter une autre fondée sur les faits, de la Constituante prévoyait en revanche, puisqu'en réalité ce faible Président de dans son article 9, les étapes à franchir pour République créé par le décret-loi n° 92 arriver à la forme finale de la nouvelle loi devint – par le jeu du hasard et jusqu'à fondamentale. Dans la première, la commission l'adoption de la nouvelle Constitution - un de rédaction du projet était chargée de président plus actif et plus puissant que définir les principes et la structure par celui dont parle le décret-loi. La source de chapitres de celui-ci24, qui devait – dans une cette évolution constitutionnelle fut les deuxième étape – être soumis à la discussion élections du 20 mai 1990, qui avaient donné et au vote de l'Assemblée. Ensuite, sur le une écrasante majorité au Front de Salut fondement des observations et des amen- National, en tant que formation politique. dements présentés, la commission devait Il avait obtenu 67 % des voix pour les préparer le projet final de Constitution qui deux chambres du Parlement et 85 % des ferait l'objet de l'adoption par la Constituante voix pour son candidat aux élections et, finalement, de la confirmation popu- présidentielles, M. Ion Iliescu. Même si, se laire par un référendum. conformant aux dispositions du décret-loi Le 21 novembre 1991, l'Assemblée n° 92/1990, le Président sortant avait Constituante a adopté le texte final de la démissionné du parti, c'était incontesta- nouvelle Constitution, texte approuvé par blement grâce à lui que le F.S.N. s'était la suite par le référendum organisé le 8 approprié les élections. Pour cette raison il décembre 1991. a gardé une forte influence tant sur la grande majorité des députés et des sénateurs, Notes que – au moins pour une première période 1 La révolution „contredit toute explication – sur le Gouvernement issu du nouveau juridique puisque le refus du droit existant non Parlement21. seulement n'entraînera aucune sanction mais En outre, au-delà des dispositions du encore sera à l'origine de la création d'un droit nouveau” (Pierre Pactet, Institutions politiques. décret-loi n° 92, les Règlements de ème l'Assemblée des députés et du Sénat Droit constitutionnel, Paris, Masson, 11 avaient institué un droit de veto suspensif édition, 1992, p. 74). 2 Ibidem. en faveur du Président de la République, 3 En dépit des dispositions de l'article 36 de la en anticipant la solution de la future Constitution de 1965 qui proclamaient que “le Constitution. Le Président jouissait en cela droit de propriété personnelle est protégé par la non seulement du droit de promulgation loi”, rien n'empêcha le législatif en 1974 de des lois, mais aussi du droit de restituer la voter les lois 58 et 59 qui posaient des sérieuses loi en vue d'un nouveau débat dans les limitations à ce droit, interdisant les tran- deux chambres législatives22. sactions foncières inter vivos. 4 La mission principale du Parlement „La répression fait échouer ses propres buts : élu le 20 mai 1990 était sans doute celle de les gouvernements totalitaires sont en péril donner à la Roumanie une nouvelle Consti- d'être renversés par violence dans la mesure où ils recourent à la répression comme moyen tution qui fonde l'Etat de droit. A cette fin, pour résoudre le conflit. Ceci explique la fut constituée une commission chargée de Roumanie de Ceausescu” (Ralf Dahrendorf, la rédaction du projet, commission formée Reflectii asupra Revolutiei în Europa, de 12 députés, 11 sénateurs et 5 experts, Bucarest, Humanitas, 1993, p. 18). 64 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

POLITICS, ADMINISTRATION AND ECONOMY Il y a 20 ans…

5 Cf. Tudor Draganu, Drept constitutional şi 19 Publié au Monitorul Oficial n° 35 du 18 mars instituţii politice, tome 2, Cluj-Napoca, 1992, p. 1990, pp. 1-11. 216. 20 Le professeur Tudor Draganu observait que 6 Le communiqué pour le pays du Conseil du „l'équilibre créé dans le régime parlementaire Front du Salut National, Monitorul Oficial, entre le pouvoir exécutif et le législatif par le 1989, n° 1, p. 1-2. fait qu'au droit du Parlement de provoquer la 7 „A partir de ce moment toutes les structures démission du Gouvernement s'oppose le droit du pouvoir du clan Ceausescu sont dissoutes. du chef de l'Etat de dissoudre le Parlement Le Gouvernement est démis, le Conseil d'Etat semblait rompu dans le système du décret-loi et ses institutions cessent leur activité. Tout n° 92/1990 dans la mesure où celui-ci ne pouvoir dans l'Etat est assumé par le Conseil du permettait au Président de dissoudre la Front du Salut national... Sur tout le territoire Constituante que dans un seul cas : dans le cas s'institueront des conseils du Front du Salut où elle n'avait pas adopté la Constitution dans National comme organes du pouvoir local”. un délai de 9 mois” (op. cit., p. 230). Il convient 8 Le comité avait été élu après six mois par la d'observer que le Président n'avait en réalité Constituante et une liste définitive du Conseil aucun pouvoir à l'encontre des deux chambres, ne sera jamais publiée dans le Moniteur en tant que législatif. Officiel. 21 „Dans ces conditions, ce n'est pas une surprise 9 Monitorul Oficial du 25 décembre 1989, pp. que tant les deux chambres du Parlement, 1-2. qu'aussi le Gouvernement formé après les 10 Tudor Draganu, op. cit., p. 217. élections, ont été prêts se conformer dans toutes 11 Selon M. Tudor Draganu si „au moment où la les questions essentielles au mot d'ordre du révolution populaire triomphe, la Constitution Président de la République, un succès de celui et antérieure au coup de force semble dépassée par du Gouvernement étant en même temps un le prisme des aspirations changées d'une nation, succès du Front et un échec, un échec du Front. l'élaboration d'une nouvelle Constitution s'impose” Dans la structure d'Etat créée par le décret-loi n° (op. cit., p. 224). 92/1990, la position du Président a été pour cette 12 Ibidem, p. 222. raison jusqu'à une date récente celle d'un général 13 Le président du Conseil n'avait aucune qui commande deux armées, qui lui sont compétence pour nommer et révoquer le habituellement profond dévouées et en bonne Premier ministre et les membres du part même obéissantes, l'une étant le Gouvernement. Gouvernement et l'autre le Parlement” (Tudor 14 Tudor Draganu, op. cit., p. 219. Draganu, op. cit., p. 231). 15 Publié au Monitorul Oficial n° 9 du 31 22 Le professeur Tudor Draganu a critiqué à décembre 1989. juste titre cette modification apportée au décret- 16 „Une telle identification du parti de loi n° 92/1990 par les Règlements cités (op. gouvernement avec l'Etat est justement ce qui cit., pp. 231-232). caractérise les régimes totalitaires. Seul dans 23 Une première commission fut constituée le ces régimes le parti unique se confond avec 28 décembre, composée de MM. Mihai l'Etat...Sa transformation [du F.S.N.] en parti Constantinescu, Ion Deleanu, Antonie politique n'aurait été autre chose qu'une Iorgovan, Ioan Muraru, Mihaï T. Oroveanu et nouvelle forme de totalitarisme, à la seule Florin Vasilescu, mais elle n'a fonctionné que différence que cette fois ce n'était pas le parti jusqu'au 12 janvier 1990 (cf. Mihai T. unique qui tentait de se confondre avec l'Etat, Oroveanu, Istoria dreptului românesc si mais l'Etat qui voulait devenir parti” (Tudor evolutia institutiilor constitutionale, Bucarest, Draganu, op. cit., p. 224-225). Cerma, 1992, p. 304, note 606). 17 Publié au Monitorul Oficial n° 27 du 10 24 La commission avait employé l'expression de février 1990. thèses. 18 Publié au Monitorul Oficial n° 28 du 14 février 1990, p. 1.

65 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 ROMANIA TODAY POLITICS, ADMINISTRATION AND ECONOMY

Supradimensionarea şi disproporţionalitatea legislativă. Uninominalul, reformă electorală sau miză politică?

Anca Parmena OLIMID

Abstract: In the present article the author analysis the 2008 parliamentary elections when Romania first used a variant of a majoritarian system. The article also discusses the avantages and disavantages brought by the new electoral system. The author argues that the uninominal vote and the electoral proportionality generated a current of criticism regarding the new law. Keywords: tranzition, parliamentary elections, electoral reforme, disproportionality, magnitude, index.

“Tranziţia” de la un sistem la altul a reglat în definitiv piaţa politică devenind prin consecinţele sale o reformă politică4. legerile legislative din 30 noiembrie A reuşit noul sistem electoral să reformeze 2008, cel de-al şaselea test al de- scrutinul legislativ? A reuşit noua meca- A mocraţiei parlamentare din România nică electorală să stabilizeze sistemul po- după 1989 s-au defăşurat în baza unui nou litic postdecembrist? Pentru a găsi răspuns cadru legal. Noul sistem electoral a fost la aceaste întrebări şi pentru a formula consacrat de Legea nr. 35/2008 din 13 argumente pentru un răspuns sau altul, este martie 2008 pentru alegerea Camerei De- necesar, mai înainte de toate, să examinăm putaţilor şi a Senatului şi pentru modifi- caracteristicile noii formule electorale în carea şi completarea Legii nr. 67/2004 contextul politic al anului 2008. Problema pentru alegerea autorităţilor administraţiei iniţială aici rezidă în confuzia ideologică şi publice locale, a Legii administraţiei pu- indecizia politică în care factorii structural- blice locale nr. 215/2001 şi a Legii nr. organizatori se îmbină într-o perspectivă 393/2004 privind Statutul aleşilor locali, de multe ori regională necesitând impli- promulgată prin Decretul nr. 364 din 12 carea unor competenţe tipice democraţiilor martie 20081. Legea a fost modificată prin incipiente. O.U.G. nr. 66 din 28 mai 20082, stabilind Punctul de plecare în analiza noastră îl regulile de desfăşurare a jocului politic şi constituie art. 5, alin. 1. din legea nr. 35/2008. condiţionând totodată rezultatul partidei3. Conform noilor reglementări “deputaţii şi Legea electorală din 2008 proiectată senatorii se aleg în colegii uninominale anterior în termenii unei reforme electorale constituite potrivit prevederilor art. 11, 66 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

POLITICS, ADMINISTRATION AND ECONOMY Supradimensionarea şi disproporţionalitatea legislativă. Uninominalul, reformă electorală sau miză politică? prin scrutin uninominal, potrivit princi- Acum însă ne vom limita doar la câte- piului reprezentării proporţionale”. Noua va observaţii. In noiembrie 2008, numărul lege regrupează unităţile electorale prin total al cetăţenilor cu drept de vot a fost de împărţirea circumscipţiilor electorale pluri- 18.328.646 cu aproximativ 1 milion de de nominale în colegii uninominale, în funcţie electori mai mult decât la primele alegeri de numărul de mandate, rezultat al apli- legislative din 20 mai 1990. În acest sens, cării normei de reprezentare. Prin noua me- participarea electoratului la alegerile legisla- canică electorală au fost astfel obţinute 137 tive şi prezidenţiale a cunoscut o evoluţie de colegii uninominale pentru Senat şi 315 descendentă delimitată de cele două ex- de colegii uninominale pentru Camera treme: alegerile legislative din 1990 şi ale- Deputaţilor. gerile europarlamentare din 7 iunie 2009.

Tabel nr. 1. Corpul electoral şi participarea la alegerile parlamentare (1990-2008)

Tipul Data AILP APU % scrutinului scrutinului

AG1 20.05.1990 17.200.722 14.825.017 86,18

AG2 27.09.1992 16.380.663 12.496.430 76,28 AG3 03.11.1996 17.218.654 13.088.388 76,01

AG4 26.11.2000 17.699.727 11.559.458 65,31 AG5 28.10.2004 18.449.676 10.794.653 58,51 AG6 30.11.2008 18.253.616 7.238.871 39,20 Notă: Am notat în tabel: AG – alegeri generale; AIPL – numărul alegătorilor înscrişi pe listele permanente; APU – numărul alegătorilor prezenţi la urne. Prima coloană indică tipul scrutinului, iar indicele 1,2, 3, …, 6 indică numărul scrutinului. Cea de-a doua coloană a tabelului indică data scrutinului, cea de-a treia coloană indică numărul alegătorilor înscrişi pe listele permanente, iar cea de- a patra coloană indică numărul alegătorilor prezenţi la urne. În ultima coloană este evidenţiată procentual participarea la vot (%).

În această ordine de idei, trebuie -datelor şi de de determinare a candi- precizat că numărul respectiv de mandate daţilor câştigători legea impune două etape include şi numărul de mandate, două man- distincte: într-o primă etapă sunt atribuite date de senator şi patru de deputat cores- mandate candidaţilor ce au întrunit pragul punzătoare circumscripţiei nr. 43, nou creată electoral, aşadar au obţinut majoritatea pentru cetăţenii români rezidenţi din afara absolută în cirscumscripţia în care au graniţelor ţării. candidat. În cea de-a doua etapă, atri- Cadrul legal reţinea în fapt aceleaşi buirea mandatelor se va realiza în baza reguli consacrate deja de scrutinele ante- unei liste ce cuprinde ceilalţi candidaţi în rioare: la nivel de circumscipţie electorală odinea descrescătoare a voturilor primite. aplicarea metodei coeficientului electoral În concluzie, noua lege electorală nu mo- simplu, iar la nivel naţional a metodei difică regula de atribuire a mandatelor legi- d’Hondt. slative ce rămâne unul specific reprezen- În privinţa procedurii de atribuire a man- tării proporţionale, ci doar procedura de vot.

67 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 ROMANIA TODAY Anca Parmena Olimid

Tabel nr. 2. Rezultatul alegerilor legislative din 30 noiembrie 2008

% Partide politice Camera Deputaţilor Senat Alianţa PSD-PC 33,09% 34,16% PDL 32,36% 33,57% PNL 18,57% 18,74% UDMR 6,17% 6,39% PRM 3,15% 3,57% PNG-CD 2,27% 2,53% Total 100% 100% Notă: Prima coloană a tabelului indică partidul, iar cea de-a doua coloană menţionează procentul obţinut de respectivul partid în alegerile legislative din 30 noiembrie 2008 pentru fiecare cameră a Parlamentului.

Tabel nr. 3. Rezultatul alegerilor legislative din 30 noiembrie 2008 (număr mandate) Număr mandate Partide politice Camera Deputaţilor Senat PDL 115 51 Alianţa PSD-PC 114 49 PNL 65 28 UDMR 22 9 PRM 0 0 PNG-CD 0 0 Total 216 137 Notă: Prima coloană a tabelului indică partidul, iar cea de-a doua coloană menţionează numărul de mandate obţinute de respectivul partid în alegerile legislative din noiembrie 2008.

Oprindu-ne asupra celei de-a doua reprezentativitatea generală şi creşterea nu- precizări, trebuie să admitem că există opi- mărului de mandate atribuite în mod direct nii care susţin că în cazul românesc non- au condiţionat structura ofertei post-electorale5.

Tabel nr. 4. Numărul de mandate alocate în alegerile legislative (1992-2008)

Anul scrutinului Număr Număr mandate mandate Senat Camera Deputaţilor 1992 143 341 1996 143 343 2000 140 345 2004 137 314 2008 137 315 Notă: Prima coloană a tabelul indică anul scrutinului legislativ, cea de-a doua coloană menţionează numărul de mandate pentru Senat, iar cea de-a treia coloană, numărul de mandate pentru Camera Deputaţilor

68 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

POLITICS, ADMINISTRATION AND ECONOMY Supradimensionarea şi disproporţionalitatea legislativă. Uninominalul, reformă electorală sau miză politică?

Criza unui sistem alegerile legislative din noiembrie 2008 se Cadrul de analiză al prezentului studiu încradrează în aceeaşi tendinţă consa-crată priveşte şi existenţa unui dezacord între de alegerile din 2004. pragul electoral şi magnitudinea medie a Aşa cum am observant pe parcursul circumscripţiilor6. Raportul între cele două analizei noastre, numeroase variabile ale variabile poate fi aproximat de următoarea unui sistem electoral influenţează în mod ecuaţie: direct gradul de disproporţionalitate şi în mod indirect numărul de partide din sistem. P = 75% / (M+1) Cum poate fi apreciată această dispropor- Am notat: P – pragul electoral; M – ţionalitate? În acest sens, una dintre solu- magnitudinea medie a circumscripţiei. ţiile propuse ar putea fi rezultatul diferenţei între distribuţia voturilor şi distribuţia lo- Potrivit ecuaţiei, magnitudinea medie curilor pentru fiecare partid7. Cu toate acestea, constituie un obstacol serios pentru numeroase discuţii pot apărea în cazul intrarea partidelor mici în Parlament. În însumării tuturor deviaţiilor voturi-locuri alegerile din 2004, avem un nivel al ale tuturor partidelor8. În baza unor astfel magnitudinii de 3,26 pentru Senat şi de 7,9 de premise, formula lui Michael Gallagher pentru Camera Deputaţilor, iar în 2008, s-a ar putea ajuta la înţelegerea dezechilibrului înregistrat un nivel al magnitudinii de 3,19 produs între valorile pragului explicit şi pentru Senat şi 7,33 pentru Camera pragului implicit. Indicele de disproporţio- Deputaţilor. Avem astfel în alegerile nalitate propus de Gallagher se calculează legislative din 2004 un prag implicit de astfel: 17% pentru Senat (de trei ori mai mare 2 decât pragul electoral explicit fixat pentru GL = ½ Σ (Vi - li) partidele politice de 5% şi respectiv de 8% Am notat: GL – indicele de pentru Camera Deputaţilor, iar în alegerile disproporţionalitate; Vi – procentul de voturi din 2008 un prag implicit de 17,89% obţinute de partidul i; li – ponderea pentru Senat şi de 9% pentru Camera mandatelor obţinute de partidul i9.

Deputaţilor. După cum rezultă din cele expuse mai sus, parametrii electorali din

Tabel nr. 5. Dispropoţionalitatea legislativă (1990-2004)10

Anul scrutinului GL 1990 7.86 1992 5.88 1996 7.03 2000 9.38 2004 4.98 Media 7.03 Notă: Tabelul prezintă valorile indicelui de disproporţionalitate pentru scrutinele legislative din perioada 1990-2004; pentru realizarea calculelor din tabel conform formulei lui Gallagher, am avut în vedere rezultatele alegerilor legislative pentru Senat pentru fiecare scrutin legislativ.

69 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 ROMANIA TODAY Anca Parmena Olimid

afirmaţie vom mai adăuga următoarea pre- Semnificaţia alegerilor. cizare: înainte de reforma electorală din Argumente pro şi contra 2008, voturile acordate partidelor neparla- În baza unor astfel de observaţii vom mentare (ce nu reuşeau să depăşească pragul analiza rezultatele alegerilor din noiembrie electoral) erau redistribuite – conform sis- 2008 comparativ cu rezultatele alegerilor temului celor mai mari resturi – partidelor din 1992 şi 2004, în sensul argumentării care depăşeau pragul electoral. Aşadar, la non-reprezentativităţii sistemului proporţional alegerile legislative din 2000, mai mult de românesc („iniţial proporţionalist, dar deve- 1/5 din opţiunile corpului electoral au fost nit între timp majoritarist”11), dar mai ales redistribuite partidelor parlamentare, adică al efectelor pragului electoral de 5%. Este mai mult de 2,3 milioane de voturi pentru evident că putem aprecia că reforma sis- Camera Deputaţilor şi 2,2 milioane pentru temului electoral din 2008 a soluţionat pro- Senat. Când vorbim de comparaţie, în ter- blema reprezentativităţii. În competiţia elec- menii rezulatelor alegerilor, este evident că torală aşa cum menţionat anaterior pentru în alegerile legislative din 2004, nu-mărul cele 137 mandate de senatori şi 334 de de- voturilor irosite va ajunge la 11-12%, pentru putaţi s-au înscris 2960 de candidaţi în cele ca la alegerile din 2008, procentul înre- 453 de colegii uninominale. Dintre aceştia gistrat să fie de numai 7-10 % (aceasta 31 au fost candidaţi independenţi, Alianţa înseamnă că procentul diferă în funcţie de PSD-PC, PNL, PD-L, PRM şi PNG sus- fiecare cameră a Parlamentului). ţinând candidaţi în toate colegiile. La această

Tabel nr. 6. Voturi pierdute în alegerile legislative din 1992-2008 Senat Anul scrutinului VVEPP VVE VP V P(%) 1992 9360739 10964818 1604079 14.63 1996 10239125 12287671 2048546 16.67 2000 8723251 10891910 2168659 19.92 2004 9081077 10231476 11503399 11.24 2008 6396804 6888055 491251 7.11

Camera Deputaţilor Anul scrutinului VVEPP VVE VP VP(%) 1992 8765014 10880252 2115238 19.45 1996 10049643 12238746 2189103 17.89 2000 8464543 10839424 2374881 21.91 2004 8866775 10188106 1321332 12.96 2008 6212380 6886794 674414 9.75 Notă: Am notat în tabel: VVEPP – voturile valabil exprimate pentru partidele care au depăşit pragul electoral; VVE – voturile valabil exprimate; VP – voturile pierdute; VP – voturile pierdute procentual. Prima coloană a tabelului indică numărul voturilor valabil exprimate pentru cele şase scrutine electorale pentru partidele care au reuşit să intre în Parlament; cea de-a doua colană indică numărul voturilor valabil exprimate pentru cele şase competiţii electorale, iar cea de-a patra şi a cincea coloană indică numărul voturilor pierdute (în cifră absolută şi procentual) la alegerile legislative din 1992-200812. 70 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

POLITICS, ADMINISTRATION AND ECONOMY Supradimensionarea şi disproporţionalitatea legislativă. Uninominalul, reformă electorală sau miză politică? Conform datele indicate în tabele de mai votului uninominal, procentul mandatelor sus, partidele câştigătoare în alegeri reu- redistribuite s-a diminuat considerabil. Re- şeau să primească prin redistribuirea man- zultatele arată că deşi PSD a câştigat ale- datelor prime de 9-10% din voturi. Cu toate gerile parlamentare în procente, înregis- acestea, procentul generos nu s-a dovedit a trând 33,09% faţă de 32,36% pentru PD-L fi decisiv pentru alcătuirea noului guvern, la Camera Deputaţilor şi 34,16% faţă de însă a consolidat poziţia partidului aflat pe 33,575 la Senat, PD-L a reuşit să obţină cu primul loc. În 2008, o dată cu introducerea trei mandate mai mult.

Tabel nr. 8. „Primele electorale” obţinute de câştigătorii alegerilor legislative 1990-2008 Camera Anul scrutinului Partidul câştigător Senat Deputaţilor 1990 FSN -0.07 +10,29 1992 FDSN +6.60 +5,97 1996 CDR +5,40 +6.37 2000 PDSR +8.31 +9.33 2004 PSD +4.48 +3.13 2008 PSD +3.13 +1.64 Notă: Tabelul indică primele acordate partidului câştigător în alegeri. Calculul s-a realizat ca diferenţă între procentul de locuri şi procentul de voturi obţinute. Prima coloană a tabelului indică anul scrutinului legislativ (1990, 1992, 1996, 2000, 2004, 2008). Cea de-a doua coloană indică numele partidului câştigător în alegerile legislative, iar coloana a treia şi a patra indică primele electorale acordate câştigătorilor diferenţiat pentru fiecare cameră a Parla- mentului.

În opinia Laviniei Stan şi Dianei Vancea libru, ci chiar din faptul că aceste legi deficienţele noii mecanici electorale sunt sunt profund înrădăcinate în cultură şi mult mai numeroase decât avantajele sale. în instituţii, cele două fiind legate”15. În Rezultatele au evidenţiat că a existat o di- încheierea acestui studiu să notăm că ferenţă considerabilă între câştigători dacă dincolo de asemenea opinii, alegerile din avem în vedere numărul de voturi obţinut 2008 au adus un nou mecanism electoral de fiecare candidat13. Din această perspec- rezultat al unui consens politic, garantată tivă noua lege electorală a defavorizat can- constituţional. didaturile independente, nici un candidat independent nu a reuşit să intre în Parla- Note ment. Mai mult, procedura de redistribuire 1 Monitorul Oficial nr. 196 din 13 martie 2008. 2 a voturilor a dezavantajat partidele mici, Monitorul Oficial nr. 409 din 30 mai 2008. 3 Fiecare ediţie a alegerilor legislative a beneficiat de favorizând candidaturile partidelor mari şi 14 modificarea legislaţiei electorale. Primele alegeri “pe cele cu susţinere în teritoriu” . legislative din anul 1990 au fost reglementate de Pierre Bréchon insista în 2004 pe Decretul-lege nr. 92 din 14 martie 1990. Procedura criteriul polarizării unui sistem politic electorală prevedea distribuţia mandatelor la două amintind de importanţa culturii politice niveluri judeţean şi naţional. Următoarele alegeri din 1992-2000 s-au desfăşurat în baza Legii nr. 68/1992 a ţării şi cea a instituţiilor sale. El ad- pentru alegerea Camerei Deputaţilor şi a Senatului1. mitea că stabilitatea sistemului de par- În anul 2000, guvernul Isărescu a modificat legile tide “nu este prin urmare ceva de la sine electorale prin următoarele ordonanţe de urgenţă: înţeles. Ea nu rezultă din legi de echi- O.U.G. nr. 63 din 26 mai 2000, O.U.G. nr. 129 din

71 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 ROMANIA TODAY Anca Parmena Olimid

30 iunie 2000, O.U.G. nr. 140 din 14 septembrie fapt este acelaşi cu scorul înregistrat de candidatul 2000, O.U.G. nr. 154 din 10 octombrie 2000, O.U.G. învins în turul doi al alegerilor. nr. 165 din 13 octombrie 2000. Ordonanţele au 10 Calcule asemănătoare au fost realizate de Cristian modificat unele aspecte legate de sistemul electoral Preda, Sorina Soare, op. cit., p. 99 pentru perioada care a rămas unul proporţional pe liste cu un singur 1990-2004. Vezi pentru detalii cu privire la modul de tur de scrutin conform metodei d’Hondt de repar- calcul al indicelui de disproporţionalitate pentru tizare a mandatelor. Alegerile din 2004 s-au desfă- fiecare scrutin legislativ în perioada 1990-2000 în şurat în conformitate cu prevederile baza Legii nr. Cristian Preda, România postcomunistă şi România 373 din 24 septembrie 2004 pentru alegerea Camerei interbelică, Meridiane, Bucureşti, 2002, pp. 59-60. Deputaţilor şi a Senatului. 11 Reluăm aici expresia consacrată de raportul 4 Alexandru Radu, Reformă sau experiment electoral Asociaţiei Pro Democraţia, Istoria unui dezacord: în “Sfera Politicii”, nr. 131-132, anul XVII, 2009, pp. Uninominalul, Bucureşti, 2008, pp. 17-19. Materialul 14-21; Pierre Bréchon, Partide politice, Cluj- poate fi accesat pe site-ul oficial la adresa Napoca, Eikon, 2004, pp. 66-67. http://www.apd.ro/files/publicatii/brosura_uninomin 5 Cristian Preda, Sorina Soare, Regimul, partidele şi al.pdf. Vezi şi Cristian Preda, Sorina Soare, op. cit., isstemul politic din România, Bucureşti, Editura pp. 97-98. Nemira, 2008, p. 98. 12 Calcule cu privire la numărul voturilor pierdute în 6 Avem în vedere definiţia consacrată de Arendt alegerile legislative după 1989 au fost făcute cu Lijphart, Modele ale democraţiei, Forme de ocazia raportului Asociaţiei Pro Democraţia, Istoria guvernare şi funcţionare în treizeci şi şase de ţări, unui dezacord: Uninominalul, pp. 17-19. Vezi şi Iaşi, POLIROM, 2000, p. 147. Magnitudinea unei Cristian Preda, Sorina Soare, op. cit., pp. 97-98. circumscripţii electorale denotă numărul de candidaţi Raportul Asociaţiei Pro Democraţia consacră ce urmează a fi aleşi în respectiva circumscriţie. În expresia „voturi pierdute”, în timp de Cristian Preda aceeaşi interpretare, nu ar trebui confundată magni- şi Sorina Soare utilizează sintagma „voturi irosite”. tudinea medie a unei circumscipţii cu delimitările 13 Lavinia Stan, Diane Vancea, Alegerile geografice ale respectivei zone geografice sau cu parlamentare din 2008: Vin vechi în sticle noi în numărul de alegători (Ibidem). “Sfera Politicii”, nr. 131-132, anul XVII, 2009, pp. 3- 7 Ibidem, p. 153. 13. 8 Ibidem. 14 Ibidem. 9 Aceeaşi formulă este folosită şi pentru calculul 15 Pierre Bréchon, op. cit., p. 66. indicelui de disproporţionalitate prezidenţială care în

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ROMANIA TODAY POLITICS, ADMINISTRATION AND ECONOMY

Political control, public organizations’ recruitment and selection policies and the New Public Management

Cătălina Maria GEORGESCU

Abstract: The desire for a more responsive public management as regards the needs of local communities and citizens has given the urge for the beginning of the decentralization process in the Romanian public sector. One of the ways to meet this desire could be a more responsive policy of employees’ recruitment in public organizations. The paper aims at offering an objective perspective on several issues. Firstly it aims at presenting several considerations on the character of recruitment and selection policies in Romanian public organizations. Secondly, it aims at discussing the different types of administrative reforms that have established the management of post-communist public organizations and the perspectives offered by applying the New Public Management model. Thirdly, the paper addresses the major laws that regulate the recruitment and selection processes in Romanian public organizations. Keywords: New Public Management, public recruitment, candidate selection, public organization, political control.

Introduction public employees within the public institutions and authorities. he idea that one might increase the The paper considers rendering a new efficiency of public organizations work perspective on the following issues: T management has raised a series of understanding the key principles of the “New questions, the effort of providing each of Public Management” model, discriminating them with a solution directly implying public between the merit-based career system and managers and human resources practitioners. the spoils system of recruitment and selection These questions have ranged from inquiring within the Romanian public administration, into the best method to draw, keep and develop presenting the major laws that govern the high-quality human resources within the recruitment and selection procedure in the public organization to the role of public public service. managers as regards the efficient use of It would be thus highly interesting to discuss the manner in which political

73 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 ROMANIA TODAY Cătălina Maria Georgescu discretion (a term coined by Jan-Hinrik of a legal framework which would enhance Meyer-Sahling1 in 2006) operates in the public the creation of a body of professional and sector, through the system of rewards paid neutral civil servants and also increased for political affiliation (public recruitment/ the performance and efficiency of the designation based on political allegiance) and Romanian public administration4. peculiar secondary aspects such as bribery, The model of the “New Public corruption, incompetence. Public sector Management” (NPM) – public management analysts, scholars and practitioners have practices originating from the private been discussing whether politics could be sector – was coined in the work of the British separated from the administration, subject and Australian theorists Christopher Hood which has offered a complex theme of study and Michael Jackson, Administrative Argument even prior to WWII2 (Goodnow, 1967, 2003; (1991) and again in 1991 by Christopher Rabin, Bartley Hildreth and Miller, 1997; Hood when carrying out a study on the Kramer, 1981; Berkley, 1981; Mosher, 1982; evolution of the public management styles Rabin and Bowman, 1984; Abney and Lauth, of OECD countries back in the 1980s. 1986; Rosenbloom and Goldman, 1993; Christopher Hood traced a pattern within Maguire, 1996; Pollitt, Birchall and Putman, the various styles of public management 1998; OECD, 1998; Nunberg, Barbone and and styled a singular concept that would Derlien, 1999; Thuy, Hansen and Price, provide an explanation to public organizations’ 2001; Lynn, 2004; Henry, 2005; Berman, establishment5, although he mentioned the Bowman, West and Van Wart, 2005; Hacek, fact that those public administrations he 2006; Bourdeaux, 2007; Androniceanu, analyzed had found unique manners to 2008), and cried for the institutionalization perform the reform process. Also, in 1990, by of the merit-based system in public employees’ referring to the same pattern Christopher recruitment and selection policies and Pollitt styled it “managerialism”; in 1992 increasing efficiency3. This paper is thus Lan and Rosenbloom spoke of the “market- also designed to discuss the manner in oriented public administration” while Michael which the activities of public managers in Barzelay named it the “post-bureaucratic the field of recruitment and selection of paradigm”, which was further re-named as public employees are influenced by the “entrepreneurial governance” by Osborn challenges and opportunities of the political and Gaebler6. environment. It is expected that, by engaging into applying the NMP model of public service The New Public Management and reform, some particular institutional Romanian public organizations arrangements to be present at the level of The beginning of the decentralization the public administration: process in the early 1990s gave the impetus “(1) the public managers’ autonomy for the increase in the responsiveness and to coordinate, act and solve problems; accountability of the local authorities who (2) applying the explicit performance became more aware of the needs and criteria and measures; (3) shifting the interests of the local communities. The balance in favour of control and reform process within the public sector outputs; (4) ensuring an increase in the was accelerated in 1999 with the adoption competition by resorting to contracts of Law 188/1999 of December 8th, 1999 on a definite duration and public regarding the Statute of public employees, tendering procedures; (5) borrowing which answered the need for the adoption 74 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

POLITICS, ADMINISTRATION AND ECONOMY Political control, public organizations’ recruitement and selection policies and the New Public Management from the private sector management which has molded a specific type of style; and (6) making appeal to organization culture, hence a distinct human discipline and control in the use of resource public management. financial resources”7. Political control and public personnel Re-inventing Romanian public orga- recruitment and selection policies nizations requires a series of changes, first The next section discusses the criteria, and foremost in the sense of downsizing both formal and informal, that bind public the public sector and operating a de- managers in the public employees’ concentration of the governmental services, recruitment and selection processes. At second, in the sense of stimulating the growth present, budgetary constraints on public of public management accountability and organizations have impacted on human responsiveness, third, in the sense of in- resources policies and on public organization creasing the use of market-oriented structure, in the sense of reducing both the mechanisms, fourth, in the sense of in- staff number and organization structure. creasing the decision-making power at Moreover, public recruitment and selection operational level, fifth, in the sense of are operated within a legal framework highlighting the importance of performance, which stipulates the rights and obligations, human resources, information technology as well as the guarantees as regards the and communication management, moreover, activities in this process, thus the discussion in the sense of ameliorating the relations also addresses the major laws that regulate and services offered to citizens8. However, the recruitment and selection processes in in our opinion, one should be especially Romanian public organizations. pre-occupied with limiting the political Romanian public employees are recruited, influence on the public management. selected, appointed and trained according The NPM model was translated at the to the following documents: Constitution local level into legislation among which of Romania; Law 188/1999 regarding the some of the most innovating measures were: status of public employees; Government the appointment of the chiefs of public Decision 452/2000 regarding the organization institutions and public services under the and development of the post attestation subordination of local councils on a examination of employees occupying public competition-basis and accompanied by a management positions within public insti- management contract, and the creation of tutions and authorities; Government Ordinance the city/county manager position at city, 81/2001 regarding the organization of the commune and county level, the appointment National Administration Institute; Government being made on the proposal of the mayor/ Decision 1085/2001 regarding the orga- president of the county council9. nization of the probation period, the However, when discussing the different evaluation conditions and the specific rules types of administrative reforms that have applicable to debutant public employees; established the management of Romanian Government Decision regarding the orga- post-communist public organizations and nization and development of competitions the perspectives offered by applying the and examinations for public offices. New Public Management model, one must From casting lots (as was the case with constantly have in view the fact that the ancient Greece) to heredity (as in Great Romanian public sector has to be analyzed Britain) and further to direct appointment in the limelight of its communist heritage, by the hierarchical (often-times political)

75 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 ROMANIA TODAY Cătălina Maria Georgescu superior, the recruitment process was not public employees’ selection: on the one hand, always performed on a rational choice- there are the so-called non-democratic basis, by choosing the most capable can- methods of candidate selection, in which a didates who could fulfil the demands of peculiar candidate is favoured due to the job and public office10. heredity, nepotism, chance or hazard, and, The public recruitment process has on the other hand, the so-styled democratic witnessed some changes thus requiring methods characterised by professional, taking into account the following issues: intellectual and/or political selection14. In our opinion, the public recruitment “1) the conditions and changes appeared procedure should pass through the following on the labour market, 2) the systems’ stages: the evaluation of the need to fill the capacity to train and develop human vacant position; drawing up the position resources, 3) the attraction of the area description and person specification; ad- and local facilities, 4) the legislative vertising the appointment; the inquiry into framework, 5) the unions’ role, 6) the the locations rich in potential applicants; public organization image, 7) the orga- attracting the applicants for the vacant nization culture, 8) the managerial appointments; spotting the fittest and most policies and practices, 9) the existing qualified applicants for the respective economic, political, social values, and positions15. In some democracies, the tendency finally 10) the degree of financial and is to render the recruitment process a more managerial autonomy of public active approach, with governments involved organization”11. in the process of advertising for a career in At present, most of the central and the public administration and sending local public organizations are challenged by recruiters to university campuses16. the shrinking number of public employees Moreover, we consider fit that the pro- and the decrease in the public organization cedure of the public employees’ competitive structure which are partly due to budgetary merit-based selection for both management constraints12. Moreover, the public sector and execution position comprises the functions within a legal framework whose following phases: a first selection in order legal regulations and restrictions stipulate to reduce applications and possibly determine on the rights and duties, protection and the most qualified applicants; filling in the guarantees that ensure the functioning of standard application form to participate in all public organizations13. However, the the examination; the employment interview; reverse of the coin is that all major reforms the employment testing; references verification; within the public management of human medical exam; final interview; hiring decision resources have to be done according to and notification of results17. According to centrally-approved instructions. Law no. 188/1999, the selection process is According to the provisions of Law firstly conditioned by the existence of a No. 188/1999, the beginning of the process vacant position, while Article 49 paragraph of public recruitment is conditioned on 1 clearly stipulates another binding condition, whether newly-created jobs or positions the organization of the contest, a written or appear on the chart of the public orga- oral examination, in order to fill a vacant nization or through the possibility of vacancy public appointment. by pension, death, transfer or dismissal. Government Decision 1087/2001 regulates The specialized literature discriminates the organization and development of the between two categories of methods of contest and exams for filling the vacant 76 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

POLITICS, ADMINISTRATION AND ECONOMY Political control, public organizations’ recruitement and selection policies and the New Public Management public position. The idea is that by not resources practitioners. As regards the respecting the provisions of the legal act, recruitment and selection procedures, their one attracts the nullity of the appointment work distinguished between political act. The principles which stand at the basis patronage-based methods and the non- of filling public positions through compe- political or merit-based methods20. Moreover, titive examination are: open competition, it is interesting to notice how Van Riper’s merit-based selection, transparency, equal assumption made in 1958 and used in treatment, confidentiality of applicants’ personal Loverd and Pavlak’s chapter, that one can data18. Government Decision No. 452/2000 trace both selection procedures within the regulates the organisation and development public administration, has kept its validity of the exam of appointment attestation of civil till the present moment. The author argued servants in management public functions in favour of the existence of either a non- within public organizations. political or political civil service or a Following the passing through the formula which combines the two21. recruitment and selection procedures, the Or, in other words, quoting Fred successful candidate is taken on the staff Kramer from his Dynamics of public and appointed to the position through an bureaucracy: an introduction to public appointment disposition issued by the management (1981), the merit-based system competent authority which awards him/her comes in oposition to the spoils system in the quality of civil servant. There is the which political criteria fundament situation, however, of the elected public employment decisions22. employees, for whom the appointment dis- The debate over the separation of politics position validates the election and for whom from the administration has resulted in a the beginning of their mandate is marked number of different views and models. by taking an oath19. This is the case for the Thus, there are some voices who argue in president of the state, MPs, county, city favour of the so-called “political appointments” and commune counsellors, and mayors. (politicized bureaucracy) as regards some There is a different situation for ministers, areas of the civil service for fear that a general and depute directors, county prefects political sabotage occurs from the part of and their deputies, vice-mayors, secretaries, the dissatisfied public employees of the and other civil servants who are appointed previous mandate23. Moreover, the same to their positions by the competent authorities. voices argue that, in practice, one could hardly separate politics from the admi- Merit-based career system versus nistration, due to the political agenda the spoils system in the public sector governing party had established prior to its In 1995 Richard A. Loverd and Thomas launch in the electoral battle and which has J. Pavlak (in Jack Rabin, Thomas Vocino, to be executed through the public admi- W. Bartley Hildreth and Gerald J. Miller, nistration. Thus, public employees are bound Handbook of Public Personnel to show loyalty to their hierarchically political Administration (1995) alinquired into the superiors and political organizations they history of the American public represent and to the policy implemen- administration. Their effort resulted in some tation; however, by being part in the possible solutions to the problem of political process the civil servant must not providing an increase in the efficiency of neglect his loyalty towards the citizen and public organizations management, such as the the basic objectives of public management. use of total quality management by human The public employee must thus “play a

77 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 ROMANIA TODAY Cătălina Maria Georgescu circumscribed role in the democratic pro- distribution of financial resources and cess, one that is subservient to the political offices at local level31. office bearer and public opinion”24. The The Romanian case stands as an rationale might be further emphasised by example for these assumptions as part of the fact that, although civil servants may the management of the public admi- be appointed according to political patronage, nistration is politically-appointed, being in the absence of a detailed examination either elected officials or politically hand- over their competency and efficiency, one picked according to the legal provisions. cannot necessarily validate the assumption Though they are not civil servants, they that this politically appointment-based thus become public managers who, at least procedure establishes the increase in the in theory, should have been acquainted to level of incompetence and corruption at the basic requirements and capabilities of governmental level25. their public management position and also On the other hand, one may also argue in the field of public management32. that the merit-based career system, within During the past two decades, the the civil service recruitment, selection and Romanian public administration has wit- promotion procedures, works for the in- nessed an escalation of the spoils system crease in competence and efficiency of the within the public organizations with public public organizations. Moreover, some authors management positions created and used in suggest that the three basic principles of order to reward party loyalty, with complete the merit system – open competition, neglecting of performance criteria, which appointment capabilities and political permitted an increase in the lack of neutrality – should be endorsed through qualified personnel in the public service. the establishment of written, standardised The phenomenon was described by examinations, based on the job description Kaufman who found it relevant for the and person specification26. American society, early in 1965. Persons Some authors argue in favour of the thus selected were not always qualified for middle-way, impersonated by the “comple- the post, making it necessary to mentarity model”27 – in which political supplement jobs to ensure the achievement employees could dominate administrative of objectives33. practice28. Moreover, as Sorauf argued in 1960, Others incline in favour of a clear se- by using public management appointments paration of political offices form the other as political-rewarding tools, a party is able merit-based public positions29 corroborated to increase its political power in six to the creation and consolidation of a distinct ways. Thus management functions generation of professional public servants, can be a form of clientelism. Public neutral as regards the political spectrum employers’ selection based on political and endorsed by a clear definition of the criteria benefits not only the individual, role, responsibilities and relations among who enjoys a public function courtesy of institutions30. The grounds invoked for this its membership of a governing party, but cry for the elimination of political patronage also the political party itself34. is that it causes a perilous instability of the In other words, as far as the merit- public office, especially as regards the based system is concerned, we find relevant leadership, noticeable at every electoral the assumptions issued by McMurty in cycle at the level of the political clientele, 1976. The author argued in favor of the translated in the pervasive controlled existence of three principles of the merit- 78 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

POLITICS, ADMINISTRATION AND ECONOMY Political control, public organizations’ recruitement and selection policies and the New Public Management based system: the principle of recruitment The problem of increasing the effec- based on competition and contest, the tiveness of public employees’ recruitment principle of ensuring the security of the job has been intricate mostly because of the against arbitrary fyring and the principle of political patronage, the would-be appli- political neutrality within public cants finding themselves in a position of organizations35. not knowing whether, as Evan M. Berman Moreover, in 1977 Heclo made the et all. stated in Human Resource Management following statements in favour of the merit- in Public Service: Paradoxes, Processes, based career system and the creation of a and Problems, recruitment is a politically- body of politically-neutral public servants, neutral process, or it is a political hiring thus declaring himself in favour of the system38. selection of subordinated governmental officials on the basis of merit system and Note against political criteria, ignoring the 1 Jan-Hinrik Meyer-Sahling, The institutionalization evolution of political appartenence of the of political discretion in post-communist civil organization leadership at the moment of service systems: the case of Hungary in Public candidates’ selection and orienting this Administration, Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, process according to competence, abilities Vol. 84, No. 3, 2006, pp. 693-716. 2 Fred A. Kramer, Dynamics of public bureaucracy: and knowledge criteria, and ensuring job an introduction to public management, security through negotiations with political 36 Cambridge, Mass: Winthrop, cop. 1981, p. 27. representatives . 3 Evan Berman, James S. Bowman, Jonathan P. West, Montgomery Van Wart, Human Resource Conclusions Management in Public Service: Paradoxes, Thus, public offices must be filled with Processes, and Problems, SAGE, 2005 p. 16 public employees, according to the legal 4 OECD, Centre for Cooperation with Non- provisions, who meet the person specifi- Members, OECD Economic Surveys. 1997- 1998. Romania, OECD Publishing, 1998, p. 50. cations of the appointment. In Romania, a 5 great share of public offices are filled with Michael Barzelay, Origins of the New Public Management. An international view from political appointees, a characteristic disapproved public administration/political science, in Kate by many political science theorists as it McLaughlin, Stephen P. Osborne, Ewan Ferlie was argued that it generates many flaws in (eds.), New Public Management. Current the system; thus some demand a discri- trends and future prospects, Routledge, mination among the civil servant’s public London, 2002, p. 15. office, the public office of the political 6 Armenia Androniceanu, Noutăţi în elected official and the political office37. managementul public, ediţia a 3-a, Bucureşti: Editura Universitară, 2008, pp. 15-16. Keeping a balance between centrally- 7 sprung political control over the management Armenia Androniceanu, Impactul „Noului of human resources and managerial Management Public” asupra administraţiei publice din România in Administraţie şi flexibility within public organizations is management public, Bucharest: ASE Publishing, especially challenging due to the extensive 2006, No. 6, pp. 13-19. set of rules and regulations. The pace of 8 Ibidem, p. 15. public organizational reform is also dece- 9 Ibidem, p. 16. lerated by the same centrally-introduced 10 Armenia Androniceanu, op.cit.,2008, pp. 231-232 rules and regulations that govern the 11 Ibidem, p. 232. public management of human resources. 12 Gabriela Matei, Pena Antonevici, Afrodita Popa, Victor Giosan, Romania in Serdar Yilmaz,

79 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 ROMANIA TODAY Cătălina Maria Georgescu

Jozsef Hegedus, Michael E. Bell, Subnational 22 Fred A. Kramer, op. cit., p. 152. Data Requirements for Fiscal Decentralization: 23 M.J. Mafunisa, Separation of politics from Case Studies from Central and Eastern Europe, the South African public service: rhetoric or World Bank Publications, 2003, p. 82. reality?, in Journal of Public Administration, 13 Armenia Androniceanu, op. cit., 2008, p. 232. Vol. 38, No. 2, June 2003, pp. 85-101. 14 Armenia Androniceanu, op. cit., 2008, p. 236. 24 Ibidem, p. 98. 15 Adapted after Armenia Androniceanu, op. 25 Loverd and Pavlak, op. cit., p. 2. cit., 2008, pp. 232-235 and Willy McCourt, 26 Fred A. Kramer, op. cit., p. 155 and Willy The merit system and integrity in the public McCourt, 2007, p. 6. service, paper presented in the Conference on 27 See M.J. Mafunisa, op. cit., pp. 89-90. Public Integrity and Anticorruption in the 28 Ibidem, p. 90. Public Service, Bucharest, 2007, p. 6. 29 See, for instance, the dichotomy model/ 16 David H. Rosenbloom, Public Administration: depoliticized bureaucracy model as explained understanding management, politics and law in in M.J. Mafunisa, op. cit., pp. 87-88. the public sector, New York, McGraw-Hill, 30 Armenia Androniceanu, op. cit., 2006, p. 16. 1993, p. 224. 31 Marius Profiroiu, Alina Profiroiu, Cadrul 17 Adapted after Willy McCourt, Public general privind evoluţia funcţiei publice din Appointments: from Patronage to Merit, in Human România in Administraţie şi management public, Resources in Development Group Working Paper Bucharest: ASE Publishing, 2006, No. 6, p. 46. Series, Institute for Development Policy and 32 Armenia Androniceanu, op. cit., 2008, p. 208. Management, University of Manchester, and 33 Kaufman, 1965, p. 31 apud Loverd and Armenia Androniceanu, op. cit., 2008, p. 236. Pavlak, in Jack Rabin et al. op. cit., p. 6. 18 Armenia Androniceanu, op. cit., 2008, p. 236-237. 34 Sorauf, 1960, apud Loverd and Pavlak, op. 19 Ibidem, pp. 241-242. cit., p 6. 20 Richard A. Loverd, Thomas J. Pavlak, 35 McMurty apud Loverd and Pavlak in Jack Analysing the historical development of the Rabin et al., op. cit., p. 9. American civil service in Jack Rabin, Handbook 36 Heclo apud Loverd and Pavlak in Jack Rabin of public personnel administration, CRC Press, et al., op. cit., p. 9. 1995, p.2. 37 Armenia Androniceanu, op.cit., 2008, pp. 112-113. 21 Van Riper, 1958, apud Loverd and Pavlak, 38 Evan M. Berman et all., op. cit., p. 60. op. cit., p. 2.

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ROMANIA TODAY POLITICS, ADMINISTRATION AND ECONOMY

Structural Modifications in the Romanian Economy under the Coercions Imposed by the Growth of the Competitiveness*

Gheorghe PÎRVU Ramona GRUESCU Roxana NANU

Abstract: The structural convergence of the economies of the new EU Member States is positively influenced by the growth of the average from the services sector and negatively by a relatively high contribution of the industry, trade and transport; the agricultural sector, by reducing the contribution of the GDP in all these countries, sustains the process of structural adjustment. The structural changes from the economy are accompanied by a reduction of the employment rate from agriculture and its growth in the services sector, this trend is also maintaining after the accession to the EU, estimating that in the next ten years the number of those who will focus on a third sector will be of 10% from the employed population. The employment rate from industry registers a non-linear evolution, it grows in the first stages and then it decreases. Keywords: structural convergence, competitiveness, economic growth, adjustment.

Romania's accession to the European In this sense, the measures adopted Union raises numerous issues concerning concern: land reform, reform of economic the competitiveness of agriculture: “The incentives, liberalization of total prices and reform of agriculture is the main objective: reducing subsidies, accelerated program of production efficiency and competitiveness privatization, restructuring and liquidation”. of Romanian products. Romanian agriculture has lost the appearance of mass production, which * The paper disseminates the results of National alienates us from the agriculture of other Research Project: STUDY REGARDING THE OPTIMIZATION OF THE NATIONAL TOURISTIC EU countries. Remaining in the agricul- POTENTIAL DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY tural production stage craft will condemn AND THE IMPROVEMENT OF ROMANIA’S us to stagnation and importing food. IMAGE AS A TOURISTIC DESTINATION, PCE Therefore, a part of our agriculture should 375/2007 (CNCSIS), Research Manager - Assoc. remain in the economy of scale. We Prof. Ph. D. Gruescu Ramona cannot be ruled out neither of the two in that the development strategy is concerned.

81 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 ROMANIA TODAY Gheorghe Pîrvu, Ramona Gruescu, Roxana Nanu

To ensure market demand for both sectors, To study the convergence of real agricultural sector with a mass production Romanian agriculture with the European cannot adapt to the economy of scale in Union, we can write a SWOT matrix (strengths, the industry. weaknesses, opportunities and risks). Family agriculture is excessively atomized Strengths of the Romanian agriculture: as regards property and organization, and - the second largest agricultural this situation can be corrected through producer in Central and Eastern policies that bring it closer to an integrated Europe, after Poland (agricultural economic environment that produces con- area of 14.8 million hectares); centrated offers. Moreover, agriculture cannot - climate and soil are conducive to become performing integrated as industry, the development of an efficient and also have auto producers. Without agriculture; integration with upstream does not supply - potential development of organic the downstream integration with no market farming; and that demand stable. - use of traditional, not intensive, A great decision in Romanian agri- methods. culture at the beginning of this century was Weaknesses of the Romanian agriculture: a complex restructuring of production and - the role of “safety net” for people realization of links with industry and services who cannot find work in other in the private ownership structures. areas; In this process, the market has a role, - under resistance of farmers: large but orientation in directions that run the number of small, family farms; older States of the EU should be supported - large share of auto producers; by policies that ensure economic perfor- - agricultural market is not fully mance. Technical performance does not render functional; economic and efficient if companies are - low level of support for farmers, not open to the market. Competitiveness of low level of information capacity our agriculture in the process of European and poor access to European funds; integration must be ensured in terms of a - declining share of agricultural pro- large opening to international trade. This duction in GDP has been accom- does not mean that agriculture will be- panied by an increase in the share come the victim of a lack of protection of agricultural population to against unfair practices that penetrate our occupied civilian population. domestic market. Romania is expecting that, under the Reforming the agricultural sector is conditions created by the membership to the basis of a comprehensive reform in the the European Union, to obtain or Romanian society in the process of creating consolidate: a market economy. Formation and functioning - economic stability; of agricultural markets require competitive - large investments in structural funds; principles: reform of agricultural structures, - higher revenue for farmers; agricultural policy reform, institutional reform, - access to unique market for its products; administrative reform. For the success of - increased demand for products structural reforms, an active industrial policy with high added value. must be accompanied by increasing com- Threats and risks for Romania's agriculture petitiveness in the agricultural sector. are related to:

82 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

POLITICS, ADMINISTRATION AND ECONOMY Structural Modifications in Romanian Economy…

- fragmented agricultural structures; As a result of these industry changes, EU - land markets and poor farming – has to pursue two objectives that are, in land market is underdeveloped, re- fact, objectives of Romania's adaptation to presenting only 5% of the total the industrially-scale enlarged internal potential of this market; market and to the international competi- - access to credit - equity investments tiveness of insuring enterprises' own markets represent only 30% of the level cal- worldwide. culated by the EU for Romania to The main objective of restructuring meet European standards; and resizing Romanian industry, for effec- - limited access to markets; tive integration in the industry with mini- - intermediate consumption is extremely mal participation and disadvantage to the low (-25%), according to extensive single market, is to increase the compe- agricultural activities; titiveness of national industrial production, - lack of human capital; a goal achievement which involves the - productivity is half the EU average, essence of transformation and development while production costs are higher by at three levels: at the level of companies in about 30%; each industry (sector) in the industries that - the large share of auto producers - the obtained performance will be con- two times greater than the level sidered representative to the national eco- normally considered as a maximum nomic complex, at the level of the inter- of 30% of agricultural output. national context, and at the level of industrial Through the enlargements made in policies. 2004 and 2007, EU wants to achieve: A multi-criterion analysis of comparative - a better competitive position in the advantages of 22 industrial sectors, made world; by a prestigious group of researchers, led - a broadening of the market for their to a ranking of the sectors that performed products (a market of Central and Eastern on the basis of ten performance criteria Europe of 100 million consumers). relevant: production dynamics; the dynamics The policies implemented in the agri- of investment; overall profitability; outstanding cultural sector explain many of the payments; degree of privatization; produc- successes and failures of restructuring in tivity; energy intensiveness. this area. Depending on the particularities and In return, the industry is one of the their positions after the comparative ad- branches that will need to ensure econo- vantage in the manufacturing industry, has mic expansion at home and internationally, resulted an interesting typological grouping in terms of the contemporary world lives that reflects the potentially competitive and participate in a profound scientific noticeable difference: revolution which produces mutations in a. Sectors with comparative advantage the core structure of industrial production globally and relative stability – food and world demand. We are assisting at the and beverages, clothes industry, foot- decline of traditional industries with high wear and leather industry, industry share of industrial production and the products other non-metallic materials; emergence of new sectors, branches and industry of machinery and electrical sub branches that have to face no risk to appliances, furniture manufacturing and remain outside the race in top industries, other activities not classified; generating and delivering technical progress.

83 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 ROMANIA TODAY Gheorghe Pîrvu, Ramona Gruescu, Roxana Nanu b. Sectors with comparative advantage of our country as lowest, because other globally, subjected to important econo- countries (Czech Republic, Poland, Hungary) mic and financial risks – textile in- have a significantly increased export ca- dustries and textile products, wood pacity of the sectors of manufacturing processing industry (except the production machinery and equipment, while Romania of furniture); continues to export products in large c. Sectors that have recorded a high and quantities from low-technology sectors late emphasized privatization and (garments, footwear, furniture) and reduced restructuring, which can be sources of processing (fuel resulted from oil refining major risks of loss of markets – pulp, and steel products represent over half the paper and cardboard industry; oil pro- usual volume of export). cessing, coal coking and nuclear fuel From the evaluations carried out results treatment; chemical fibres, synthetic the need of adopting a set of measures to and artificial; metallurgical industry; ensure conditions for effective affirmation industry of machinery and equipment; of the competitive advantages of existing road vehicles industry; industry of and potential industries. They must take other means of transport; into account the conclusions resulting from d. Sectors with comparative advantages studies and projections prepared by the overall, that are in a relative economic- Ministry of Industry and Commerce, the financial equilibrium – the processing Institute of Economics of Industry, other of rubber and plastics, construction, institutes and research teams rated in the metal industry and metal products country and abroad. (excluding machinery, equipment and  Romanian industry has a labor force installations), the tobacco industry; of adequate qualification but most in- e. Sectors with superior potential in global dustrial units are overload and the staff comparative advantages characterized has technically spent all moral capital by high technologies, located in a low and is much less flexible, which induces stage of development-publishing, prin- a modest level of productivity of the ting and reproduction of recorded media, total invoice. industry of computer and office equipment,  Romanian industry still has competitive industry of radio, television and commu- advantages in production and export nications, industry of medical equipment, of industrial goods with low labor precision, optical and watch making. cost, low tech, low added value. In the In the grouping proposed by the European Union market, the competition authors of the study, the first two groups of with labor-intensive sectors from de- industries that have comparative advantages, veloping countries is a public threat, but overall present unfavorable charac- turning to embarrass the considerable teristics of low-tech, high intensity of labor, advantages. At this threat is added the also reduced added value. Products of these fact that the most powerful Romanian sectors are mostly exported in European export products are registered with the Union countries, which show the poor total groups of goods medium and highly supply of Romanian export. The index of protected. export specialization in Romania in relation  Through the characteristics mentioned to the European Union compared to that of in the preceding paragraph, it is countries in transition showed the situation obvious that the Romanian exports towards the EU countries continue to 84 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

POLITICS, ADMINISTRATION AND ECONOMY Structural Modifications in Romanian Economy…

be similar to that of exports to develo- preneurs from European Union countries ping countries rich in natural resources. in the Romanian economy, and foster In this respect, it should indicate that partnership links of productive units the most demanding industrial products between Romanian units and Western worldwide existing on the Romanian Europe. These forms can provide a market are, according to the United substantial transfer of technological Nations data, simple steel, sodium know-how, management and marketing hydroxide, sunflower oil, heavy plate to the Romanian industrial units, and rolled steel in simple environ- creating the prerequisites for recovery ments, furniture, cement and garments. above the existing competitive advan-  In assessing the effectiveness of ex- tages and value in putting progressive ports, one must keep in mind that the potential advantages revealed above. share of high added value production Priorities (coordinates) of strategic is not always high productivity and industrial policy of Romania, in order to efficiency, if the structure is increase competitiveness, have in mind: dominated by the added costs of labor 1. Industry restructuring conceived in terms (where the production of engines, of national competitive advantage, rather knitwear and furniture, in these costs than those of comparative advantage, represents more than 50% of added as comparative advantages relates in par- value). ticular to equip industry with factors  Over 60% of Romanian exports to the of production, while competitive advan- EU correspond to sectors that are labor- tage is based, mainly, on efficient use intensive in these countries. Conse- of factors, the efficient industrial activity. quently, the Romanian foreign trade The future configuration of industrial has a positive coverage for the goods structures should be aligned to the which are labor-intensive in the Euro- main trends in global technology, pean Union and a negative one for the which has a high mobility and shows goods on intensive R&D plans, the a new process of industrial revolution use of skilled handwork and capital. based on knowledge associated to the  Adequate capitalization of the existing operation of comparative/competitive competitive advantages and potential, advantage. In order to gradually shift to- that Romanian industry presents, can wards industry-based knowledge resources, be ensured by improving significant the restructuring policies must take productivity factors and using tools into account the following aspects: that can encourage progressive formation a) investments should be directed of a tender to export products, and towards priority skills with a great include medium and high tech, with productive and innovative potential, high added value, in an increasingly able to create new professions and large proportion. specializations for the future eco-  In these conditions, supplementing nomy; industrial production, in Romania’s b) the key elements of competiti- relations with the European Union, veness are not limited to the direct should extend as much as possible in costs of factors of production, but the direction of industry and high-tech the quality of education and training medium, primarily in stimulating the qualification of the labor force, direct investment of firms and entre- efficient industrial organization,

85 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 ROMANIA TODAY Gheorghe Pîrvu, Ramona Gruescu, Roxana Nanu

the scientific research and techno- An important adjustment in the national logical development, availability economy according to the requirements of of infrastructure services that help membership to the European Union sub- the flow of industrial goods, high mits development. In the production of quality products etc. services, developments in recent years can c) Promotion of sustainable development be described by the following coordinates: in industry, in terms of getting pro- - sustained growth in the share that holds ducts and cleaner development of services in the achievement of a GDP; clean technologies. Eco-industry already - structural, balancing through services, knows the market growing ra- population; pidly and will grow considerably, - differentiated increases, but in some areas, worldwide, in the current decade, as we have noted previously, significant and Romania will have to rally to production in different parts of them, this trend. which is a concern for product deve- 2. Substantial increase in the volume of lopment services; industrial production, an increase in the - filling a large number of people in overall economy, thus ensuring limiting services activities, the area in the next unemployment. period should be levelled by improving 3. Shaping and implementation of potential the quality of services to the population; specialized directions of processing - increasing the hotel business, which industries, which, in the long term, meant a better hotel occupancy and predict industrial structures in Romania, contribution to GDP; based on the following criteria: energy - a contribution of about 50% of pro- (energy intensity), technology (the duction services to GDP (in some countries technical equipment, upgrading technology), – Sweden, Switzerland etc. – services organic (pollution-free) and economic are more than 70% in achieving GDP); efficiency (size of gross added value). - developing financial services, banking Despite the under-functional and un- and capital market. perfected elements in today’s Romanian Main factors affecting economic develop- industry, some even maintained and en- ment of the tertiary sector are: hanced in the 18 years of transition, this  growth – which is evolving (in a good or branch of the national economy has the bad pace) in the economy in a period of required potential that is realistically assessed, time – influences the development of cultivated and grown with care in accor- services, which is both a prerequisite and dance with new axes of development out- an effect of the evolution of whole economies; lined by the economic globalization process.  final consumption expenditure of the Policies and instruments used with population is influenced by real income, discrimination and the effectiveness of the saving trend, taxes and subsidies from developed countries engaged in global com- the budget (allowances, benefits etc.) petition, and lessons learned from carrying consumer credit etc. Increased consumption out reform in the Romanian economy after expenditures of other individuals and 1989 have engaged the reliable reference households leads to an increase in the guide for defining major directions of rate of demand for services; action in order to increase the competi-  costs of investment in infrastructure de- tiveness of Romanian industry and amplify velopment and modernization of tech- the global markets. 86 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

POLITICS, ADMINISTRATION AND ECONOMY Structural Modifications in Romanian Economy…

nical services industries influence growth the position and role of services in the of services and offer a level of quality; national economy. The three dimensions are:  consumption expenditure of public and  the inextricable link between services private administration influence the evo- and the process of building and running lution of public services, not markets, the market; for the benefit of the community or  the deepening of intra-connexion relation- groups of households; ships and integration of services and the  rates – the exchange rate of currency in rest of the economy in general, and between relation to the main currencies influencing services and industry in particular; changes in international volute services,  enhancing opportunities for growth and stimulating or, on the contrary, discouraging development with the purpose of exten- exports, with multiplier effects on the ding international transactions of services, entire economy; following their gradual liberalization, the  interest rates – determine the cost of institutional approach to the GATS borrowing, encouraging or not the re- (globally) and the European Approval (at course to loans for both investment and European level); as a partner, Romania has consumption; made specific commitments to liberalization.  inflation-rate – changes in the general price index affect the purchasing power References of population, cost of products, with 1. Iancu A. (2008), “The Problem of consequences for both the demand and Economic Convergence”, in Supplement for supply of services. the Magazine Economic and Applied Theory. 2. Lipsey, R. (2000), “Inward ISD and economic Other economic factors like the growth in developing countries”, Trans- taxation level (taxes, fees, excises etc.), national Corporations vol. 9, no. 1, 2000. budget policy (allocation of state budget 3. Patraş M. (2008), “The Evolution of Romania’s expenditure for public services), the pace Economy in EU: Preliminary Results and of growth of labor productivity and others, Immediate Perspectives (years 2007-2008)”, also influence the development of services in Economic Magazine, 18 June 2008. and therefore should be carefully analyzed 4. Pîrvu Gh., Crâng-Foamete C. (2008), for a rigorous foundation of strategies for “Disparities in the territorial structure of the the development of the tertiary sector. Romanian economy”, International Conference Reconsidering the role and importance Competitiviness and Stability in the Knowledge-Based Economy, Craiova. of services in the development of Romania’s 5. Zaman Gh. (2007), “Strategic points of strategy should be a stringent requirement the efficiency of Romania’s Integration because of the state of insufficient deve- Process in the European Union”, Volume of lopment of this sector in our country, the Conference AGER 2007. compared to the developed countries and 6. *** National Bank of Romania, Annual even compared to countries like ours, in Report 2007, Review of the Main Economic the process of structural adjustment to the and Financial Evolutions in 2007. new contract imposed by the membership 7. *** European Cohesión Forum, 27-28 to the European Union. september, 2007, Brussels. At least three dimensions of the 8. *** The Report: Romania 2008, Oxford Business Group, 15 January 2008. “development services”, that give substantive 9. *** http://www.mie.ro/index.php?p=205 appreciation to the Romanian efficient 10. *** insse.ro. economic structures, while Europe and the world witness a relentless amplification of

87 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES?

How to Kill Civilians in the Name of “Human Rights”: Lessons from Sri Lanka

Michael RADU*

Abstract: This article is an overview of the recent history of Sri Lanka. Starting from the quarter of history of civil war, the author argues that humanitarian feeling are no policy alternative to common sense and that a military solution is, in some circumstances, the best way to save civilian lives. Keywords: conflict, human live, human rights, civilian casualties, NGOs, military solution.

fter a conflict of more than a quarter Sri Lanka, an Indian Ocean country of a century of terrorism and civil the size of West Virginia, has a diverse A war that killed 70,000 people, Sri population – 81 percent is Sinhalese, most Lankans finally think they have defeated of them Buddhist; some 11 percent are the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), Tamils, who are generally Hindus, either perhaps the world’s most murderous terrorist immigrants from India or native. Eight organization. Why and how a small country percent of the population are Muslims. As of 21 million succeeded in defeating such is so often the case in the former British a group where much bigger powers have Empire, the native group most adept to failed is a good lesson for those who study Western education and adaptable to British terrorism and counterinsurgency. These lessons interests – in this case the Tamils – were are primarily political and legal, but also disproportionately represented among the military and diplomatic, and they include educated at the time of independence both successes and pitfalls in a small (1948), and thus resented by the majority. country’s road to peace and development. Free elections repeatedly brought to power Sinhalese populists/socialists. Tamils were * Michael Radu, Ph.D., is Senior Fellow pushed aside and the majority language and Co-Chair of the Center on Terrorism declared the only official one. The result and Counterterrorism (Foreign Policy was, and to some extent remains, Tamil Research Institute in Philadelphia). This resentment and demands for autonomy, at article is reprinted with author’s permission, least in the northern (Jaffna) and Eastern from: http://www.fpri.org/enotes/200902.radu. (Trincomalee) areas where they predominate. killcivilianshumanrightssrilanka.html Key to understanding why the LTTE lasted for so long and why India was in- 88 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES? How to Kill Civilians in the Name of ″Human Rights”: Lessons from Sri Lanka volved in Sri Lanka on and off at various itself to elections; to the contrary, it is a times is the fact that some 60 million quasi-cult terror group, subservient to the Tamils live in three southern Indian states, whims of one person, Prabhakaran. His primarily Tamil Nadu, and many of those decisions, rather than any nationalist goal, support the LTTE out of ethnic solidarity. send people to their death, train them for Equally, if not more, important, there is a death, preferably from childhood, and large (ca. 800,000) Sri Lankan Tamil diaspora, have long murdered any moderate or mostly in Canada, the UK, Australia, the nonviolent Tamil politician in the country. U.S., and southeast Asia. This diaspora is In that, and many other respects, the LTTE radicalized and, like most diasporas living are similar to other cult–like revolutionary in safety, more radical than co–nationals in terrorists, such as the Kurdistan Workers’ the country of origin. It still provides the Party (PKK) of Abdullah Ocalan in Turkey funds, propaganda support, and public and Abimael Guzman’s Communist Party relations vital to the LTTE’s survival. of Peru, a.k.a. Shining Path. Compared to The LTTE pretends to fight for a those, Stalin and Mao had and officially separate Tamil state (Tamil Eelam) in the claimed fewer powers. To comprehend northern and eastern parts of the island, LTTE, imagine Jim Jones’ Temple cult of and it has actually established a de facto state Guyana in possession of a “navy” and “air in those areas for almost a decade, complete force,” as well as (at its height) some with administration, courts, taxation, education, 20,000 fanatical and armed zombie followers. etc. – until it lost it all following the Sri Prabhakaran imposed a blood tax on Lankan Army (SLA) offensive since the the people under his control. Each family beginning of 2008. What did that “state” had to provide a son to the LTTE – a pattern look like? condemned by Amnesty International, “Though receiving considerable popular Human Rights Watch, and the UN. LTTE support, the LTTE regime was (is) a made every follower bear a cyanide pill command state. It has always been a military (thus few “Tigers” were ever captured) and outfit and the insurrectionary war situation established special units, such as the “black hardly encouraged anything other than Tigers,” for murder and assassination. In dictatorship, but [Vellupillai Prabhakaran]’s fact, until the early 1990s, the LTTE led personal proclivities and the veneration he the world in suicide bombings, with vic- received as a demi-god would have ac- tims including a president and many mi- centuated this characteristic. Command state nisters of Sri Lanka, as well as a former meant (means) command economy. State Prime Minister of India, Rajiv Gandhi enterprises in transport, restaurants, etc. (1991). Unsurprisingly, the UN, EU, U.S., augmented the returns from taxation and and India all declared the LTTE a terrorist import duties. A critical dimension of its group. Still, in the rich West, pro-LTTE local resources was the supply of monies groups were allowed to collect funds (and from the SL government in Colombo, occasional recruits), always illegally and namely, salaries and pensions paid to a under threat, usually under the pretext of wide range of Tamil–speaking administrators, “freedom of expression” but, in places like including health officials, who were em- Canada, for electoral considerations. ployees of the central state.”1 The result was that for two decades To begin with, the LTTE , despite its the LTTE was one of the world richest claims and effective propaganda, does not terror groups, able to create its own “navy” represent the Tamils. It never submitted and “air force” – two bad ideas turning

89 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Michael Radu against itself as it happened. That wealth diated “peace process” only led to more and Prabhakaran’s unlimited ambitions led terrorism from the LTTE, the de facto the LTTE to establish a conventional military partition of the island, and no solution to force, helped, officially and economically the Tamil problem. The result was its for- by the do-gooders from Norway – a wealthy mal withdrawal from the “process,” its country with overseas ambitions and best declaration of LTTE as a “terrorist organi- intentions, serving as a “mediator” between zation,” and a serious military campaign Sri Lanka and the LTTE. It was precisely aimed at the destruction of the “Tigers” as the Norwegian mediation that, for almost a an armed force. decade, allowed the LTTE to establish its Starting last year, the SLA’s better de facto state in the north and east and trained and armed elements – some 50,000 Prabhakaran to use that for creating his altogether – began a steady offensive against totalitarian “state” there. LTTE-controlled areas in the north and With an economy based on tourism, northwest (the east, following Karuna’s de- rubber, and tea and heavily dependent on fection, was already “Tiger “free). By January foreign aid, Sri Lanka was obviously vul- 2009 Kilinochchi, Prabhakaran’s “capital,” nerable to terrorism, especially in regard to and Mullaitivu, his last major stronghold, tourism – and to the influence and fell. From a height of over 7,000 square sensibilities of Western donors. The latter, miles, the LTTE area of control shrank to as usual, are themselves “sensitive” to the some 30 square miles – all surrounded by enormously effective, and wealthy, pro- the military, from land and sea. While there LTTE Tamil diaspora and the international are conflicting views over Prabhakaran’s “human rights” lobbies – such as AI and fate, it is most likely he is still in that area HRW. Each of those, over time and for its – after all, he is a wanted man by the purposes, acted to prolong the conflict, pro- Interpol and most area countries. It is in tect the LTTE, and thus have more Sri this environment that the so-called “human Lankans killed. At no time is that deadly rights” NGOs and their political supporters coalition’s impact more obvious than now, are actively, whether willingly or not, when the LTTE is on its deathbed. supporting the survival of the LTTE. By the end of 2007, the Sri Lankan Most sources, from AI to HRW, the electorate was tired of a war that never ended, Red Cross, and even Colombo, agree that of a de facto division of the country; and some 200,000 or more civilians are trapped of the war’s continuing when a major part in the shrinking LTTE-controlled area. AI’s of the LTTE, under a defecting leader Yolanda Foster admitted that “We just don’t (second in command to Prabhakaran, know what’s been happening in the last few Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan, a.k.a. “Karuna”) weeks in Sri Lanka2. Her HRW colleagues, was ready to cripple the “Tigers.” He did based on the same information, condemned so, and is now the official leader of eastern the Sri Lanka regime for “failing to distin- region – and as a former “Tiger” he effec- guish between the trapped civilians and the tively controls, legally or not, a key area. rebels.” The government, she noted, has Under President Mahinda Rajapaksa, launched “indiscriminate artillery attacks whose brother Gotabaya Rajapaksa is con- on civilians” who are trapped in the war zone, veniently the defense minister, and under shelling hospitals and other designated the very competent military leader Lieutenant humanitarian “safe zones.” She also ad- General Sarath Fonseka, the Colombo govern- mitted that, “Cornered and desperate, the ment decided that the Norwegian-me- Tamil Tigers, have responded by using 90 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES? How to Kill Civilians in the Name of ″Human Rights”: Lessons from Sri Lanka civilians as human shields and forcing years for civilians formerly under Tiger others, including children, into service as control and indoctrination – and plausibly fighters and porters on the battlefield.”3 infiltrated by terrorist cadres. If there are indeed some 200,000 or Ultimately, the issue is quite simple, more civilians in the 30 square miles under both morally and practically. The eradica- LTTE control (that would make that area tion of the LTTE, at least as a conventional one of the most densely populated in the force, saves civilian lives. Misguided or, in world, at 6,600 people per square mile), the case of pro-Tiger diaspora groups, dis- how is the army going to separate them honest calls for a ceasefire would inevitably from the LTTE cadres? Can any army do lead to more civilian casualties and a that? Obviously not, which is why the “so- revival of terrorism. Reason, rather than lution” advocated by the NGOs and, more pacifist or irrational thinking as manifested logically, by the Tigers’ propaganda ma- by the human rights establishment, would chine in the West and southern India, is a suggest that their efforts should be directed “cease-fire,” ostensibly to allow the eva- toward aid to Sri Lanka for the reinsertion cuation of civilians. That is why LTTE of Tamil civilians and not toward throwing sympathizers are demonstrating in India, a line to the sinking LTTE. England, and Canada, ostensibly in favor For more than a decade Western liberal of a cease fire – one that would allow the elites gave the LTTE a pass under the pre- LTTE, once again, to escape final defeat, text that they represent real grievances of come back and, of course, repeat the circle Sri Lanka’s Tamils. Ottawa, Washington, again: civilian hostage taking, use, manipu- and Delhi closed their eyes to their own lation and indoctrination included, as well Tamil citizens’ being forced or manipulated as rearming. We have seen this movie into paying for the murder of civilians in before, and many Sri Lankans, mostly Sri Lanka, despite officially declaring the Tamils, have paid with their lives for it. Tigers a terrorist group. Military sanctions On the other hand, the government were imposed on Colombo, aid was con- intends to establish rehabilitation camps ditioned on tolerance of, or “peace nego- for Tamil refugees from Tiger controlled– tiations” with, Prabhakaran – and the Tiger areas – and impose security controls as well. cancer grew. All of this pushed the government Many of those refugees are traumatized by in Colombo into some dubious friendships LTTE and war conditions, but some, like a (Iran and Venezuela come to mind), counter- recent female suicide bomber disguised as productive and unnecessary if common a refugee, are infiltrators who have to be sense in London or Ottawa would have neutralized, which takes time and indivi- been the main policy criterion. dual interrogations. The NGOs’ answer to Ultimately, Western views and policies this common sense? “The LTTE’s grim vis-à-vis Sri Lanka prove that humanitarian practices are being exploited by the govern- feelings and “human rights” are no policy ment to justify its own atrocities…. High– alternative to common sense, and that even level statements have indicated that the small countries, if desperate enough, could ethnic Tamil population trapped in the war solve their secessionist/terrorist problems zone can be presumed to be siding with the even despite the powerful human right LTTE and treated as combatants, effectively NGOs pressures to commit national suicide. sanctioning unlawful attacks.”4 What are the Second, and most important and with wider government “atrocities”? Temporary camps, implications, short term, obsessive preoccu- with schools and clinics, for some two pation with “civilian casualties” is often a

91 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Michael Radu death sentence to civilians in a civil war. Notes The longer the war, especially when the 1 Michael Roberts, “Dilemma’s At War’s End: victor is obvious, the more civilian casualties. Thoughts on Hard Realities,” http://www.ices.lk/ Hence a military solution is, in some cir- about/events/Cricket_Aug08.shtml, citing O’Duffy (2006) and Rajesh Venugopal). cumstances, the best way to save civilian 2 lives. In general, pacifism disguised as Ciaran Walsh, “25 years of civil war in Sri Lanka may see an end,” February 16, 2009 “human rights” or not, always leads to more http://www.russiatoday.com/news/news/37364 death, especially in remote, third world, 3 Somini Sengupta and Mark Mcdonald, small countries vulnerable to the influence Civilian Deaths Up in Sri Lankan War, New of AI or HRW. Ending a war – by force if York Times, February 21, 2009. need be – protects more civilians than 4 Ibidem. prolonging it under any pretexts.

92 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

INTERNATIONAL POLITICS HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES?

Statul independent Kosovo - cui prodest?

Ion DEACONESCU, Mihai Ovidiu CERCEL

Abstract: The proclamation of independence has lead to the re- opening of the debates regarding the situation in the Balkans. This article tries to find the true motives of the American implication in this issue as well as the possible consequences on the short, medium and long term. Keywords: independence, national sovereignty, scenario, international community, war, geostrategy, geo-economy.

Preliminarii cu ambiţii de secesiune, în condiţiile în care există încă regimuri şi mişcări sepa- storia provinciei Kosovo este extrem de ratiste care îşi cer dreptul la autonomie: complexă şi controversată, nefiind nici- Osetia de Sud, Abhazia, Corsica, Trans- I odată un model de interacţiune politică nistria etc. În virtutea aceloraşi argumente, ori de ajustare a tensiunilor şi conflictelor vor fi şi alţii care percep, prin apariţia noului apărute în această arie geografică. Toate stat Kosovo, o posibilă şi viitoare acţiune de demersurile de eliminare a asperităţilor te- răsturnare a suveranităţii naţionale din motive ritoriale, politice, economice şi socio-cul- morale sau umanitare, dat fiind faptul că turale ce au fost prezente aici nu au favo- O.N.U, alte organizaţii internaţionale, S.U.A, rizat o acomodare paşnică între sârbi şi precum şi cîteva ţări occidentale au favo- albanezi ci, dimpotrivă, soldându-se, în cele rizat, prin pasivitate politică, acţiunile se- din urmă, cu pierderi umane şi materiale paratiste din această zonă. de ambele părţi, mai ales pentru Belgrad, Aşa s-a ajuns la încurajarea unei reale care s-a văzut în situaţia de învins, prin forţe opuse, perturbatoare, într-o geografie schimbarea de sistem şi de frontiere. extrem de sensibilă, marea extindere a Astfel, prin crearea artificială, după fostei Iugoslavii ducînd la declinul şi frag- unii, normală după alţii, a statului indepen- mentarea acesteia, la început, apoi, la distru- dent Kosovo, s-a modificat distibuţia pu- gerea cvasitotală. terii în această parte a Balcanilor, prin Nu “minoritatea creatoare”, cum ar spune apariţia unui precedent periculos în ceea ce Arnold Toynbee, ci printr-o agresivitate per- priveşte relaţiile internaţionale şi poziţio- manentă şi susţinută din exterior, albanezii narea unor noi actori în sistemul mondial. din Kosovo au zdruncinat din temelii „pax Prin proclamarea independenţei de către balcanica” întrucât s-au produs mutaţii sem- Parlamentul din Kosovo la 12 februarie nificative în raporturile dintre state, înde- 2008, se impune un “model” şi pentru cei osebi în Europa, prin recunoaşterea inde-

93 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Ion Deaconescu, Mihai Ovidiu Cercel pendenţei Provinciei Kosovo. Ostilitatea morţi şi răniţi sârbi, muntenegreni, mace- dintre sârbi şi albanezi, manifestată în de- doneni, ţigani. cursul a cîtorva secole, conflictul deschis Teheranul a sprijinit, începînd cu 1997, dintre creştini şi musulmani, când Kosovo toate acţiunile teroriste ale U.C.K, în nu- a făcut parte, la început, din Imperiul Sârb mele protecţiei comunităţii musulmane din sub dinastia Nemanjici (sec. XII), integrat zonă, în vederea consolidării aşa-zisei axe ulterior în Federaţia Iugoslavă, condusă de “Săgeata verde” Sarajevo-Tirana prin expe- Tito, s-au acutizat profund după obţinerea dierea în Kosovo de echipamente militare, independenţei statului kosovar, moment armament, aparatură de supraveghere şi bine pregătit şi susţinut în timp de state şi comunicare. În plus, gărzile revoluţionare instituţii europene şi americane care au iraniene au antrenat o bună parte din com- favorizat radicalizarea terorismului islamic batanţii U.C.K, iar foştii luptători iranieni din această zonă. din Bosnia s-au alăturat organizaţiei din Priştina. U.C.K – mişcare separatistă militarizată Şi Germania a contribuit efectiv la in- O întrebare gravă încă nu şi-a primit flamarea periculoasă a situaţiei din Balcani, un răspuns general acceptabil: cum a fost prin acordarea de asistenţă militară alba- posibil ca cele mai importante ţări ale nezilor kosovari. Prestigioasa publicaţie lumii, cu democraţii consistente, să susţină Frankfurter Algemeine Zeitung relata în şi să participe la crearea unui stat islamic 1999, că U.C.K era susţinută de Berlin pentru în chiar inima Europei? a declanşa o “criză umanitară”, care, ul- Din ce raţiuni şi interese au fost ani- terior, să se constituie într-o justificare a mate aceste state în demersul lor atât de intervenţiei N.A.T.O în regiune. periculos şi duplicitar pentru relaţiile inter- În conformitate cu dezvăluirile din Le naţionale şi echilibrul puterii în lume? monde diplomatique, serviciile secrete ger- Pe ce baze U.C.K, organizaţie tero- mane puneau la dispoziţia luptătorilor ristă recunoscută, a beneficiat de o complexă U.C.K. uniforme şi echipament militar din expertiză politică germană, americană, depozitele fostei STASI. Mai mult decît engleză etc? atît, BND (serviciul secret german), Mili- Grup separatist-terorist, U.C.K a fost tarmschirmdienst, şi K.S.K. (Kommando Spezial sprijinit mulţi ani de diverse instituţii şi Krafte) au oferit organizaţiei teroriste alba- firme specializate din străinătate, cercuri neze armament şi logistică, iar Reiner Kesselring, de lobby din Congresul american, state directorul B.N.D., fiul generalului Luft- musulmane (Iran, Albania, Yemen, Arabia waffe care bombardase Belgradul, în 1941, Saudită, Bosnia), guverne, personalităţi po- provocând moartea a 17.000 de civili şi litice (Ayatollahul Ali Khamenei, Klaus Kinkel, militari, a organizat, prin sprijin K.S.K, Richard Halbrooke, Madelaine Albright), activităţi de antrenament ale combatanţilor organizaţii extremiste (Al Quaeda). islamişti U.C.K la o bază militară germană U.C.K s-a aflat la originea unor acţiuni din Turcia. teroriste în Kosovo, încă de la începutul În 1997, Departamentul de Stat al S.U.A. conflictului, cînd, în perioada ianuarie 1991 considera U.C.K ca o organizaţie teroristă, – iulie 1998, au iniţiat 797 de atacuri ar- ulterior, opţiunea militară s-a schimbat, mate şi 663 în a doua jumătate a lui 1998, catalogând-o “mişcare de eliberare”, iar împotriva unor secţii militare, cetăţeni sârbi, conducătorii acesteia din “criminali de gospodării private, înregistrându-se sute de război” au fost numiţi “luptători pentru li- bertate” şi, apoi, lideri politici, cum este 94 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES? Statul independent Kosovo – cui prodest? cazul lui Hashim Thaci, ajuns prim mi- ministru al Kosovo, deşi era acuzat de nistru al noului stat independent. crime de război. Duplicitatea americană s-a relevat şi în faptul că multe cadre militare de con- Baza “Bondsteel” şi interesele americane ducere, ofiţeri U.C.K, au fost antrenaţi în în Balcani S.U.A în cadrul Planului de Pace, demers Pe bună dreptate se întreabă Adrian care s-a soldat ulterior, cu apariţia unei Iancu, în articolul „Kosovo, începutul unui forţe militare redutabile, capabilă să ope- alt război rece“, “de ce” destrămarea fostei reze eficace în zonele de conflict deschis, Iugoslavii s-a făcut în “trepte”: mai întâi ocupate de populaţia de origine sârbă. Slovenia, apoi, Croaţia, apoi, după doi ani Un factor destabilizator din Kosovo l- Bosnia-Herţegovina, în fine, după alţi ani, a constituit şi atitudinea exagerat de to- Kosovo. Dacă relaţiile interetnice ar fi fost, lerantă a autorităţilor engleze care au favo- în 1990, atât de dramatic ireconciliabile, rizat radicalizarea acţiunilor etnicilor alba- nu era normal ca dezmembrarea să aibă nezi. În cartea The Coming Balkan Caliphate, loc aproape simultan?”2 Nu cumva, decla- apărută în 2007, autorul, Christopher Deliso rarea unilaterală a independenţei Provinciei atrage atenţia că “Societatea Islamică alba- Kosovo face parte dintr-un scenariu amplu, neză din Londra, condusă de şeicul koso- bine structurat, şi pus în practică de unele var Muhammed Stubla, a făcut un lobby state occidentale, susţinute consistent de activ şi a procurat fonduri pentru U.C.K.”. S.U.A? Or, chiar guvernul de la Încă din 1998, în capitala Angliei, la mos- Washington se afla la originea acestui plan cheea “Finsbury Park”, se făceau recrutări pentru a-şi asigura accesul la petrolul caspic masive de luptători islamici pentru “războiul şi la uriaşele resurse din această parte a sfânt” din Kosovo, sub conducerea şeicului secţiei? Omar Bakri Muhammed, membru al Al- “Operaţiunea Status”, denumită de Qaeda. americani ori “Planul Athisaari”, propusă Există voci care susţin că serviciul se- de O.N.U., evidenţiază mecanismul şi stra- cret britanic M16 era la cunoştinţă de in- tegia guvernului american de a penetra tenţiile şi acţiunile unor lideri musulmani într-o zonă geostrategică şi geo-economică din Anglia, îndeosebi ale lui Omar Bakri extrem de importantă, în care rutele bal- care declara că “noi, islamiştii, nu facem canice, europene şi asiatice se întretaie, iar distincţie între civilizaţi şi non-civilizaţi, conflictele de aici pot fi uşor negociate şi inocenţi şi non-inocenţi. Singura distincţie limitate. Spiritul Războiului Rece şi dimi- pe care o facem este între musulmani şi nuarea cooperării între S.U.A şi o Europă necredincioşi. Viaţa unui necredincios în mai unită au dovedit că prezenţa ameri- Islam nu are nici o valoare.”1 cană pe bătrânul continent nu mai repre- Este de-a dreptul incalificabilă atitu- zintă un deziderat ori o necesitate. dinea tolerantă a unor guverne occidentale Repetatele eşecuri ale comunităţii inter- în legătură cu acţiunile teroriste ale lui Agim naţionale în probleme majore ce trebuiau Ceku, cel care a condus operaţiunea “Storm” gestionate de O.N.U. (a se vedea capul (Furtuna), soldată cu exodul a 250.000 de Iugoslaviei, al Irakului) reclamă un alt fel civili sîrbi şi uciderea a 15.000 de civili. de tip de reacţie din partea marilor puteri, o După încheierea operaţiunii “Mistral” din abordare nouă a protecţiei şi impunerii Vestul Bosniei, generalul Agim Ceku a propriilor interese în lume. Dar, care sunt revenit în Kosovo, devenind comandantul aceste interese americane în Kosovo? U.C.K., iar în 2006 a fost numit prim-

95 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Ion Deaconescu, Mihai Ovidiu Cercel

Există voci care reclamă că, după 1990, regiune fiind identificate rezerve de 7 mi- specialiştii americani au elaborat planul liarde de tone de cărbune, cantităţi uriaşe Kosovo, iar acordul de la Rambouillet, din de zinc şi plumb. “Potrivit experţilor, sus- martie 1999, de ocupare a spaţiului koso- ţine Vladimir Alexe, rezervele de lignit din var de către forţele N.A.T.O, precum şi Kosovo ar fi suficiente Europei în urmă- bombardarea ulterioară a Iugoslaviei, începând toarele 13 secole. ” cu 21 martie 1999, sunt doar consecinţe În aceste condiţii ne întrebăm încă o fireşti ale acestei strategii politico-militare dată, care a fost adevărata miză a S.U.A., de sorginte americană, de penetrare într-o susţinând cu frenezie gruparea U.C.K. şi zonă extrem de importantă pentru S.U.A. acţiunile secesioniste ale acesteia? Interesele Ulterior, acest proiect a fost confirmat majore americane într-o zonă geostrate- de construirea, în acest perimetru, a celei gică şi geo-economică importantă ori mai mari baze americane după războiul din accesul la substanţialele resurse de aici? Vietnam, “Camp Bondsteel”, cu scopul de- “Rezultatele acestor războaie afec- clarat de a securiza oleoductul AMBO tează structurile economice, sociale şi ideo- (Bulgaria, Macedonia, Albania), care asigură logice ale societăţilor individuale ca şi transportul de petrol din Marea Caspică, structurile sistemului internaţional”3, crede prin Marea Neagră, Bulgaria, Macedonia Robert Gilpin. şi Albania, până în portul albanez Vlora de Aserţiunea sa este valabilă şi în cazul la Marea Adriatică şi de aici înspre S.U.A. Kosovo, căci prin independenţa unilaterală Acest nou oleoduct, cu o lungime de acordată acestei provincii s-a creat un pre- 913 km, va transporta zilnic 750.000 de cedent extrem de periculos, cît şi o ano- barili, atât pentru S.U.A., cât şi pentru malie în Balcani, susţine Liza Karpova de unele state occidentale europene. Cons- la publicaţia moscovită Pravda: existenţa trucţia lui a fost finanţată de cele mai mari reală şi concretă a două state albaneze, ca companii petroliere din lume: Chevron şi şi perspectiva de a fi trei, într-un viitor nu Exxon-Mobile, iar terminalul din portul prea îndepărtat, prin probabila cerere a al- albanez Vlora va asigura tancurilor petro- banezilor din Macedonia de a-şi crea pro- liere un transport de aproximativ 300.000 priul stat, iar dacă, pe criterii etnice, alba- tone. nezii din Bosnia vor fi sprijiniţi în ten- După încetarea bombardamentelor asupra dinţele lor separatiste, vom asista la apariţia Iugoslaviei, S.U.A au intrat în posesia a celui de-al patrulea stat albanez, situaţie 500 ha de teren lângă localitatea Uraševac fără precedent în Istoria Europei. şi au construit cea mai mare bază militară, Aşadar, cui prodest noua realitate politică sub conducerea a 1000 de ingineri de la din Balcani? firma “Kellog, Brown and Root Corporation”, condusă până în 2000, de Dick Cheney, Note fost vicepreşedinte al S.U.A. 1 Vladimir Alexe, “Kalifatul mafiot Kosovo, în Ziua”, 15 martie 2008, anul XI, nr. 501, p. 11. Una din explicaţiile apariţiei acestui 2 obiectiv militar major în Balcani rezidă în Adrian Iancu, Kosovo, “Începutul unui alt existenţa în zonă a unor consistente resurse război rece”, în Săptămâna financiară, 3 martie 2008. p. 12. minerale de argint, aur, zinc, cărbune, lo- 3 Robert Gilpin, Război şi schimbare în politica calizate în perimetrul Stari Trg. Aici se mondială, Ed. Scrisul Românesc, Craiova, 2000, află a treia exploatare de zinc din lume, p. 260. Kosovo fiind un alt Kuweit al Balcanilor, un El Dorado al timpurilor actuale, în 96 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

INTERNATIONAL POLITICS HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES?

Drepturile socio-economice ale cetăţenilor europeni

Cezar AVRAM, Roxana RADU

Abstract: The most important element that stands at the basis of European construction are people, seen as subjects of all community actions. European citizenship gives them a series of rights which permit the exercise of the four fundamental freedoms: the free movement of workers, services, goods and capitals. Socio-economic rights are essential for community social policy whose central core is to be found in questions relating to employment, industrial health, the social costs of industry, labour mobility and the role of social spending in social affairs. Besides the Treaties of Paris, Rome, Maastricht and Amsterdam, Lisabona Treaty both widened responsibilities and consolidated the fundamental rights and liberties, among which social and economic rights play an important role. The Treaty gurantees the application of the European Cart of Fundamental Rights and open the way of adhesion to the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. The most relevant principle is the principle of solidarity which stands at the base of some socio-professional rights such as: the right to consultation and information, the right to collective bargaining and actions, strike inclusive, the right to social security benefits etc. Keywords: right, citizenship, freedom, solidarity, employment.

lementul fundamental care stă la mai înalt a legăturii dintre cetăţeni şi statul baza construcţiei europene este re- integrat în organizaţia europeană. De altfel, E prezentat de oameni, cetăţeni ai Uniunii, motivul care a stat în spatele noţiunii de ca subiecţi ai tuturor acţiunilor comunitare. “cetăţenie europeană” a fost acela că o uni- Realizarea importanţei oamenilor şi a rolului une politică cere o asumare a responsabi- pe care îl joacă cetăţenii în existenţa pre- lităţii pentru condiţia socială a cetăţenilor zentă şi viitoare a Uniunii a dus la extin- care nu pot sprijini o Uniune dezinteresată derea competenţelor comunitare în domeniul de nevoile lor. Acest motiv a apărut ca jus- social şi la introducerea noţiunii de cetă- tificat atunci când nepopularitatea construcţiei ţenie europeană, ca o extindere într-un plan europene a ieşit la suprafaţă odată cu dez-

97 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Cezar Avram, Roxana Radu baterile asupra ratificării Tratatului de la înfăptuite toate cele patru libertăţi se poate Maastricht, ceea ce a adâncit convingerea vorbi de realizarea pieţei unice. Libertatea că UE trebuie nu numai să facă mai mult de circulaţie a persoanelor nu poate fi consi- pentru publicul larg, dar şi să fie văzută derată realizată pe deplin dacă mărfurile, făcând mai mult. O mai mare transparenţă capitalurile şi serviciile nu pot circula fără a acţiunilor comunitare, un efort mai mare restricţii sau interdicţii ori nu există posibi- de a informa publicul asupra a ceea ce ce lităţi de transfer al sumelor dobândite într- se întâmplă, a lua decizii cât mai favo- o altă ţară printr-o activitate desfăşurată rabile oamenilor şi a-i implica cât mai mult potrivit legislaţiei comunitare. Tot astfel, în procesul de luare a deciziilor au devenit libertatea de a furniza servicii implică, în scopuri bune de urmat pentru a asigura o majoritatea cazurilor, circulaţia persoanelor cât mai mare publicitate, relaţii mai strânse către ţara primitoare, dar aceste persoane nu cu organizaţiile de voluntariat şi punerea în urmăresc accesul pe piaţa muncii din aplicare a procedurilor Acordului social această ţară. anexat Tratatului de la Maastricht1. În al doilea rând, cele patru libertăţi nu Conceptul de “cetăţenie a Uniunii” a pot fi realizate fără o puternică afirmare a fost introdus prin Tratatul de la Maastricht, drepturilor fundamentale ale cetăţenilor conform căruia “Orice persoană având naţio- europeni, în special a drepturilor de natură nalitatea unui stat membru va fi cetăţean al socială şi economică care conferă acestora Uniunii. Cetăţenia Uniunii va fi un comple- posibilitatea de a pune în practică aceste ment şi nu va înlocui cetăţenia naţională. libertăţi. Printre celelalte drepturi individuale Cetăţenii Uniunii se vor bucura de toate şi politice care le permit cetăţenilor Uniunii drepturile conferite de acest tratat şi vor fi să-şi exercite cele patru libertăţi sau să şi le subiect al obligaţiilor impuse de acesta”2. apere, dacă le sunt încălcate se numără: Opt din statele membre UE au acceptat dreptul de a circula şi de a locui liber pe dubla cetăţenie: Portugalia, Irlanda, Marea teritoriul statelor membre; dreptul de a vota Britanie, Olanda, Belgia, Franţa, Italia şi şi de a fi ales în cadrul alegerilor munici- Grecia3. pale şi europene, din statul membru unde Cetăţenia europeană înglobează atât îşi are reşedinţa, în condiţii egale cu ceilalţi aspecte de ordin economic, cât şi politic, resortisanţi ai statului; dreptul de protecţie ea conferind titularului, cetăţean al unui diplomatică şi consulară în terţe ţări; dreptul stat membru al Uniunii Europene, indife- de a adresa petiţii. rent de statul pe teritoriul căruia şi-a stabilit Tratatul de la Amsterdam, care a intrat domiciliul sau reşedinţa, anumite drepturi în vigoare în 1999, a contribuit la consoli- civile şi politice. darea drepturilor fundamentale ale cetăţenilor În primul rând, drepturile de care bene- europeni. Acesta a introdus o procedură de ficiază titularii cetăţeniei europene se referă sancţionare a statelor membre care violează la cele patru libertăţi fondatoare ale UE drepturile fundamentale ale cetăţeanului. De care stau la baza creării pieţei unice, insti- asemenea, aria de aplicare a principiului tuite prin Tratatul de la Roma: libera circu- non-discriminării, limitată până atunci la laţie a mărfurilor, persoanelor, serviciilor naţionalitate, a fost extinsă la sex, rasă, re- şi capitalurilor. Cele patru libertăţi nu pot ligie, vârstă şi orientare sexuală. În concluzie, exista însă decât într-o strânsă interdepen- Tratatul de la Amsterdam a îmbunătăţit denţă, fiecare dintre ele vădindu-şi importanţa politica de transparenţă a Uniunii şi le-a proprie în realizarea obiectivelor principale permis cetăţenilor un acces mai larg la do- ale Uniunii Europene. Numai dacă sunt cumentele oficiale ale instituţiilor europene. 98 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES? Drepturile socio-economice ale cetățenilor europeni

Angajamentul Uniunii Europene în favoarea tratatelor”. Conform Declaraţiei nr. 1, Carta drepturilor cetăţenilor a fost subliniat în drepturilor fundamentale a UE “confirmă” mod solemn în anul 2000, la Nisa, prin drepturile fundamentale garantate prin Con- proclamarea Cartei Drepturilor Fundamen- venţia europeană pentru apărarea dreptu- tale a Uniunii Europene. Această Cartă a rilor omului şi a libertăţilor fundamentale fost elaborată de către o Convenţie formată şi care rezultă din “tradiţiile constituţionale din membri ai parlamentelor naţionale şi ai comune statelor membre”. Aceasta înseamnă Parlamentului European, reprezentanţi ai că, în măsura în care Carta recunoaşte guvernelor statelor membre şi un membru drepturi şi principii fundamentale, astfel al Comisiei Europene. cum rezultă acestea din tradiţiile consti- Unul dintre aspectele importante intro- tuţionale comune statelor membre, aceste duse de Tratatul de la Lisabona de modifi- drepturi şi principii trebuie să fie interpre- care a Tratatului privind Uniunea Europeană tate în conformitate cu tradiţiile menţio- şi a Tratatului de instituire a Comunităţii nate4. De asemenea, în această declaraţie Europene, în scopul asigurării unei protecţii se precizează că aceeaşi cartă nu extinde sporite pentru cetăţenii europeni, este repre- domeniul de aplicare a dreptului Uniunii în zentat de consolidarea şi garantarea drepturilor afara competenţelor Uniunii, nici nu omului şi libertăţilor fundamentale. Astfel, creează vreo competenţă sau sarcină nouă Tratatul a introdus art. 1a, conform căruia pentru Uniune şi nu modifică competen- “Uniunea se întemeiază pe valorile respec- ţele şi sarcinile stabilite de tratate. tării demnităţii umane, libertăţii, democraţiei, O altă noutate pe care o introduce noua egalităţii, statului de drept, precum şi pe formă de prezentare a Cartei în cadrul respectarea drepturilor omului, inclusiv a Tratatului de la Lisabona este situaţia Re- drepturilor persoanelor care aparţin mino- gatului Unit şi a Poloniei5. Articolul 6 pre- rităţilor. Aceste valori sunt comune statelor vede aplicarea şi interpretarea cartei de membre într-o societate caracterizată prin către instanţele Poloniei şi ale Regatului pluralism, nediscriminare, toleranţă, justiţie, Unit în strictă conformitate cu explicaţiile solidaritate şi egalitate între femei şi băr- menţionate la articolul respectiv. Înaltele baţi”. În plus, pe lângă faptul că garantează Părţi Contractante, luând notă de intenţia punerea în aplicare a Cartei Europene a Poloniei şi a Regatului Unit de a clarifica Drepturilor Fundamentale, care devine obli- anumite aspecte ale aplicării cartei şi do- gatorie din punct de vedere juridic (art. 6 rind să clarifice aplicarea cartei în ceea ce alin. 1), deschide şi calea pentru Uniunea priveşte actele cu putere de lege şi acţiunile Europeană de a adera la Convenţia Euro- administrative ale Poloniei şi ale Regatului peană pentru apărarea drepturilor omului şi Unit şi capacitatea acesteia de a fi invocată a libertăţilor fundamentale (art. 6 alin. 2). în faţa unei instanţe în Polonia şi în Regatul Chiar dacă nu figurează în textul tra- Unit, au încheiat Protocolul privind apli- tatelor, Carta Drepturilor Fundamentale este carea Cartei Drepturilor Fundamentale a inclusă printr-o referire expresă în formu- Uniunii Europene în Polonia şi în Regatul larea dată articolului 6 în Tratatul de la Unit, în care au convenit: “Carta nu extinde Lisabona: “Uniunea recunoaşte drepturile, capacitatea Curţii de Justiţie a Uniunii Euro- libertăţile şi principiile prevăzute în Carta pene şi a niciunei alte instanţe a Poloniei drepturilor fundamentale a Uniunii Europene sau a Regatului Unit, de a considera că din 7 decembrie 2000, astfel cum a fost actele cu putere de lege şi actele Admi- adaptată la 12 decembrie 2007, la Strasbourg, nistrative, practicile sau acţiunile adminis- care are aceeaşi valoare juridică cu cea a trative ale Poloniei sau ale Regatului Unit

99 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Cezar Avram, Roxana Radu sunt incompatibile cu drepturile, libertăţile la Lisabona oferindu-le o formă juridică în şi principiile fundamentale pe care aceasta cadrul Uniunii. le reafirmă. În special şi pentru eliminarea Printre cele mai importante drepturi se oricărei îndoieli, nicio dispoziţie din titlul numără drepturile sociale şi economice. IV al cartei nu creează pentru Polonia sau Tratatul de la Lisabona nu constituie doar pentru Regatul Unit drepturi care să poată un pas înainte pe calea întăririi protecţiei fi invocate în faţa unei instanţe decât în acestor drepturi prin garanţiile obligatorii, măsura în care Polonia sau Regatul Unit a din punct de vedere juridic, prevăzute de prevăzut astfel de drepturi în legislaţia sa legislaţia comunitară, ci introduce şi alte naţională”. De asemenea, “atunci când o drepturi suplimentare, care nu apăreau în dispoziţie a cartei face trimitere la legisla- Convenţia europeană a drepturilor omului, ţiile şi practicile naţionale, aceasta se aplică precum protecţia datelor cu caracter per- Poloniei sau Regatului Unit numai în mă- sonal, bioetica şi dreptul la o bună Admi- sura în care drepturile şi principiile pe care nistrare. Un principiu cu relevanţă directă le conţine sunt recunoscute de legislaţiile pentru domeniul socio-economic este prin- sau practicile din Polonia ori din Regatul cipiul solidarităţii, care stă la baza unor Unit”. De asemenea, acest protocol nu drepturi economice şi sociale cum ar fi: aduce atingere punerii în aplicare a cartei dreptul la informare şi consultare a salaria- în celelalte state membre şi nici nu aduce ţilor, dreptul de a negocia contracte/acorduri atingere celorlalte obligaţii care revin Poloniei colective şi de a iniţia acţiuni colective (in- şi Regatului Unit în temeiul Tratatului clusiv dreptul la grevă), dreptul de a avea privind Uniunea Europeană, al Tratatului acces la servicii de plasare a forţei de privind funcţionarea Uniunii Europene şi muncă şi de protecţie împotriva concedie- al dreptului Uniunii în general. rilor nejustificate, dreptul la securitate şi la Dacă Tratatul de la Lisabona, ca şi Tra- asistenţă socială etc. tatul de la Nisa, continuă să proclame ade- Dreptul care ocupă primul loc în rarea UE la Convenţia Europeană pentru ierarhia drepturilor fundamentale statuate apărarea drepturilor omului şi a libertăţilor de Cartă este demnitatea umană pentru că fundamentale (art. 6 alin. 2), regulile de din respectarea acestui drept, stipulat în art. adoptare a deciziilor privind punerea în 1, rezultă şi celelalte drepturi şi libertăţi aplicare efectivă a acestei adeziuni sunt fundamentale. Carta nu aduce însă în nici modificate: Consiliul hotărăşte cu unan- un fel atingere dreptului statelor membre mitate (şi nu cu majoritate calificată), iar de a legifera în domeniul moralităţii pu- decizia trebuie aprobată de statele membre blice, al dreptului familiei, precum şi în “în conformitate cu regulile lor constitu- domeniul protecţiei demnităţii umane şi al ţionale”6. respectării integrităţii fizice şi morale a Alcătuită din şase capitole – Demnitatea, fiinţei umane7. Libertăţile, Egalitatea, Solidaritatea, Drep- Conform art. 15 din Cartă, orice turile cetăţenilor, Justiţia – Carta conţine persoană are dreptul la muncă, iar dreptul 54 de articole care definesc valorile funda- de a exercita o ocupaţie aleasă sau accep- mentale ale Uniunii, precum şi drepturile tată în mod liber este garantat. Dreptul la civile, politice, economice şi sociale ale muncă exprimă „într-o corelaţie juridică cetăţenilor europeni. Aceste drepturi se necesară, exigenţele libertăţii cetăţeanului inspiră în mare parte din alte instrumente cu economia de piaţă şi cu caracterul so- internaţionale, în principal din Convenţia cial al statului”8. Spre deosebire de Codul europeană a drepturilor omului, Tratatul de muncii din România, care face referire la 100 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES? Drepturile socio-economice ale cetățenilor europeni noţiunea de libertate a muncii, Carta se Carta recunoaşte, în art. 31 alin. 2, dreptul referă la dreptul la muncă. Considerăm că la o limitare a duratei maxime de muncă şi formula adoptată de legiuitorul român este la perioade de odihnă zilnică şi săptămâ- preferabilă întrucât ideea de drept presupune nală, precum şi la o perioadă anuală de existenţa unei obligaţii corelative, în timp concediu plătit. ce noţiunea de libertate nu presupune cu Organizarea timpului de muncă este necesitate existenţa unei atare obligaţii. Core- reglementată de Directiva Consiliului 93/104/ laţia dintre dreptul la muncă şi libertatea CEE care stabileşte norme minimale de muncii constă în aceea că dreptul la muncă securitate şi sănătate în domeniul orga- reprezintă posibilitatea exercitării în concret nizării timpului de muncă. Durata medie a libertăţii muncii, prin obţinerea unui loc de lucru pentru fiecare perioadă de 7 zile de muncă. Exerciţiul libertăţii muncii nu se nu va depăşi 48 de ore, având în vedere şi impune ca o obligaţie a cetăţeanului, ci presu- orele suplimentare. Statele membre UE pot pune doar exprimarea opţiunii juridice de a impune respectarea regulii de 48 de ore pe munci9. săptămână în cadrul unei perioade de refe- Orice cetăţean al Uniunii are libertatea rinţă care poate atinge 4 luni. În ţările de a-şi căuta un loc de muncă, de a lucra, Uniunii Europene, durata normală a tim- de a se stabili sau de a presta servicii în pului de muncă este în medie de 40 de ore orice stat membru. În ceea ce priveşte con- pe săptămână şi puţin mai lungă în ţările diţiile de muncă, orice lucrător are dreptul aflate în procesul de aderare. Există discre- la condiţii care să respecte sănătatea, secu- panţe enorme între lucrătorii cu normă în- ritatea şi demnitatea sa. De asemenea, treagă din statele membre UE, pornindu-se orice resortisant al unei ţări terţe, autorizat de la Franţa cu 35 de ore/săptămână şi să lucreze pe teritoriul unui stat membru, până la 43,5 ore/săptămână în Regatul are dreptul la condiţii de muncă echiva- Unit al Marii Britanii şi al Irlandei de Nord lente acelora de care beneficiază cetăţenii (unde nu există o reglementare de prin- UE. Autorităţile comunitare au depus efor- cipiu în acest domeniu). turi susţinute pentru a armoniza, în sânul De asemenea, de Directiva nr. 93/ statelor membre, condiţiile de angajare şi 104/CEE se referă la unele aspecte ale de muncă. Aceste condiţii sunt de o mare muncii de noapte. Timpul de lucru normal diversitate deoarece ele depind nu numai pentru lucrătorii de noapte trebuie să nu de sistemul juridic în care se înscriu, ci şi depăşească în medie 8 ore dintr-o perioadă de nivelul de dezvoltare economică şi so- de 24 de ore. De asemenea, lucrătorii de cială al fiecărei ţări. Intensificarea concu- noapte a căror muncă implică riscuri deo- renţei antrenează însă în mod inevitabil sebite sau tensiuni psihice ori mentale im- uniformizarea costurilor muncii şi, prin portante nu vor lucra mai mult de 8 ore în consecinţă, şi a condiţiilor de muncă. Inter- cursul unei perioade de 24 de ore, când venţia comunitară vizează stimularea progre- aceştia execută o muncă de noapte. Având sului social şi impulsionarea legislaţiilor în vedere riscurile deosebite şi tensiunile naţionale de a se alinia la standarde cât mai psihice ori mentale inerente muncii pe tim- înalte. Cu toate acestea, “trebuie să existe pul nopţii, statele membre trebuie să ia totuşi o parte ireductibilă de specificitate măsurile necesare pentru a asigura un sis- naţională, condiţiile de angajare şi de muncă tem de evaluare gratuită a sănătăţii, pre- fiind produsul echilibrelor şi tradiţiilor pro- cum şi un nivel adecvat de protecţie şi de prii fiecărei ţări”10. În vederea protecţiei sănă- sănătate a muncii. Totodată, trebuie luate tăţii, securităţii şi demnităţii lucrătorilor, măsurile necesare astfel încât angajatorul

101 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Cezar Avram, Roxana Radu care recurge în mod frecvent la lucrători de cel puţin 11 ore consecutive. În cazul în noapte să informeze în această privinţă care timpul de muncă zilnic este mai mare autorităţile competente, la cererea acestora. de 6 ore, orice lucrător trebuie să bene- În plus, angajatorul care urmăreşte să ficieze de o pauză a cărei durată şi carac- organizeze munca în conformitate cu un teristici vor fi stabilite prin contractul colectiv anumit ritm, trebuie să ţină cont de prin- de muncă sau prin acorduri încheiate între cipiul general de adaptare a muncii la om, partenerii sociali, ori, în lipsa acestora, prin în special pentru a atenua munca monotonă legislaţia naţională. Potrivit art. 7 alin. 1 al şi munca cu o cadenţă predeterminată în Directivei 93/104/CE, statele membre trebuie funcţie de tipul de activitate şi de exigen- să ia măsurile necesare de o asemenea ţele în materie de securitate şi de sănătate, manieră încât orice lucrător să beneficieze mai ales în ceea ce priveşte pauzele pe du- de concediu anual plătit de cel puţin 4 rata timpului de muncă. Directiva 89/ săptămâni, conform condiţiilor de obţinere 391/CEE privind introducerea de măsuri şi de atribuire prevăzute prin legislaţii şi/ de încurajare a îmbunătăţirilor în domeniul sau practici naţionale. Perioada minimă de securităţii şi sănătăţii lucrătorilor în muncă concediu anual plătit nu poate fi înlocuită atribuie angajatorilor responsabilitatea pre- printr-o indemnizaţie financiară decât în venirii bolilor profesionale, printre care şi cazul încetării contractului individual de cele cauzate de hărţuirea morală. muncă. Directiva nr. 93/104/CEE nu aduce Conform art. 9 din Carta drepturilor atingere, conform art. 15, prerogativei statelor sociale fundamentale, orice muncă trebuie membre de a aplica sau introduce dispoziţii să fie remunerată în mod echitabil (just). legislative, normative sau administrative De aceea se impune ca, fie prin lege, fie mai favorabile lucrătorilor sau de a favo- prin negociere colectivă la nivel naţional, riza sau permite aplicarea unor convenţii regional, interprofesional, sectorial sau la colective sau acorduri încheiate între parte- nivel de întreprindere, să se instituie un nerii sociali mai favorabile protecţiei secu- salariu decent, să se instituie reguli care să rităţii şi sănătăţii lucrătorilor. Art. 17 al permită asigurarea, pentru muncitorii su- Directivei permite o serie de derogări, dar puşi altui regim de muncă decât cel al con- cu luarea unor măsuri compensatorii adecvate. tractului pe durată determinată, un salariu Prevederile acestei directive se aplică tuturor de referinţă echitabil, iar salariile să nu sectoarelor de activitate, cu excepţia trans- facă obiectul nici unei reţineri, urmăriri sau porturilor aeriene, feroviare, rutiere, maritime, cesiuni decât în conformitate cu dispo- fluviale, lacustre, pescuitului maritim, altor ziţiile naţionale, fără a-l priva niciodată pe activităţi maritime, precum şi activităţii salariat de mijloacele necesare pentru asi- medicilor în formare. gurarea întreţinerii sale şi a familiei sale. În În ceea ce priveşte dreptul la odihnă, programul său de acţiune, Comisia a Directiva 93/104/CEE prevede că orice estimat că UE nu are atribuţia de a fixa un lucrător trebuie să beneficieze, în cursul salariu de referinţă decent, ci de a propune unei perioade de 7 zile, de o perioadă mi- şi de a emite, după consultarea statelor nimă de repaus neîntreruptă de 24 ore. Prin membre, un aviz referitor la acest subiect. urmare, săptămâna de lucru este de 6 zile, De asemenea, s-a statuat că salariaţii trebuie iar repausul săptămânal de 24 de ore. să fie protejaţi împotriva riscului insolvabi- Aceeaşi directivă prevede că, în cadrul lităţii angajatorului. Textul comunitar care unei perioade de 24 de ore, salariatul tre- reglementează protecţia salariaţilor în cazul buie să beneficieze de un repaus zilnic de insolvabilităţii angajatorului este Directiva 102 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES? Drepturile socio-economice ale cetățenilor europeni

Consiliului nr. 80/987/CEE din 20 octom- constituie însă un mijloc de apărare a inte- brie 1980 care se aplică tuturor lucrătorilor reselor profesionale care aparţine indivi- salariaţi ai căror angajatori fac obiectul, zilor, nu sindicatelor. Aceasta este o conse- conform dreptului naţional, în ceea ce pri- cinţă a principiului egalităţii care impune veşte patrimoniul lor, unei proceduri care un echilibru, o “necesară conciliere între vizează despăgubirea colectivă a credi- dreptul la muncă şi dreptul la grevă”14. torilor lor11. Solidaritatea presupune, de asemenea, Art. 12 din Cartă recunoaşte dreptul la dreptul de acces la prestaţiile de securitate întrunire paşnică şi asociere la toate nive- socială şi la serviciile sociale care se acordă lurile, în special în domeniile politic, sin- în caz de maternitate, boală, accident de dical şi civic. Principala formă asociativă muncă, dependenţă de alte persoane sau bazată pe criteriul profesional o constituie bătrâneţe, precum şi în caz de pierdere a sindicatele. Sindicatele se constituie în locului de muncă, în conformitate cu nor- scopul apărării drepturilor şi promovării mele prevăzute de dreptul Uniunii şi de le- intereselor profesionale, economice, sociale, gislaţiile şi practicile naţionale. Securitatea culturale şi sportive ale membrilor acestora socială este definită ca fiind “protecţia pe (salariaţi, funcţionari publici sau persoane care societatea o acordă membrilor săi care prestează o activitate în baza unui ra- printr-un ansamblu de dispoziţii publice port juridic de muncă). Unul dintre prin- contra mizeriei economice şi sociale care îi cipiile fundamentale care guvernează dreptul ameninţă în caz de pierdere sau reducere muncii este principiul negocierii, negociere importantă a câştigurilor datorită bolii, ma- care poate fi individuală sau colectivă. Dreptul ternităţii, accidentului de muncă, şoma- la negociere este recunoscut, în art. 28 al jului, invalidităţii, bătrâneţii sau decesului, Cartei, atât lucrătorilor, cât şi angajatorilor, precum şi acordarea de îngrijiri medicale în conformitate cu dreptul Uniunii şi cu şi de alocaţii familiilor cu copii”15. Astfel, legislaţiile şi practicile naţionale. orice persoană care are reşedinţa şi se Pe lângă dreptul de a negocia şi de a deplasează în mod legal pe teritoriul UE încheia convenţii (contracte) colective, art. are dreptul la prestaţii de securitate socială 28 prevede şi dreptul de recurge la acţiuni şi la avantaje sociale. De asemenea, orice colective, inclusiv la grevă. De-a lungul lucrător are dreptul la protecţie împotriva timpului, în funcţie de ţară şi de circum- oricărei concedieri nejustificate în confor- stanţe, greva a îmbrăcat diferite forme: li- mitate cu dreptul Uniunii şi cu legislaţiile bertate (în sensul că încetarea prestării şi practicile naţionale. muncii, în condiţiile legii, nu atrage nici o Dreptul lucrătorilor la informare şi la sancţiune disciplinară sau penală), drept consultare în cadrul întreprinderii este un (şi, în consecinţă, absenţa oricărei culpe pe alt drept care derivă din principiul solida- care angajatorul ar putea-o invoca pentru a rităţii. Astfel, lucrătorilor sau reprezentan- pune capăt contractului de muncă sau ţilor acestora li se garantează, la nivelurile pentru a aplica altă sancţiune), mijloc de corespunzătoare, informarea şi consultarea acţiune sindicală recunoscut şi lucrătorilor în timp util, în cazurile şi condiţiile prevă- individuali12. Uneori dreptul la grevă nu zute de dreptul Uniunii şi de legislaţiile şi este un drept fundamental distinct. El intră practicile naţionale. Prin Directiva 94/45/ în compunerea libertăţii sindicale, care CE s-au pus bazele unei Comitet european înglobează libertatea de a forma sindicate, de întreprindere şi a unei proceduri în libertatea în interiorul sindicatului şi liber- întreprinderile şi grupurile de întreprindere tatea acţiunii sindicale13. Dreptul la grevă de dimensiune comunitară în vederea

103 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Cezar Avram, Roxana Radu informării şi consultării lucrătorilor. Con- atenuarea consecinţelor prin recurgerea la form Secţiunii I, art. 2 al Directivei, măsuri sociale care au ca obiectiv redistri- “întreprinderea de dimensiune comunitară” buirea sau reconversia lucrătorilor disponi- este o întreprindere cu cel puţin 1000 de bilizaţi16. În acest sens, în conformitate cu salariaţi în statul membru sau are cel puţin legislaţiile şi/sau practicile naţionale, statele 150 de salariaţi pentru fiecare stat, dacă membre pot să prevadă posibilitatea consul- întreprinderea există în cel puţin două state tării unor experţi. Textul Directivei nu ex- membre. Instituirea unui comitet de între- clude dreptul statelor membre de a elabora prindere european sau a unei proceduri de dispoziţii legislative sau administrative informare şi consultare a salariaţilor este mai favorabile lucrătorilor sau de a per- menţionată de Secţiunea II, art. 4, direcţia mite aplicarea dispoziţiilor contractuale mai centrală fiind responsabilă de crearea con- favorabile lucrătorilor. diţiilor şi mijloacelor necasare în vederea Un aspect inovativ al Tratatului de la instituirii comitetului european sau a unei Lisabona constă în introducerea, în art. 32 proceduri de informare şi consultare. În alin. 3, a dreptului la concilierea vieţii de art. 5 se menţionează etapele constituirii familie şi a vieţii profesionale în baza că- comitetului european de întreprindere din ruia orice persoană are dreptul de a fi propria iniţiativă sau prin iniţierea unor protejată împotriva oricărei concedieri din negocieri sau consultări cu cel puţin 100 motive de maternitate, precum şi dreptul la de salariaţi, sau cu reprezentanţii acestora, un concediu de maternitate plătit şi la un în cazul în care respectiva întreprindere concediu parental acordat în urma naşterii este prezentă pe teritoriul a cel puţin două sau adopţiei unui copil. state membre. De asemenea, Tratatul reafirmă măsuri Un domeniu prioritar al UE în ceea ce importante vizând eliminarea discriminării, priveşte protecţia drepturilor salariaţilor îl prin măsuri de prevenire şi combatere a constituie cel al concedierilor colective, rasismului şi a xenofobiei. În definirea şi reglementat de Directiva 98/59/CEE din punerea în aplicare a politicilor şi acţiu- 20 iulie 1998 privind armonizarea legisla- nilor sale, Uniunea, ca şi instituţiile sale, ţiilor statelor membre referitoare la conce- trebuie să respecte drepturile înscrise în Carta dierile colective. Potrivit acestei directive, drepturilor fundamentale, fiind interzisă prin “concedieri colective” se înţeleg con- orice discriminare pe motive de sex, rasă cedierile efectuate de un patron pentru sau origine etnică, religie sau convingeri, unul sau mai multe motive ce nu sunt handicap, vârstă sau orientare sexuală” (art. 5 legate de persoana lucrătorilor. Fiecare stat b). Art. 21 din Carta drepturilor fundamen- membru are dreptul de a stabili numărul tale interzice discriminarea de orice fel, sau procentajul concedierilor care, în ra- bazată şi pe alte motive decât cele prevă- port cu perioadele definite, constituie con- zute de art. 5b din Tratatul de la Lisabona, cediere colectivă. În cazul în care un patron respectiv: culoare, origine socială, caracte- preconizează efectuarea unor concedieri ristici genetice, limbă, opinii politice sau colective, acesta are două obligaţii principale: de orice altă natură, apartenenţa la o mino- informarea şi consultarea reprezentanţilor ritate naţională, avere sau naştere. De ase- lucrătorilor; efectuarea concedierilor potrivit menea, în domeniul de aplicare a tratatelor procedurii prescrise de Directivă. Procedura şi fără a aduce atingere dispoziţiilor spe- de informare şi consultare cu reprezentanţii ciale ale acestora, se interzice orice discri- lucrătorilor are ca scop evitarea sau redu- minare pe motiv de cetăţenie. Curtea de cerea concedierilor colective, precum şi Justiţie va garanta aplicarea corectă a Cartei. 104 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

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Punerea Cartei pe picior de egalitate, ca 7 Declaraţia Republicii Polone cu privire la valoare juridică, cu tratatele constitutive Carta drepturilor fundamentale a Uniunii Europene (Declaraţia nr. 62). ale Uniunii Europene nu modifică atribu- 8 ţiile Uniunii, dar are o semnificaţie covârşi- M. Constantinescu, I. Deleanu, A. Iorgovan, I. toare deoarece oferă drepturi consolidate, Muraru, F. Vasilescu, I. Vida, Constituţia României – comentată şi adnotată, R. A. mai multă libertate şi egalitate cetăţenilor, „Monitorul Oficial”, Bucureşti, 1992, p. 95. inclusiv persoanelor care aparţin minorităţilor. 9 Raluca Dimitriu, Noul Cod al Muncii. Privire asupra principiilor fundamentale, în Raporturi Note de muncă nr. 3/2003, p. 50. 1 Ali M. El-Agraa, The European Union. 10 N. Catala, R. Bonnet, Droit social européen, History, Institutions, Economics and Policies, Éditions Litec, Paris, 1991, p. 141. Prentice Hall Europe, 1998, p. 396. 11 Jean Boulouis, Roger-Michel Chevallier – 2 Ex-art. 8 a-e din Tratatul CE, în prezent art. Grands arrêts de la Cour de justice des 17-22. communautés européennes, tome 2, Dalloz, 3 Cetăţenii celor 27 ţări ale Uniunii sunt nu Paris, 1997, p. 501. numai actori ai construcţiei europene, ci re- 12 J. M. Servais, Droits en synergie sur le prezintă scopul final, chiar dacă nu-şi dau travail. Éléments de droits international et întotdeauna seama de impactul pe care îl au comparé du travail, Bruylant, Bruxelles, 1997, deciziile luate de către instanţele de la Bruxelles p. 53. asupra vieţii lor profesionale şi personale. 13 M. Duverger, Éléments de droit public, PUF, Comitetul Adonnino (Comitetul de reflecţie, Paris, 1983, p. 200, citat în I. Dogaru, D.C. după numele celui care l-a prezidat) alcătuit de Dănişor, Drepturile omului şi libertăţile publice, Consiliul de la Fontainebleau (iunie 1984) a pus Editura Zamolxe, Chişinău, 1998, p. 220. la punct un program de lucru privitor la libera 14 Simina Elena Tănăsescu, Principiul egalităţii circulaţie a persoanelor. Felipe Gonzales în dreptul românesc, Editura All Beck, 1999, p. (primul-ministru spaniol) a avansat în 1990 305-306. „instaurarea unei cetăţenii europene”. A se vedea 15 Bureau International du Travail, La sécurité Ferreol Gilles, La Personne Citoyenne, sociale, Genève, 1995, p. 4. IPRESCO / IHEDN / CRDP, Poitou Charentes, 16 Art. 2.2 din Directiva 98/59/CEE din 20 iulie Poitiers, 1998. 1998 privind armonizarea legislaţiilor statelor 4 A se vedea Declaraţia Republicii Cehe cu membre referitoare la concedierile colective. privire la Carta drepturilor fundamentale a Uniunii Europene (Declaraţia nr. 53). 5 Conform Declaraţiei nr. 62, Polonia declară că, având în vedere tradiţia mişcării sociale „Solidaritatea” şi contribuţia sa semnificativă la lupta pentru drepturi sociale şi de muncă, respectă pe deplin drepturile sociale şi de muncă stabilite prin dreptul Uniunii şi, în special, pe cele reafirmate în titlul IV din Carta drepturilor fundamentale a Uniunii Europene (Declaraţia Republicii Polone cu privire la Protocolul privind aplicarea Cartei drepturilor fundamentale a Uniunii Europene în Polonia şi în Regatul Unit). 6 M. Hubert Haenel, Raport d'information fait au nom de la délégation pour l'Union européenne sur le Traité de Lisbonne, http://www.senat.fr/rap/r07-076/r07-0761.pdf, p. 8.

105 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES?

EU competences in the field of public administration of Member States and Candidate Countries

Cătălina Maria GEORGESCU

Abstract: The article discusses the reasons that determined the European Commission to evaluate administrative capacities of its Member States and to take them into account as criteria for EU membership. The main conclusion that can be drawn is that the EU has little direct competences in the field of public administration of its Member States and Candidate Countries, though it appears that high administrative capacities are among the priorities of EU accession requirements. As regards Member States, the article discusses the appearance of principles of good administration in several EU documents. Keywords: acquis communautaire, administrative capacities, European Union, principles of good administration, public administration, Member States.

Introduction the Union2. In an effort to diminish the intricacies in their administrations caused he present article is aimed at providing by excessive European legislation, Member an answer for the following question: States and the European Commission have T What were the reasons that determined jointly come to the solution of an Action the European Commission to evaluate the Program whose results should be visible public administrations of Member States by 20123. and Candidate Countries? Curious as it The provisions issued by the European may seem, with some few exceptions when Councils of Copenhagen (June 1993) and Member States were demanded the use of Madrid (December 1995) stand at the certain administrative structures in various foundation of the Commission’s Avis of July sectors1, the Union has not legislated in the 1997, regarding each application for EU field of public administration, but has allowed membership, each avis being accompanied public administration to be managed by by recommendations containing rather general the national authorities, according to the guidelines. The political criteria set up in subsidiarity principle and in such a manner Copenhagen spoke of the possession by so as to reach the purposes established by EU applicants of “stable institutions guaranteeing

106 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES? EU competences in the field of public administration of Member States and Candidate countries democracy, the rule of law, human rights public administration as they consider and respect for and protection of minorities”, appropriate. Furthermore, the idea is that while the Madrid decision invited Central the Commission does not have the right to and Eastern European Countries to prepare impose any firm demands regarding the for the “adjustment of their administrative manner in which the national public admi- structures”. nistration is organized, but encourages national authorities to operate into their Administrative capacities as administrations according to the subsidiarity prerequisites for EU membership principle; however, with differences from The provisions set out in Copenhagen country to country, which represent genuine and Madrid were not the only ones stating characteristics of each administration, the the importance of administrative reform as state has to meet what it is styled as an indicator of willingness to become full “performance requirements” or “obligation member of the EU. In its Avis of July 1997, of results”7. the Commission claimed that administrative The Copenhagen Summit in June capacity is a condition for EU member- 1993 witnessed the building of the criteria ship4 since, once admitted, new Member and conditions of EU membership for States have only a short period of time in Central and Eastern European Countries: which to transpose the huge body of “Membership requires that the can- European law – the acquis communautaire didate country has achieved stability – within their national legislation, a demand of institutions guaranteeing democracy, viewed by some as a rather new condition, the rule of law, human rights and respect that was not on the Commission’s agenda for and protection of minorities, the regarding the countries which had acceded existence of a functioning market eco- in the first waves of enlargement5. nomy as well as the capacity to cope Actually, what interested the Commission with competitive pressure and market was the Member States’ ability to tran- forces within the Union. Membership spose EU policies and legislation at home. presupposes the candidate's ability to This task could only be accomplished take on the obligations of membership through an efficient public administration. including adherence to the aims of po- The EU has no European administrative litical, economic and monetary union”8. law, nor does it have a public adminis- tration of its own, but depends on national The accession negotiation procedure public administrations that function under contains issues related to public administration. the subsidiarity principle6. And since the The procedure comprises three phases: EU depends on each of its Member States’ Accession Partnerships, for which the general administration to put its decisions into framework is prescribed at Community level; practice, just as each of its Member States national programs for the implementation depends on the other to implement every of the body of EU law that applicants are piece of Community legislation, it thus obliged to meet; and finally, Institution becomes very clear why the Commission Building Plans that settle the measures that has emphasized the relation between EU need to be adopted in relation to public membership and performing national public administration9. administrations. As regards Candidate Countries, their As a result, Member States are not obligation of meeting special requirements restricted in their rights to organize their for public administrations was laid down

107 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Cătălina Maria Georgescu as early as in May 1995, by the Cannes PHARE Program and the program esta- White paper on “preparation of the asso- blished through the Commission’s White ciated countries of Central and Eastern Europe Paper for integration into the EU internal for integration into the internal market of market. This latter element was designed the Union”, which stated that the Commission to outstretch the phase of implementing will evaluate not only the “paper work” the legislation referring to the common accomplished in what the implementation market, being pointed at boosting admi- of Community legislation is concerned, but nistrative capacities demanded precisely in also the resourcefulness for putting Community order to facilitate the transposition of law into practice in the respective countries10. Community legislation. The Commission’s The following excerpt provides for the Agenda 2000 would unite these four units “Conditions necessary to implement and under a new form of pre-accession strategy12. enforce legislation”: In another document, the European Commission Opinions Concerning the Accession “3.25. The main challenge for the of the Central and Eastern European associated countries in taking over Countries to the European Union, on the internal market legislation lies not in efforts made by former Candidate Countries, the approximation of their legal texts, at present Member States, on the road to but in adapting their administrative accession, the Commission did not impose machinery and their societies to the a model, but rather general guidelines for conditions necessary to make the le- solving public administration issues, while gislation work. This is a complex pro- its responses to Member States have always cess requiring the creation or adap- been centered on continuing the reform tation of the necessary institutions and process13. Public administration, political structures, involving fundamental changes and economic issues and the capacity to in the responsibilities of both the national take over the demands of EU membership administrative and judicial systems have remained a constant preoccupation and the emerging private sector. for the Commission as regards Candidate 3.26 The presence of the necessary Countries. Jacques Fournier (1998) found enforcing authorities is crucial to pro- that the Commission has dedicated an vide certainty of other Members of the entire chapter to the issue of public Community that legislation is properly administration capacities, an issue which implemented. The proper operation of has also been dealt with in other areas: these administrative, judicial or private sector structures in turn depends on  “in the section on political criteria, training and education facilities for the which describes the functioning of personnel concerned”. institutions and of the executive in particular and discusses the judicial The requirements stipulated in the system, local government and the civil Cannes White Paper add to the institu- service; tional demands of the membership criteria established by the European Council in  in the section on the obligations of 11 membership, financial questions and Copenhagen . The pre-accession strategy 14 comprises four units: the Europe agreements, control mechanisms are discussed” . the structured relations/structural dialogue Moreover, Jacques Fournier considered with the institutions of the Union, the that the following statements could best

108 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES? EU competences in the field of public administration of Member States and Candidate countries describe the Commission’s belief as III-427, European laws shall establish regards the civil service: provisions to that end”.  “the Commission urges countries to In 1977, the Council of Europe noted pass an act dealing specifically with in its Resolution 77(31) on the protection the civil service; of the individual in relation to the acts of administrative authorities that since the  it is implicitly but unmistakably in evolution of the modern state had resulted favour of a career civil service; in a rise of public administrative practices,  it emphasises the need to ensure that individuals have come more often across the public administration is independent difficulties in administrative procedures. of the political authorities; Also, the Council argued that “The pro- tection of the citizen with regard to proce-  it stresses the importance of training, dural aspects of administrative matters especially in the fields covered by affecting him is part of the protection of Community legislation; the individual's fundamental rights and  it implicitly favours bringing public freedoms, which is one of the principal sector pay into line with that in the tasks conferred on the Council of Europe private sector”15. by its Statute”18. Consequently, the Council’s Committee of Ministers thought to enlarge Principles of good administration in the organization’s sphere of preoccupations a Council of Europe Resolution by approaching the analysis on the protection What is being now operational as the of people as regards their contacts with right to good administration has started its administrative structures at national level. existence with it being introduced into a Thus, in its Resolution 77(31), the Council Council of Europe resolution, appearing in of Europe “recommends the governments the case law of the European Court of of member states (…) to be guided in their Justice, the Charter of Fundamental Rights law and administrative practice by the of the European Union and in the principles annexed to this resolution”19 and Ombudsman’s Code of Good Administrative provides the following five principles: the Behavior16. Later, the right to good admi- right to be heard, access to information, nistration has found its way to the new assistance and representation, statement of Constitutional Treaty in Article III-398, reasons and indication of remedies. For the envisaged ideal public administration many, the importance of the Resolution being referred to as “open, efficient and resides in the fact that it laid the foundation independent administration”17. Moreover, of institutionalizing the notion of good Article III-398 reads as follows: administration and provided the first five principles that have gradually become the “1. In carrying out their missions, the most referred to when it comes to the right institutions, bodies, offices and agencies to good administration20. of the Union shall have the support of Furthermore, in its recommendations an open, efficient and independent and resolutions the Council of Europe was European administration. concerned not to hamper or set bounds to 2. In compliance with the Staff Regu- its members in their approach of selecting lations and the Conditions of Employ- the most appropriate measures to reach ment adopted on the basis of Article their administration-related targets, so it

109 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Cătălina Maria Georgescu advised member states “to be guided by” confidentiality and of professional the principles contained in its resolutions and business secrecy; and recommendations21. c) The obligation of the administration to Yet, the Council of Europe has not give reasons for its decisions. limited itself to the five principles reminded 3. Every person has the right to have above, but actually resumed its effort of the Union make good any damage introducing principles of good administration. caused by its institutions or by its In this sense, its Committee of Ministers servants in the performance of their has even delegated the Project group on duties, in accordance with the general administrative law (CJ-DA) to gather all principles common to the laws of the principles related to good administration Member States. contained in the Council’s Recommendations and Resolutions and draft a model code of 4. Every person may write to the good administration22. In a working paper, institutions of the Union in one of the the Project group catalogues 36 principles languages of the Constitution and must of good administration from the Member have an answer in the same language.” States of the Council of Europe collected Moreover, the right of access to do- from diverse recommendations in which they cuments is provided in Article 42: were also connected to good administrative practices23. “Any citizen of the Union, and any TP natural or legal person residing or having Principles of good administration in its registered office in a Member State, the Charter of Fundamental Rights has a right of access to European of the European Union Parliament, Council and Commission The Charter of Fundamental Rights of documents”. the European Union, signed in Nice on 7 Some authors believe that since Article December 2000, contains a couple of prin- 41 is actually a creation of the European ciples of good administration such as the case law that has provided the principles right to good administration and the right related to good administration, the right to of access to documents. Article 41 provides good administration is in fact a sum of for the right to good administration: rights whose number is likely to increase, due to the evolution of the same case law “1. Every person has the right to have 24 his or her affairs handled impartially, that has laid its foundations . fairly and within a reasonable time by the institutions, bodies, offices and European Code of Good agencies of the Union. Administrative Behavior Another document containing principles 2. This right includes: of good administration is the European a) The right of every person to be heard, Ombudsman’s Code of Good Administrative before any individual measure which Behavior, a document materializing the would affect him or her adversely is Ombudsman’s efforts of providing some taken; regulation on good administration25. At b) The right of every person to have Community level, the European Ombudsman access to his or her file, while res- is the institution designed by the Treaty of pecting the legitimate interests of Maastricht to tackle with the complaints relating to maladministration issues in the 110 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES? EU competences in the field of public administration of Member States and Candidate countries actions of EU institutions and bodies. On Treaty could ratify the uncertain legal status September 6th, 2001, the European Parliament of the good administration principle28. adopted a resolution containing a slightly- changed Code of Good Administrative Conclusions Behavior destined to regulate the relations It is time we returned to the question between the EU institutions and bodies our study began with: what were the reasons and the public. that determined the European Commission Moreover, the resolution invited the to evaluate the public administrations of its European Commission to suggest a regu- Member States and Candidate Countries? lation containing the Code of Good The answer lies in the huge body of legi- Administrative Behavior, using Article 308 slation that has to be harmonized throughout of the Treaty establishing the European the Union and which requires a performing Community as a legal instrument. Although and efficient public administration, as regards one hoped that by issuing a piece of legi- both the system and the human resources slation containing the Code it would in- that operate in it29. crease the legal power of the good Since the EU has no administration of administration principle, the implications its own, but relies on its Member States’ for Member States of using Article 308 administrations to implement its decisions, overweighed the expected results. In most the last decade has witnessed an interesting cases, building upon Article 308 of the EC and positive phenomenon, the building of Treaty – also styled the “flexibility clause”, a so-called European administrative space30, as it permits Community powers to match putting together in a rather complementary the objectives of the Treaty, should it not manner the administrative practices of Member stipulated the means of action in that States, a space in which public servants of direction – is a subject of concern for some Member States actually meet to share Member States as they believe it to be a information and experiences in addressing means of increasing the competences of the issues they come across. Boosting the Union in the detriment of their own26. communication and gathering comparable The most important principles of good data and information and examples of administration were thought to be lawfulness good practice in other Member States are (Article 4), non-discrimination (Article 5) also utile concerns. A EU-wide adminis- and proportionality (Article 6)27. trative space acting under the subsidiarity The issues that have occurred in the principle that can effectively and efficiently ratification process of the new Constitutional transpose every piece of legislation origi- Treaty (with its Article III-398 regarding nating from the Union and whose efforts the administration of the EU) do not add help boosting economic growth are the power to the principle of good administration, main lines to describe the prerequisites of but on the contrary; moreover, one must this administrative space31. It thus rests with have in view the fact that the two other both Member States and present and future documents in which the principle was pre- Candidate Countries to develop their admi- viously legislated, the Charter of Funda- nistrative capacities so as to meet the EU mental Rights of the European Union and requirements in the matter. the Ombudsman’s Code of Good Admi- The issue of the Cannes White Paper nistrative Behavior, had no legal instru- has brought into the limelight the need for ments to force to conformity; many hoped perseverance into administrative reform that the ratification of the Constitutional for countries applying for membership.

111 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Cătălina Maria Georgescu

The main conclusion that can be drawn 6 Ibidem, p. 13. 7 is that the EU has little direct competences Ibidem, p. 13. 8 European Council in Copenhagen, 21-22 June in the field of public administration of its 1993, Conclusions of the Presidency, p. 14. Member States and Candidate Countries, 9 Preparing public administrations for the European though it appears that high administrative administrative space, p. 14. 10 capacities are among the priorities of EU Jacques Ziller, EU Integration and Civil Service accession requirements. However, European Reform, in Preparing public administrations for the European administrative space, p. 138. membership does not depend solely on 11 Les Metcalfe, Meeting the Challenges of administrative reform, although an efficient Accession, in Preparing public administrations for and performing administration is needed to the European administrative space, p. 43. 12 ensure the smooth transition to the status Ibidem, p. 46. 13 Preparing public administrations for the European of Member State. In the future it would be administrative space, pp. 13-14. highly interesting to find precisely how 14 Jacques Fournier, Administrative Reform in the many of the principles of good administration Commission Opinions Concerning the Accession of the can be discovered into effective national Central and Eastern European Countries to the legislation of the EU Member States32. European Union, in Preparing public administrations for the European administrative space, p. 111. In a nutshell, although the Commission 15 Ibidem, p. 113. has stressed that good administration is a 16 Agency for Public Management, Principles of condition for membership as it shows the Good Administration in the Member States of the state’s capacity to implement EU decisions European Union, Stockholm, 2005, p. 7. 17 Ibidem, p. 10. and ensures the easiness of the integration 18 Resolution 77(31) on the protection of the process, a condition that gained importance individual in relation to the acts of administrative since the accession of Central and Eastern authorities, adopted by the Committee of Ministers European Countries, this condition is of a on 28 September 1977 at the 275th meeting of the far less importance than economic perfor- Ministers' Deputies 19 Ibidem. mance, democracy and the capacity to 20 Agency for Public Management, op. cit., p. 11. 33 implement the aquis . 21 Ibidem, p. 16. 22 Ibidem, p. 12. 23 Notes Working Party of the Project Group on 1 Jacques Fournier, Administrative Reform in the Administrative Law (CJ-DA), Principles of good Commission Opinions Concerning the Accession of the administration in Council of Europe member states, Central and Eastern European Countries to the Strasbourg, 2004. 24 Agency for Public Management, op. cit., p. 14. European Union, in Preparing public administrations 25 for the European administrative space, SIGMA Papers, Ibidem, p. 14. 26 Ibidem, p. 15. No. 23, 1998, p. 111. 27 2 Ibidem, p. 17. Jacques Fournier, Governance and European 28 Integration – Reliable Public Administration, in Ibidem, p. 15. 29 Jacques Ziller, op. cit., p. 137. Preparing public administrations for the European 30 administrative space, pp. 120-121. Jacques Fournier, Governance and European 3 Integration – Reliable Public Administration, p. 121. Christoph Demmke, Thomas Henökl, Timo Moilanen 31 (European Institute of Public Administration), What are Ibidem, p. 121. 32 Agency for Public Management, op. cit., p. 16. Public Services Good at? Success of Public Services in 33 the Field of Human Resource Management, a Study Tony Verheijen, The European Union and Public Commissioned by the Slovenian EU Presidency Report Administration Development in Central and Eastern to the 50th Meeting of the Directors-General of Public Europe, in Randall Baker (ed.), Transitions from Services of the Member States of the European Union, authoritarianism: the role of the bureaucracy, 2008, p. 5. Greenwood Publishing Group, 2002, p. 250. 4 Preparing public administrations for the European administrative space, p. 10. 5 Ibidem, p. 13. 112 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

INTERNATIONAL POLITICS HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES?

Management of public institutions’ changes in the European Union integration

Mihai Alexandru COSTESCU, Olga COSTESCU

Abstract: As a result of EU integration, many changes are neaded in public institutions in Roumania, both from the organisational and personnel view. In this paper, we decided to talk about organisational change, as well as the most important ways to identify „need-for- change” and the risk forecasting. At the same time, we are trying to underline the important role of a realistic approach of human resources in an institution and the need for a right estimation of time and the vision of completing organizational change. Keywords: public sector, leadership, management, organizational change, strategy.

he public sector influences in many its presence in the economic life is ways Economic life. There is no eco- permanent and even meets an extension T nomy in which the public sector can through regulations aimed at the market in not be found, more or less, directly or general and at the companies and private indirectly, among the factors influencing and property in particular. guiding the economic and business activity. Therefore, not only the public enterprises Public sector, defined according to the have a “public” character, but also expenses, form of ownership, is characterized by two finances, assets, choices of individuals, utilities, elements: size and intensity. regulations, interests, opinions, relationships, The size of the public sector varies debts, budget, etc. Understanding these issues from country to country, depending on the provides a deeper knowledge about the ideology of political leadership at the public sector. government and expresses areas where intervention manifests itself. Culture, power crisis and the power The intensity of the public sector is of the public sector different not only from one economy to Generally speaking, the public sector another, but also from one area to another, is related to government and state inter- and expresses the magnitude of the actions vention in the economy. There are many taken in one field of the economy. aspects of our life that have a “public” Although today the public sector faces character and therefore are correlated with a smaller size of its economical acceptance, the public sector: public education, public

113 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Mihai Alexandru Costescu, Olga Costescu goods, public expenditure, public finance, of the organization, and not at the public choice, public opinion, public relations, superior ones, such as for managerial public interest, public services etc. positions. Many other economic activities reflect Both processes presented above are the relationship that exists between the based on several strategic directions to be public and private sectors, such as pro- best implemented in public organizations: viding quality to food-related products, - Implementation of computerized control manufactured by private companies, under systems and operating with telecommu- the control of public inspectors. nications can provide a manager the Justifying a change in the strategic ability to effectively coordinate 30 people. approach of public companies should be This would reduce the need for a large carried out essentially based on a new number of hierarchical levels and would vision of them. The process must aim a allow cutting unjustified maintenance long period of time and rely on invol- costs and allocating resources to certain vement in new and important areas, which areas of sustainable development. are to support each other through tech- - Rigorous planning through the following: nology. For example, the issue of public examination of documentary routines; transport, so often brought to attention today, measures to be taken gradually, but only whose problem solving can be found in once; examination of bureaucratic optimal and reliable partnerships between system – a system which is required at the public and private sectors. certain levels – and reduce its size in Correlating the above presented theory the fields that do not require this. with the practice needed to be achieved in - Reorganizing should address areas that the future, regarding the public sector in have related activities, such as customer Romania, I can identify two main areas of management, disputes resolution manage- strategic factors influencing first, the govern- ment, order management, controls, etc. ment organizations, and second, changes The specific objectives of in the public in the public sector: domain reorganization: 1. Size-reduction – normally, in the Romanian - Developing skills and competences of public sector, where the management officials from local government in project system is multi-layered, it is considered management and access to EU funds that a manager can only control a certain or other international funds, necessary number of people – which is his field to finance investments and local infra- of control – often between 5, 7 or 10 structure; people. Therefore, several hierarchical - Improving knowledge about European levels of management were necessary affairs in the local government; for a person of higher rank to control - Developing skills in training selected several hundred people with lower ranks local European affairs experts, in order in the hierarchy of the organization. to create a core group of local trainers, 2. Reorganization of the business process able to take over the task of future – this method refers to the use of trainings in this area. computer technologies for radical sim- plification of how the organization Target groups manages its administrative tasks. In Change management, developed and my opinion, this process should be sustained by European policies and instruments, completed at lower hierarchical levels 114 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES? Management of public institutions’ changes in the European Union integration is dealing with the needs of two distinct Information presented above as an categories of people: example and proposed for discussion in - Officials in public administration in conjunction with the latest directives brings Romania; to attention the training needs of an entire - Local trainers, who will participate as sector of public activity in Romania. This key experts in implementing the strategy. is a vast and diverse group in terms of Organizational change is based on shape, size, function, capability, vision and several basic principles, which reflect the experience. best internationally recognized practices in Hierarchy and public sector segmentation human resources development, and the now identify through an intended strategy main idea is that no training is ever an end of training and change which that should in itself. In fact, the objective of a training coordinate with any strategy in human program is to facilitate learning, in order to resources at the level of national govern- enhance the competences and performances ment. The ideal plan for training at local of completing tasks. Formation (theory) and level should be adjusted to the training activity at work (practice) go hand in hand. plan at the central level. For this reason, organizational change Lately, it is often brought to attention must be accompanied by an effective the concept of increasing economic per- training model, which involves passing formance and best invested resources, re- beyond the training sessions to the actual garding the development of human development at work. resources with a sustainable character and Thus, transferring and using gained identified by flexibility and the concept of knowledge in the concrete work would "open-mind” society. Each element of this underline the effectiveness of training. concept is a strategy for the development Change efficiency, targeted and implemented and improvement of human capital through change through various programs at the organizational change and a strategy for level of either European funded projects or training. strategic-level structures of the various We have considered as a priority the institutions, public or private, depending influence determined by a strategy for accession on the impact that it has – that is the extent to EU structures, given the fact that, to which increases the power of employees currently, public authorities are promoters to their place work. of sustainable development and are There are three elements of particular organized as “management authorities” for importance, which are presented as a result the process of implementation of Euro- of interaction between: pean standards and directives at different - The person who holds the post; levels in an economy. This way, the - Job requirements; impact on the human resources strategies - Working environment / institutional and training comes to front, giving us the environment. possibility to try to show how, generally Change management aims to identify speaking, the future strategy for the public any training needs required by the reference institutions in Romania may look like. terms, but this is achieved through a process We need to recognize that, given the which gives a lot of attention to relevant absence of a larger infrastructure, the most issues and problems related to the work of practical response is an approach as simple future students. and self-standing as possible, and the aim is not only to identify specific training

115 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Mihai Alexandru Costescu, Olga Costescu needs but also to include a broader perspec- Motivating staff, as a result of the tive on human resources development, by desire to develop and increase public orga- examining the problems of the working nizational structures, comes as a must in environment that could have an impact on addressing strategic change. In fact, the the success of knowledge transfer at work. civil servant carries, by definition, the res- It was also possible to shape an image ponsibility of reinforcing the public orga- of the environment that integrates staff nization. activities dealing with high responsibility However, training itself is not a panacea. operations, the routine one, the simple It must first determine an improvement in flows, for example, and how clearly work performance for later results. This defined these tasks are and what is the way, it is also necessary, for the success of level of support exists in completing their the program, the development of modern tasks. These issues have a great influence management skills to create a working on the organization and the place where environment to support and facilitate the individual exercises his activity. learning For example, numerous studies have But this is still not enough. Other factors, shown that the lack of a clear definition of less obvious, can influence the general aut- tasks is a major factor of influence, which come. For example, the availability of funding leads to poor performance at work. Simi- for training activities and assistance in the larly, lack of positive support from manage- workplace is often an important condition ment leads to lower levels of performance. for operation under current rules. Training has a vital role; however, training In the above presented context, by itself is a solution to all problems. organizations do not change just to be Size, poor resources and lack of changed, but because they are part of a personnel structure make it very difficult wider development program and they to build knowledge and skills in a planned should respond to new changes in the way, in the public administration. In addition, environment, to restrictions, requirements lack of knowledge about available pro- and opportunities in this area. grams and opportunities for the local More than that, companies and orga- economical and social development can nizations generate changes in the external become an obstacle for both the internal environment, by creating and selling new and external progress. products and technologies, that later Another identified gap concerns the become dominant and widely used. Thus, lack of cooperation between various con- they change the technological environment, cerned institutions and organizations (stake- both national and international. In this holders). Participation and partnership are context, organizational change becomes essential for a sustainable development the guiding lines that determine the nature and developing strategic projects. These and direction of the organization and skills are needed throughout the sector of represents a vision of the future image of local public administration. the organization. Operational planning Research methods mentioned lately provides a structure of the daily decisions, have brought to attention the optimal way taken at lower levels of the organization. to achieve a balanced coverage, not only Identifying the organization’s mission for the whole local government, but also is an essential part in the process of for the regional element – as all are strategic planning; strategy effectiveness important players in the general process. relies on the attachment on the strengths 116 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES? Management of public institutions’ changes in the European Union integration that come from the organization’s identity. Project Cycle Management (PCM) re- An effective mission statement is feasible, present the basis for strengthening such informative, and reflects the values of the capacity. organization. Many organizations are unpre- Change programs often fail to deter- pared when facing future changes. In an mine in advance how to measure success economic, competitive, constantly changing or failure. The ideal plan should be carefully environment, the key to success is defined monitored to assess the real impact of not only by the quality of operational taken actions on those involved. Evaluation planning, but by the clarity of strategic can refer to reviewing productive perfor- thinking. For a company, it is essential to mances for a period of time, tracking work understand the type of business they carry absences, or a new survey on organiza- out and the place they want to have at tional attitudes and climate. All these can some point the future (strategic planning), lead to the conclusion that the problem still but also the way they can achieve these exists because the initial diagnosis and goals, which represents the responsibility planning were erroneous or that new of operational planning and decision making. factors, which require a different approach, The change is intended to describe the have emerged. image that an organization wants to have The manager may be interested in in the future and is focused on what the changing a person’s performance or the organization wants to do, and not on how average level of performance achieved by the organization wants to act. a group of people. If the “target” represents a If we consider the process of organi- single person, the general effort involved zational change in an organization, in a to make a change may be different than realistic and time-based way, I consider the one needed for a collective change. In that there is a need to bring to front the an attempt to change the behavior of cer- process of Romania’s accession to the tain people, it is necessary to know certain European Union structures, due to the things about the individual, and the change focus on Human Resources Development, must be adapted according to his needs, in the general view of strategic develop- values or interests. But, if the target is the ment consolidation. performance of a group (the results of Thus, the European Council, the highest daily activities, presence and absence to for the European Union has recognized work, income etc.), the strategy should be and expressed support for the accession of oriented towards collective changes in the Romania to the EU until 2007 and granted designated group. significant financial support through the A large number of people and organi- instruments of accession, stating that Romania zations face the issue of collective changes had an urgent need to strengthen its own versus individual changes. For example, capacity to absorb and effectively use traffic safety officials are concerned with these funds. Human resource development the rate of accidents and deaths during was and still is a fundamental element in holidays (a collective aspect) and, at the achieving this goal. same time, all these people are concerned The strategy has a framework to with the safety of their own children (an identify the capacity of local government individual aspect). to benefit, in the best way possible, from All strategies involving changes, either the funds offered by the EU. Knowledge at an individual or collective level, have and skills regarding European Affairs and special people-adapted characteristics. When

117 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Mihai Alexandru Costescu, Olga Costescu a change is needed, this happens because the general performance is falling down. Still, an organization is an abstract entity - Bibliography the organizations do not change their beha- 1. Vivienne Flanagan, „Strategia de formare vior, although a change in the organiza- pentru Administratia Publica Locala din tional structure or processes may have an Romania”, Proiect Phare, 2006. impact on organizational behavior. In fact, 2. A. Profiriu, M. Profiriu, „Descentralization it is all about a group of people who share process in Romania”, Revista Transilvăneană de Stiinţe Administrative”, Nr.16E – 2006. conscious or unconscious, the same common 3. Prof. univ. dr. Viorel Cornescu, Conf. guidelines and decide to change their univ. dr. Paul Marinescu, Lector univ. dr. behavior. Thus, making a change is always Doru Curteanu, Lector univ. dr. Sorin oriented towards influencing human behavior. Toma, Management de la teorie la In a change period, the human resource – practica, Editura Universitatii din Bucuresti, the most important and uncertain resource 2004. – should have access to continuous training. 4. Paul Marinescu, „Managementul Schimbarii”, Thus, the organization's ability to change Editura Universitatii din Bucuresti, 2003. must be evaluated fairly, in all its aspects. 5. L. Mullins, Management and Organizational The evaluation need to identify individual Behaviour, Ed. a IV-a, Pitman Publishing, Londra, 1996. or collective resistances to change, before 6. L. Richard, Strategia corporativă, Ed. actually implementing change. The change ARC, 2002. process requires a massive commitment of resources. The organization should identify all sources for resistance, if the change process is to be successful.

118 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

INTERNATIONAL POLITICS HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES?

The Bush Doctrine: The Foreign Policy of Republican Empire

Mackubin Thomas OWENS*

Abstract: The dominant narrative concerning the Bush Doctrine maintains that it is a dangerous innovation, an anomaly that violates the principles of sound policy as articulated by the Founders. According to the conventional wisdom, the Bush Doctrine represents the exploitation of the 9/11 terrorist attacks, by a small group of ideologues – the “neoconservatives” – to gain control of national policy and lead the United States into the war in Iraq, a war that should never have been fought. But far from a being a neoconservative innovation, the Bush Doctrine is, in fact, well within the mainstream of U.S. foreign policy and very much in keeping with the vision of America’s founding generation and the practice of the statesmen in the Early Republic. The Bush Doctrine is only the latest manifestation of the fact that U.S. national interest has always been concerned with more than simple security. Keywords: doctrine, principle, tradition, power, realism, neo-conservative, republican, foreign affairs.

ur true situation appears to me to be this Conquest or superiority among other powers is – a new extensive Country containing not or ought not ever to be the object of Owithin itself the materials for forming a republican systems. If they are sufficiently Government capable of extending to its citizens active and energetic to rescue us from contempt all the blessings of civil and religious liberty – & preserve our domestic happiness and capable of making them happy at home. This is security, it is all we can expect from them – it is the great end of Republican establishments. We more than almost any other Government mistake the object of our government, if we ensures to it citizens. hope or wish that it is to make us respectable Charles Pinckney, speech to the Federal Convention, abroad. June 25, 1787

* Mackubin Owens is Associate Dean of It had been said that respectability in the eyes Academics for Electives and Directed Research/ of foreign nations was not the object at which Professor of National Security Studies at the we aimed; that the proper object of republican Naval War College, Newport, RI and Editor of Government was domestic tranquility & Orbis. This article is reprinted with author’s happiness. This was an ideal distinction. No permission from Orbis, Winter 2009 (published Government could give us tranquility & by Elsevier Limite don behalf of Foreign Policy Research Institute), pp. 23-40. happiness at home, which did not possess

119 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Mackabin Thomas Owens sufficient stability and strength to make us elaborated in three more speeches over the respectable abroad. next nine months. Alexander Hamilton, speech to the Federal Convention, June 29, 1787 The dominant narrative concerning George W. Bush’s foreign policy – especially If any one therefore wishes to establish an his doctrine of preemptive war and his entirely new republic, he will have to consider emphasis on the spread of democracy – is whether he wishes to have her expand in power that it represents a radical break with the and dominion like Rome, orwhether he intends American past. According to this narrative, to confine her within narrow limits. U.S. foreign policy was originally based Niccolo Machiavelli, Discourses, I. 6. on the principle of non – intervention; the Besides, to recede is no longer possible, if American Founders are often invoked in indeed any of you in the alarm of the moment support of the claim that the default position has become enamored of the honesty of such of U.S. foreign policy is isolationism. Who an unambitious part. For what you hold is, to has not heard the argument that speak somewhat plainly, a tyranny. To take it Washington’s Farewell Address counsels perhaps was wrong, but to let it go is unsafe. “virtuous isolationism,” that in the words Pericles, Funeral Oration of John Quincy Adams, while America is

“the well – wisher to the freedom and When he was elected to the American independence of all,” she is the “champion presidency in 2000, George W. Bush gave and vindicator only of her own,” going every indication that he, like his father “not abroad, in search of monsters to destroy,” before him, was a conventional “realist” in and that the Monroe Doctrine represents a foreign affairs, committed to a grand strategy ratification of this “isolationist” principle? of selective engagement and critical of the But, the narrative continues, while iso- open – ended nature of the Clinton doc- lationism and non – intervention prevailed trine and its indiscriminate use of military during the eighteenth and nineteenth force in instances not involving vital centuries, circumstances required the United national interests. In his speeches, Bush States to abandon this posture at the stressed foreign policy retrenchment and beginning of the twentieth century. Yet military “transformation” in preparation even then, America did so only reluctantly for the emergence of a future large peer in response to threats to U.S. national competitor in the vein of the Soviet Union interests. Thus, with the exception of the during the Cold War. Neither Bush nor his failed effort by Woodrow Wilson to base advisers, most notably national security U.S. foreign policy on idealistic principles adviser Condoleezza Rice and Secretary of and George W. Bush’s quixotic effort to State Colin Powell, spoke of spreading impose democracy on the Middle East, the democracy throughout the world. United States has normally adhered to the Then came 9/11. To the surprise of principles of foreign policy “realism,” a almost everyone, the president abandoned theory based on the idea that the driving his realism and embraced an approach to force in international politics is national foreign affairs that seemed to be nothing security, which can be ensured only by short of revolutionary. The “Bush Doctrine” possessing sufficient power relative to other was first enunciated in a speech he de- states. livered on September 20, 2001, only nine According to the conventional narrative, days after the attacks, and then refined and neoconservatives are dangerously moralistic and idealistic when it comes to world affairs. 120 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

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They believe in America’s exceptional The Bush Doctrine role as a promoter of the principles of The most concise statement of the liberty and democracy, they are committed Bush Doctrine can be observed in George to the preservation of American primacy, Bush’s Second Inaugural Address: “it is they are suspicious of international insti- the policy of the United States to seek and tutions, and they favor the unilateral use of support the growth of democratic movements power, especially military power, in order and institutions in every nation and cul- to defend and advance democracy. ture, with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny 2 But the conventional wisdom is wrong. in our world.” While this statement captures While all are entitled to their opinions con- the essence of the Bush Doctrine, it is cerning the wisdom or folly of the Bush useful to examine the principles upon 3 Doctrine, they are not entitled to make up which it is based. The first of these is the their own facts regarding its place in the rejection of “moral equivalency” in inter- American foreign policy tradition. And the national affairs. The Bush Doctrine un- fact is that all of the elements of the Bush apologetically asserts the need for – and Doctrine have been observable in American the possibility of – moral judgment in foreign policy since the inception of the international affairs. As a species of what Republic. Robert Kaufman has called Moral Democratic As Walter Russell Mead observes, the Realism, the Bush Doctrine holds that idea of America’s “virtuous isolationism” liberal democratic regimes are superior to is an historical myth. Far from a being a tyrannies.4 neoconservative innovation, the Bush Doctrine The second principle of the Bush is in fact well within the mainstream of Doctrine is the repudiation of the “social U.S. foreign policy and very much in work” theory of terrorism: the belief that keeping with the vision of America’s founding economic factors – poverty and hunger – generation, as well as the practice of the are the “root” causes of the phenomenon. Early Republic’s statesmen. The Bush The Bush Doctrine is founded on the Doctrine is only the latest manifestation of contention that the terrorism that spawned the fact that U.S. national interest has 9/11 and its precursors, both against the always been concerned with more than United States and Israel, is a murderous simple security – it has always had both a ideology aimed at the destruction of Western commercial and an ideological component.1 liberalism. Accordingly, this ideology is as When it comes to the Bush Doctrine, dangerous as fascism/nazism and communism. the main issue – as is the case with foreign According to the Bush Doctrine, the fountain- policy in general – is prudence, which head of 9/11 and similar aggression is “the Aristotle described as deliberating well culture of tyranny in the Middle East, about those things that can be other than which spawns fanatical, aggressive, secular, they are (means). According to Aristotle, and religious despotisms.” The remedy for prudence is the virtue most characteristic this is democratic regime change. of the statesman. In foreign affairs, prudence The final principle of the Bush requires the statesman to adapt universal Doctrine is the recognition that after 9/11 principles to particular circumstances in the traditional approaches to threats – order to arrive at the means that are best deterrence, containment, and ex post facto given existing circumstances. In fact, the responses – are inadequate when dealing Founders and the statesmen of the Early with terrorists and rogue regimes seeking Republic were not isolationist but prudent. to acquire weapons of mass destruction.

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Thus, under the Bush Doctrine, the United the United States can be fully secure only States reserves the right to undertake in a world where everyone else is also preventive war. While international law secure. The existence of liberal institutions and norms have always acknowledged the is not sufficient. Donald Kagan observes right of a state to launch a preemptive that history seems to indicate strike against another when an attack by that good will, unilateral the latter is imminent, it has rejected any disarmament, the avoidance right of preventive war. President Bush of alliances, teaching and argued that in an age of globalization, preaching the evils of war by those states who seek to catastrophic terrorism, and weapons of preserve peace are to no avail. mass destruction, this distinction had become What seems to work best . . . is the possession by meaningless. If an attack is imminent, it is those states who wish to preserve peace of the preponderant power and of the will to accept the now too late to preempt it. burdens of an responsibilities required to achieve that As a policy or grand strategic approach power.7 to international relations, the Bush Doctrine is a species of primacy, based on the Such a liberal world order is possible intersection of hegemonic stability theory only if the United States is willing and able and the theory of the democratic peace. to maintain it. In the words of Samuel Hegemonic stability theory holds that a Huntington, “liberal world order” does not arise – the maintenance of U.S. primacy matters for the spontaneously as the result of some global world as well as for the United States 5 – A world without U.S. primacy will be a world “invisible hand.” Instead, such a system with more violence and disorder and less democracy requires, in the words of Ethan Barnaby and economic growth than a world where the United Kapstein, a “hegemonic power, a state States continues to have more influence than any willing and able to provide the world with other country in shaping global affairs. The sustained the collective goods of economic stability international primacy of the United States is central 6 to the welfare and security of Americans and to the and international security.” The United States, future of freedom, democracy, open economies, and as Great Britain before it, took up the role international order in the world.8 of hegemon not out of altruism but because it is in its national interest to do so. According to the theory of hegemonic Primacy can be caricatured as a “go – stability, the alternative to U.S. power is a it – alone” approach in which the United more disorderly, less peaceful world. The States intimidates both friends and allies, precedent for the United States is the wields power unilaterally, and ignores decay of Pax Britannica, which, many international institutions. But while some believe, created the necessary, if not may mock the term, the Bush Doctrine, in sufficient conditions for the two world fact, represents “benevolent” primacy, an wars of the twentieth century. As British approach in keeping with the liberal hegemony declined, smaller states that political traditions of the United States but previously had incentives to cooperate which recognizes the world as a dangerous with Britain “defected” to other powers, place in which a just peace is maintained causing the international system to only by the strong. fragment. The outcome was depression and war. The decline of American power This form of primacy is based on the 9 assumption that U.S. power is good not could lead to a similar outcome. only for the United States itself but also for The “democratic peace” is based on the rest of the world. The argument is that the idea, popular among liberal interna- 122 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES? The Bush Doctrine: The Foreign Policy of Republican Empire tionalists, that liberal democracies do not Crossroads, neo-conservatives, unlike 10 fight one another. The concept originated realists, believe that “the internal character with Immanuel Kant, who argued in Perpetual of regimes matters and that foreign policy Peace that the spread of constitutional must reflect the deepest values of liberal republics was a necessary, if not sufficient, democratic societies.” And unlike liberal cause of peace among states. While Bush internationalists who seem to believe that has invoked the idea on numerous occasions, international law and institutions alone are he is not alone. In his 1994 State of the sufficient to achieve peace, neo-conser- Union address, President Bill Clinton said: vatives contend that there are certain “Ultimately, the best strategy to ensure our problems that can be addressed only security and to build a durable peace is to through the prudent exercise of American support the advance of democracy else- power.13 11 where. Democracies don’t attack each other.” But the suggestion that the Bush In 2005, Congress passed legislation intro- Doctrine is an innovation attributable to duced by Senators John McCain and Joe neo-conservatism alone is simply a – Lieberman, the Advance Democracy Act, historical. After all, Andrew Bacevich’s which states: “Wars between or among description of the neo – conservative democratic countries are exceedingly rare, enterprise as “fus[ing] American power to while wars between and among nondemo- American principles, ensuring the survival cratic countries are commonplace, with nearly of those principles and subsequently their 170,000,000 people having lost their lives propagation to the benefit of all human- because of the policies of totalitarian kind” applies to American statecraft since governments.”12 the beginning of the Republic.14 Far from representing a “neo-conser- The principles of the American founding vative” innovation in American foreign have always been at least as important a policy, the Bush Doctrine is in the tradition determinant of U.S. foreign policy as of the Founders and statesmen of the Early “interests” in the narrow realist sense. An Republic, as well as Franklin Roosevelt, implication of this argument is that there is Harry Truman, and Ronald Reagan. The linear progression from the Declaration of Bush Doctrine represents a continuation of Independence to President Bush’s attempt a policy that fuses American security and to mid – wife the creation of an Iraqi the “American Mission.” The “ultimate goal democracy. of ending tyranny in our world” has been a As Walter Russell Mead has shown in cornerstone of American foreign policy A Special Providence, U.S. foreign policy since the earliest days of the Republic. cannot be understood in terms of the two dominant schools of international relations The Early Republic and the Genesis theory, realism on the one hand and of the ‘American Mission’ liberalism or liberal internationalism on As suggested earlier, critics of the the other. In essence, the debate between Bush Doctrine dismiss it as the work of a academic realists and liberal internationalists cabal of “neo-conservatives” who co- is little more than a sterile dispute between opted U.S. foreign policy in the wake of Machiavelli and Kant that only serves to 9/11. So-called neo-conservatives have illustrate the poverty of academic interna- indeed frequently supported the Bush tional relations theory. Doctrine because, as Francis Fukuyama Realism stresses the importance of power observes in his recent book, America at the and military security in international affairs

123 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Mackabin Thomas Owens and is most concerned about maintaining commercial republic and sought to unleash stability and a peaceful balance of power. among his countrymen modern freedom. For the realist, the state’s most vital Jefferson was an advocate of Sparta, interest – and its only meaningful goal, no Hamilton an advocate of Athens.15 matter its form of government or what it Despite their differences, both Jefferson says for public consumption – is to maintain and Hamilton agreed nonetheless that the enough power to ensure its security. Realists new Republic was destined for greatness. ban economics, morality, and democracy Remarkably, both Jefferson and Hamilton from high politics. In contrast, liberal envisioned an American polity that com- internationalists contend that the goals of bined the principles of republic and empire, actors within the international political despite the dominant view of the eighteenth system transcend power and security to century that viewed the two as incompatible. 16 include peace and prosperity. Thus Hamilton sought a “republican empire” For realists, liberals are too abstract while Jefferson envisioned a vast “empire and place too much emphasis on the “good of liberty” spreading west, north, and south 17 side” of human nature. For liberals, realists across the continent. For both Jefferson are too pessimistic and cynical. In addition, and Hamilton, an American empire would their theory is too parsimonious; it fails to be an innovation, not based on conquest, explain enough in the world. as had empires of old, but instead consti- The fact is that American principles tute a “new order for the ages.” have been at least as important in shaping For the founding generation, the U.S. foreign policy as the raw pursuit of principles underlying the American Empire power beloved by realists. America’s were universal in application. As Robert westward expansion and rise to global Kagan has argued, in an age ofmonarchy power have been inextricably linked to the and despotism, such universal principles idea that liberal democracy is the best form by their very nature made America a of government, not only for the United “dangerous nation” because by liberating States, but also for the world at large. human potential, they would “capture the American “realism” has always been shaped imagination and the following of all 18 by economic and moral considerations. humanity.” Realists in the tradition of For Americans, geopolitics, economic Hans Morgenthau have criticized the and commercial interests, and political “crusading spirit” in foreign relations, but principle have always been inseparable. American foreign policy has often been Accordingly, Americans have seen the motivated by the belief that the United spread of liberalism as very much a U.S. States stood in opposition to tyrannical interest. This desire to expand the “American power and despotism. way” has transcended partisan differences. American foreign policy has often For instance, both Jefferson and been criticized for being “moralistic.” But Hamilton agreed that the United States it is important to note that before the was to be a republic, but they differed American founding, all regimes were based concerning the sort of republic that it on the principle of interest or advantage would be. Jefferson and those who shared alone – the interest of the stronger. That his views sought an agrarian republic and principle was articulated by the Greek hoped to instill in Americans agrarian historian Thucydides in his description of civic virtue. Hamilton, on the other hand the conversation between the Athenians believed the Untied States should be a and the rebellious Melians: “Questions of 124 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES? The Bush Doctrine: The Foreign Policy of Republican Empire justice arise only between equals. As for perfectly attained, constantly approximated, and thereby the rest, the strong do what they will. The constantly spreading and deepening its influence, and 19 augmenting the happiness and value of life to all weak suffer what they must.” Inequality, people of all colors everywhere.22 whether between master and slave or between aristocrat and commoner were Such rhetoric informed both American simply part of the accepted order of things. domestic and foreign policy. And it was The United States was founded on not limited to the nineteenth century. As different principles – justice and equality. Kagan has observed, “the twentieth century, No longer would it be the foundation of of course, rang with the rhetoric of great- 23 political government that some men were ness, moralism, and mission.” born “with saddles on their backs” to be For instance, the Republican Party’s ridden by others born “booted and spurred.” campaign platform of 1900 made Lincoln’s In other words, no one had the right to rule argument explicit with regard to the recently over another without the latter’s consent.20 concluded war with Spain. According to While the United States has not this document, the Spanish – American always lived up to its own principles, it has War had been fought for “high purpose.” nonetheless created the standard of justice It was a “war for liberty and human rights” in both domestic and international affairs. that had given “ten millions of the human For instance, the stated desire of the race” a “new birth of freedom” and the United States to free Cuba from a despotic American people “a new and noble Spain, which helped to bring about the responsibility… to confer the blessings of Spanish-American War, can be traced liberty and civilization upon all the rescued 24 Abraham Lincoln’s speech on the Dred peoples.” Scott Decision of 1857, a speech that It is important to recognize that Woodrow illustrates the logic of liberty. “I think the Wilson did not invent the rhetoric of a authors of [the Declaration of Indepen- foreign policy shaped by moral purpose. dence] intended to include all men, but Accepting the Republican vice-presi- they did not intend to declare men equal in dential nomination in 1900, Theodore all respects. They did not mean to say that Roosevelt asked, “Is America a weakling all were equal in color, size, intellect, to shrink from the world work of the great moral developments, or social capacity. world – powers?” He replied to his own They defined with tolerable distinctness, in rhetorical question by proclaiming: “The what respects they did consider all men young giant of the West stands on a created equal – equal in ‘certain inalienable continent and clasps the crest of an ocean rights, among which are life, liberty, and in either hand. Our nation, glorious in the pursuit of happiness.”21 youth and strength, looks in the future with eager eyes and rejoices as a strong man to Lincoln also argued that the Founders: run a race.”25 did not mean to assert the obvious untruth, that all Statesmen of both parties saw the men were then actually enjoying that equality, nor Civil War as America’s first great moral yet, that they were about to confer it immediately crusade and World War I as its second. It upon them. In fact they had no power to confer such a boon. They meant simply to declare the right, so was not Wilson but Roosevelt who that the enforcement of it might follow as fast as declared: “As our fathers fought with circumstances should permit. They meant to set up a slavery and crushed it, in order that it not standard maxim for a free society, which should be seize and crush them, so we are called on familiar to all, and revered by all; constantly looked to, constantly labored for, and even though never to fight new forces.” It was not Wilson but

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Henry Cabot Lodge who called World when the new nation was surrounded by War I “the last great struggle of demo- hostile powers. To paraphrase Thomas Hobbes, cracy and freedom against autocracy and without security, American principles were militarism.” These same statesmen of both but words. Without a successful Revolution parties justified U.S. military interventions and the consolidation of American power in the affairs of Latin American and on the North American continent, the Caribbean peoples, as a means of spreading principles of the American Founding would liberal principles abroad.26 have been stillborn. This is not to suggest that expanding As early as 1778, George Washington liberal democracy was the only motive for foresaw the strategic problem that the U.S. actions during the nineteenth and young Republic would face in the years twentieth centuries. It was most certainly following the Revolution. As he explained not. But far from reflecting the conventional to Henry Laurens, he opposed a combined narrative of “virtuous isolationism” – the French – American offensive against Canada idea that the United States was an because he was concerned that the price of exemplar of liberty and nothing more – the cooperation with the French in this case statesman of these periods embraced the would be the reestablishment of French mission of spreading liberal principles for power in Canada, leading to a situation in the betterment of not only Americans but which the United States would sub- also of the peoples of the world. sequently be hemmed in by a combination of Europeans and Indians. American Security in the Early France acknowledged for some time past the most Republic and the ‘American powerful monarchy in Europe by land, able now to Mission’ dispute the empire of the sea with Great Britain, and As important as the American mission if joined with Spain, I may say certainly superior, may have been in the formulation and possessed of New Orleans, on our Right, Canada on our left and seconded by the numerous tribes of practice of U.S. foreign policy during the Indians on our Rear from one extremity to the other, Early Republic, promulgating American a people, so generally friendly to her and whom she principles depended on the security of the knows so well how to conciliate; would, it is much to be apprehended have it in her power to give law to American regime. The United States could 27 not be an exemplar of liberty unless it could these states. survive in a hostile world. U.S. foreign policy As John Lewis Gaddis has argued, the must always be seen as a prudent balance American response to threats to its security between principle and power. Actions in differed from the approach of most nations support of American principles undertaken – to seek safety by retreating to a defensive when the United States was weak looked posture – although this is arguably what different than those undertaken when the the United States had done during the United States was strong. Jefferson and Madison administrations. As Hamilton wrote in Federalist, the The result was a British invasion and the United States established a constitution for burning of the capital in 1814. governance based on “reflection and choice,” The attack on the American homeland rather than “on accident and force.” But to in 1814 demonstrated that liberty was create such a constitution, it was necessary vulnerable to attack if the United States for the Americans to survive, first during relied on a defensive posture. Thereafter, the Revolution and then during the Americans “generally responded to threats dangerous period of the Early Republic – and particularly to surprise attacks – by 126 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES? The Bush Doctrine: The Foreign Policy of Republican Empire taking the offensive, by becoming more John Quincy Adams was equally conspicuous, by confronting, neutralizing, adamant in rejecting the possibility that the and if possible overwhelming the sources United States could coexist with any other 28 of danger rather than fleeing from them.” great power in North America. As he Having established a “beachhead for liberty wrote in 1811, the choice was between “an 29 in a world run by tyrants,” the security of endless multitude of little insignificant liberty required that the beachhead be ex- clans and tribes at eternal war with one panded. This approach led Americans to another for a rock, or a fish pond, the sport adopt an expansionist grand strategy based and fable of European oppressors” or “a on three principles: hegemony, unilateralism, nation, coextensive with the North American and preemption. Gaddis attributes this grand continent, destined by God and nature to strategy to John Quincy Adams, whom Gaddis be the most populous and most powerful characterizes as “the most influential American people ever combined under one social 30 32 grand strategist of the nineteenth century.” compact.” Hegemony was based on the idea that Unilateralism, which accepted the need the Republic’s safety precluded any sharing for international cooperation in the form of of power on the North American continent. treaties but rejected alliances as an un- North America constituted the United States’ necessary limit on American action, has sphere of influence. The United States often been confused with isolationism. would not accept a balance of power in the The French alliance of 1778 demonstrated Western Hemisphere but sought to ensure to most Americans the dangers of agreeing a predominance of power. to “commitments to act in concert with Both the Founders and the statesmen other great powers against future contin- of the Early Republic recognized that the gencies which no one could foresee.”33 real danger to American security and The tendency to confuse unilateralism independence was the inability of a weak and isolationism has contributed to long- United States to prevent European quarrels standing misperceptions of Washington’s from being transplanted to the American Farewell Address. For instance, after the continents. The farsighted among them passage that everyone misuses to prove understood that the antidote to such a that the real policy of the United States possibility was a strong and viable Union. should be isolationist – ”…it must be The alternative, approved by some who unwise in us to implicate ourselves… in opposed the Constitution, was a series of the ordinary vicissitudes of [Europe’s] smaller confederacies. But as John Jay politics, or the ordinary combinations and observed in his contributions to The Federalist, collisions of her friendships and enmities” the consequences of a weak and divided – Washington continues: America, “split into three or four inde- If we remain one People, under an efficient pendent and probably discordant republics government, the period is not far off, when we may or confederacies, one inclining to Britain, defy material injury from external annoyance; when another to France, and a third to Spain, and we may take such an attitude as will cause the perhaps played off against each other by neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, the three…” would constitute a “prey to under the impossibility of making acquisition upon discord, jealousy, and mutual injuries…,” us, will not lightly hazard giving us provocation; inviting strife because these polities would when we may choose peace or war, as our interest 34 be “formidable only to each other.”31 guided by justice shall Counsel.”

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Far from a universal admonition against adverse outcome in the future. U.S. actions intervention, the Farewell Address represents in Florida after the War of 1812 constitute a prudential combination of interest and the clearest example of preemption during principle, to be pursued unilaterally by the the Early Republic. United States. Karl Walling has argued that the De- The Monroe Doctrine represents an claration of Independence represents an extension of the unilateralist principle. When even earlier example of preemption. After it became clear in the early 1820s that the all, when the Declaration was issued, only newly independent Latin American republics Massachusetts and New York had been might not be able to defend their sovereignty subject to direct attack by the British and against Spain, possibly assisted by the were, therefore, justified in making “an reactionary monarchies of France, Austria, unambiguous claim to be fighting in self – and Russia, Great Britain suggested a joint defense.” Walling observes that Anglo-American statement opposing future the delegates [to the Continental] Congress were European colonization in the western hemi- essentially ambassadors from the separate colonies sphere. While President James Monroe, sent to deliberate on common policy and strategy to along with former presidents Jefferson and oppose the British efforts to centralize power in Madison, liked the proposal, Adams, Monroe’s Parliament during the decade after the Seven Year’s War. In other words, Americans declared their secretary of state sought to transform it independence more as a coalition of independent into a unilateral statement, in order “to states than a single nation, with all the problems avow our principles explicitly” rather than incident to coalition war for the rest of the conflict “to come in as a cock – boat in the wake of with Great Britain and the subsequent peace, until 35 1787, when they shifted from a coalition toward the British man-of-war.” something new, with its exact nature to be worked As Gaddis observes, Adams realized out over time. that the United States lacked the means to enforce the policy, but “he shrewdly One of the many rhetorical purposes calculated that Great Britain, with its navy, of the Declaration, argues Walling, was to did have such means, and that its own demonstrate to the people of colonies not interests in this instance would complement under attack that they soon would be and those of the United States even in the that they all had “no choice but to fight the absence of a formal commitment.” The British before it was too late to do so, that Monroe Doctrine permitted the United is, before it used its military power to States to avoid the dangers illustrated by subdue the colonies one by one.” By the French alliance of 1778 – the obli- warning of British tyranny to come, the gation to align American long – term Declaration called for the colonies to preemptively unite before Great Britain interests with those of another state, or to 37 provide assistance when those interests could divide and conquer them. were threatened. Unilateralism characterized The Early Republic faced many American foreign policy right up until threats, including a continuing European World War II. As Gaddis notes, the Bush presence in North America – Great Britain Doctrine does not a represent new approach in Canada and Spain in Florida and Texas to foreign affairs but a return to an older – and what we would today call “non-state one.36 actors”: marauding Indians and pirates, Preemption arguably has been a part of an ready to raid lightly defended areas on the American grand strategy since the Revo- frontier. These threats were exacerbated by lution, justifying early steps to prevent an the weakness of what Adams called 128 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES? The Bush Doctrine: The Foreign Policy of Republican Empire

“derelict” provinces (today we would call in Haiti and Nicaragua in the early them “failed states”), which provided an twentieth century because it feared that excuse for further European intervention European powers would use the “dereliction” in the Americas, and sanctuary for hostile argument as an excuse to intervene in the non – state actors. In 1818, Florida provided Caribbean. Such American fears were an occasion to address such threats. validated in the 1860s when France took After Creeks, Seminoles, and escaped advantage of the American Civil War to slaves launched a series of attacks on establish Maximilian I as emperor of Mexico. Americans from sanctuaries in Spanish The principles of American statecraft Florida, General Andrew Jackson, acting – linking principle to power – that shaped on the basis of questionable authority, U.S. foreign policy with respect to the invaded Florida, not only attacking and American continent are logically expandable burning Seminole villages but also to the global arena. The logic of security is capturing a Spanish fort at St. Marks. He expandable as well. also executed two British citizens whom For instance, while critics of the Bush he accused of aiding the marauders.38 Doctrine argue that its emphasis on Most of Monroe’s cabinet, especially expanding liberal democracy, mocking this Secretary of War John Calhoun, wanted enterprise as “muscular Wilsonianism,” the Jackson’s head, but Adams came to expansion of like regimes can be found in Jackson’s defense. He contended that the Thucydides, who noted that an important United States should not apologize for goal of both Athens and Sparta was to Jackson’s preemptive expedition but insist establish and support regimes similar to that Spain either garrison Florida with their own, democracies in the case of enough forces to prevent marauders from Athens and oligarchies for Sparta. entering the United States or “cede to the Indeed, the Bush Doctrine endorses United States a province… which is in fact this very Thucydidean perspective on a a derelict, open to the occupancy of every global basis. As the president declared enemy, civilized or savage, of the United during a June 2004 speech at the Air Force States, and serving no other earthly purpose Academy: than as a post of annoyance to them.” As Some who call themselves “realists” question Adams had written earlier, it was his whether the spread of democracy in the Middle East opinion “that the marauding parties… should be of any concern of ours. But the realists in ought to be broken up immediately.”39 this case have lost contact with a fundamental reality. As Gaddis observes, Adams believed American has always been less secure when freedom is in retreat and more secure when freedom is on the that the United States “could no more march.41 entrust [its] security to the cooperation of enfeebled neighboring states than to the The Bush Doctrine is based on the re- restraint of agents controlled, as a result, cognition that, as Thucydides understood, by no state.”40 the security of a state is enhanced when it This reasoning informed U.S. foreign is surrounded by others that share its policy in Latin America and the Caribbean principles and interests. through the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. One of the reasons the United American Foreign Policy and the States was keen to annex Texas was the American Character fear of British designs on the American The persistence of the American Southwest. The United States intervened mission – the tendency toward expansion,

129 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Mackabin Thomas Owens the belief that the globe can be trans- Insofar as they are the heirs of Hans formed on the basis of the universal Morgenthau, realists also reject the “crusading principles articulated by the Declaration of spirit,” eschewing ideology and defining Independence, and what critics call the the state’s interests as narrowly as possible, “messianic” impulse – is no aberration but making it less likely that they will come into represents the mainstream of American conflict with the interests of other states.44 opinion regarding foreign policy. Of course, But these other foreign policy approaches, as many scholars have noted, it is not the as well as others, have never been able to only foreign policy tradition. Another is supplant the idea of an American mission, what Walter Russell Mead has called the despite the recurrent fervent hopes of 42 “Jeffersonian” or “Old Republican” school. critics, and despite frequent disappointments This school was adumbrated by Charles and setbacks. Critics who hope that the Pinckney, who, as an advocate of the Iraq War will lead the United States to dominance of domestic over foreign affairs, abandon the “expansive, moralistic, hubristic can be properly described as isolationist. American approach” to foreign policy will Old Republicans such as John be as disappointed as Pinckney, John Randolph of Roanoke and John Taylor of Randolph of Roanoke, John Taylor of Caroline were deeply suspicious of centra- Caroline, the “America Firsters” of the lized power and its corrupting effects on mid – twentieth century, and assorted the people who wield it. They opposed the pacifists and socialists before them. War of 1812, calling itmerely “war for The reason for this is the combination honour,” a “metaphysical war” that could of the intuitive American commitment to not be justified by American interest and universal principles articulated in the nation’s which, by requiring a strong federal founding documents, and an abiding belief government to wage it, would end in “the by the American public at large in the destruction of the last experiment in… free legitimacy of liberal democracy, on the government.” The Old Republican argument one hand, and their desire for power and is today embraced by many on the right of wealth, one the other. This drive led the political spectrum, especially so-called Gouverneur Morris to describe his fellow- libertarians and “traditionalist” conservatives countrymen as “the first-born children of but concerns about the impact of war on the commercial age.” growth of centralized governmental power As Robert Kagan observes: can also be observed on the political left as 43 The expansive, moralistic, militaristic tradition in well. American foreign policy is the hearty offspring of There is also the aforementioned “realist” this marriage between Americans’ driving ambitions school, which criticizes the tradition that and their overpowering sense of righteousness. These includes the Bush Doctrine. Realists stress tendencies have been checked at times by overseas debacles, or by foreign powers too big and strong to the importance of power and military be coerced into acceptance of the American truth. At security in international affairs and are those times, the counter – traditions have been able to most concerned about maintaining stability assert themselves and take temporary control of and a peaceful balance of power. For the American policy, as in the 1930s or in the 1970s. But these victories have been fleeting. The story of realist, the state’s most vital interest – and America’s first century is not one of virtuous restraint its only meaningful goal, no matter its but of an increasingly powerful nation systematically form of government – is to maintain sufficient eliminating all competitors on the North American relative power to ensure its security. continent. The story of its second century is not one

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HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES? The Bush Doctrine: The Foreign Policy of Republican Empire of caution and a recognition of limits but of a steady the World (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2001), and determined rise to global dominance.45 pp. 3-29. 2 American foreign policy has always George Bush, Second Inaugural Address, reflected this American character. The January, 20, 2005. 3 See Norman Podhoretz, World War IV: The description of the Athenians by the Long Struggle Against Islofascism (New York: Corinthians in Thucydides’ Peloponnesian Doubleday, 2007. Cf. Michael Abramowitz, “Many War is applicable to Americans as well: Versions of ‘Bush Doctrine’: Palin’s Confusion in active, innovative, daring, quick, Interview Understandable, Experts Say,” enterprising, acquisitive, and opportunistic. Washington Post, September 13, 2008; p. A01. Like the Athenians, Americans “were born 4 Robert G. Kaufman, In Defense of the Bush into the world to take no rest themselves Doctrine (Lexington: University Press of 46 Kentucky, 2007), pp. 87-99. and to give none to others.” 5 The most astute critics of the Bush Robert Gilpin, The Political Economy of Doctrine recognize that attributing foreign International Relations (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), pp. 72 – 80 and 85 – policy decisions to the manipulation by 92 and Gilpin, Global Political Economy: nefarious individuals or groups or to de- Understanding the International Economic ception, as has been charged in the case of Order (Princeton: Princeton University Press, both Vietnam and Iraq, is seriously at odds 2001), pp. 93 – 100. with the historical record. As they see it, 6 Ethan Barnaby Kapstein, The Political the real problem is the American character Economy of National Security: A Global itself. As Andrew Bacevich writes in The Perspective (New York: McGraw – Hill, 1992), p. 3. Limits of Power, “The impulses that have 7 landed us in a war of no exits and no dead- Donald Kagan, On the Origins of War and lines come from within. Foreign policy has, the Preservation of Peace (New York: Doubleday, 1995), p. 570. for decades, provided an outward manifes- 8 Samuel Huntington, “Why International Primacy tation of American domestic ambitions, Matters”, International Security, Spring, 1993, urges, and fears.” For Bacevich, the Bush pp. 82-93. Doctrine represents continuity, not innovation, 9 Robert Gilpin, War & Change in World Politics reflecting “the accumulated detritus of (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981); freedom, the by – products of our frantic Joseph Greico, Cooperation Among Nations pursuit of life, liberty, and happiness.”47 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1990); and While Bacevich’s jeremiad is unlikely Charles Kindleberger, The World in Depression: to change the American character, it does 1929-1939 (Berkeley: University of California provide a useful cautionary note. As the case Press, 1973). 10 See Michael W. Doyle, “Kant, Liberal of Athens illustrates, states and nations can Legacies, and Foreign Affairs,” Philosophy and overreach, to their detriment. The Bush Public Affairs, Vol. 12, No. 3, Summer, 1983, Doctrine is well within the mainstream of pp. 205–235 and “Kant, Liberal Legacies, and American foreign policy and as such, is Foreign Affairs, Part 2,” Philosophy and Public likely to outlive the administration that Affairs, Autumn, 1983, pp. 323–353, as well as gives it its name, but as with any approach Doyle, Ways of War and Peace (New York: in international affairs, it must be guided W.W. Norton, 1997). For a critique, see by prudential considerations. Christopher Layne, “Kant or Cant: The Myth of the Democratic Peace,” International Security, Autumn, 1994, pp. 5–49. Notes 11 Bill Clinton, State of the Union speech, Jan. 1 Walter Russell Mead, Special Providence: 25, 1994, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp American Foreign Policy and How It Changed – srv/politics/special/states/docs/sou94.htm.

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12 109th Congress, 1st Session, S. 516, Advance Writings (New York: Library of America, Democracy Act. 1984), p. 1517. 13 Francis Fukuyama, America at the Crossroads: 21 Lincoln, “The Dred Scott Decision,” Speech Democracy, Power, and the Neoconservative at Springfield, June 26, 1857, Roy Basler, ed., Legacy (New Haven: Yale University Press, Abraham Lincoln: His Speeches and Writings 2006), p. 48. (New York: Da Capo, 1946), p. 360. 14 Andrew Bacevich, The New American 22 Ibid., p. 361. Militarism: How Americans Are Seduced by 23 Robert Kagan, “Neocon Nation: War (New York: Oxford University Press, Neoconservatism c. 1776,” World Affairs 2005), p. 71. Journal, Spring 2008, http://www.worldaffairs 15 Cf. Leo Strauss, The City and Man (Chicago: journal.org /2008%20 – %20Spring/full – The University of Chicago Press, 1978). neocon.html. 16 See Federalist Number 1, in which Publius 24 Republican Party Platform of 1900, June 19, (Hamilton) addresses the issue concerning “the 1900. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/ fate of an empire in many respects the most index.php?pid=29630. interesting in the world. It has been frequently 25 Louis Auchincloss, ed., Theodore Roosevelt: remarked that it seems to have been reserved to Letters and Speeches (New York: Library of the people of this country, by their conduct and America, 2004). example, to decide the important question, 26 Cited in Kagan, “Neocon Nation.” whether societies of men are really capable or 27 To Henry Laurens, November 14, 1778, in not of establishing good government from Jared Sparks, ed., Washington’s Writings, Vol. reflection and choice, or whether they are VI (New York: Harper and Brothers Publishers, forever destined to depend for their political 1847), p. 108. constitutions on accident and force.” Cf. Karl – 28 John Lewis Gaddis, Surprise, Security, and Friedrich Walling, Republican Empire: Alexander the American Experience (Cambridge: Harvard Hamilton On War and Free Government University Press, 2004, p. 13. (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1999) 29 Gaddis, “Ending Tyranny: The Past and and Patrick Garrity, “Foreign Policy and The Future of an Idea,” The American Interest, Vol. Federalist,” in Charles Kesler, ed., Saving the 4, No. 1, September/October 2008. http://www. Revolution: The Federalist Papers and the American the-american-interest.com/ai2/article.cfm?Id=4 Founding (New York: Free Press, 1987). 59&MId=21. 17 Thomas Jefferson to George Rogers Clark, 30 Gaddis, Surprise, Security, and the American December 25, 1780, in Julian P. Boyd, ed., Experience, p. 15. Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Volume 4 31 Federalist Nos. 4 and 5. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1951) pp. 32 To Abigail Adams, June 30, 1811, 237-238. Cf. Robert W. Tucker and David C. Worthington Chauncey Ford, ed., Writings of Hendrickson, Empire of Liberty: The Statecraft of John Quincy Adams (New York: Macmillan, Thomas Jefferson (New York: Oxford University 1914), Vol IV, p. 128. Press, 1990). 33 Gaddis, Surprise, Security and the American 18 Robert Kagan, Dangerous Nation: America’s Experience, p. 24. Place in the World From Its Earliest Days to the 34 “Farewell Address,” September 19, 1796, in Dawn of the Twentieth Century (New York: William B. Allen, ed., George Washington: a Knopf, 2006). Collection (Indianapolis: Liberty Classics, 19 Robert B. Strassler, The Landmark Thucydides: 1988), pp. 524-525. A Comprehensive Guide to the Peloponnesian 35 Quoted in Samuel Flagg Bemis, John Quincy War (New York: Free Press, 1996), Book 5, Adams and the Foundations of American Foreign section 89, p. 352. Policy (New York: Knopf, 1949), p. 385. 20 Jefferson to Roger C. Weightman, June 24, 36 Gaddis, Surprise, Security, and the American 1826, in Merrill D. Peterson, ed., Jefferson, Experience, pp. 24-26.

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37 Walling, e-mail to the author. Walling argues 44 Examples of realist thought, both classical and that the logic of preemption found in the “neo,” include Kenneth M. Waltz, Theory of Declaration originates in John Locke’s Second International Politics (Reading MA: Addison – Treatise on Government. Wesley, 1979); Stephen M. Walt, Taming 38 Daniel Walker Howe, What Hath God American Power: The Global Response to US Wrought: The Transformation of America, Primacy (New York: Norton, 2005); John J. 1815-1848 (New York: Oxford University Mearsheimer, The Tragedy of Great Power Press, 2007), pp. 111-116. Politics (New York: Norton, 2001); Hans J. 39 Adams to Don Luis d’ Onis, July 23, 1818, Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle in Ford, Writings of John Quincy Adams, Vol. for Power and Peace, 6th edition, Revised by VI, pp. 386 – 394; and Adams to the President, Kenneth Thompson (New York: Knopf, 1985); July 8, 1818, Ibid., p. 304. George F. Kennan, Realities of American Foreign 40 Gaddis, Surprise, Security, and the American Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, Experience, p. 18. 1956); and Henry A. Kissinger, Diplomacy (New 41 George Bush, Graduation Speech at the US Air York: Simon and Schuster, 1994). Force Academy, June 2, 2004, http://www.white 45 Kagan, “Neocon Nation.” house.gov/news/releases/2004/06/20040602.html. 46 Strassler, The Landmark Thucydides, Book 42 Meade, Special Providence, pp. 174 – 217. 1, Sec. 5, p. 40. 43 On the Old Republicans, see Norman K. 47 Andrew J. Bacevich, The Limits of Power: Risjord, The Old Republicans: Southern The End of American Exceptionalism (New Conservatism in the Age of Jefferson (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2008), p. 5. York: Columbia University Press, 1965).

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Learning from the Obama Campaign: reply to W. Frederick Zimmerman (A historical and political lesson plan)

Anca Parmena OLIMID

Abstract: The present article discusses the context of the presidential campaign in the United States in 2008. in particular, the analysis examines the implications of the campaign of candidate of the Democratic Party, Barack Obama, starting from the experiment of W. Frederick Zimmerman in his paper “Should Barack Obama Be President?”. The author’s analysis looks at three essential aspects: the identity of the future president; the particular aspects of his speech on the occasion of the Democratic Convention of 2004 and the organization of the campaign. Keywords: presidential campaign, community, political behavior, public opinion, participation.

arack Obama is among the youngest continues that “each short chapter heading, U.S. presidents. A growing body of like the one above, is a simple statement of B scholarly literature examines the political fact about Barack Obama, carefully phrased context of Obama’s election. Much of this to be (mostly) politically neutral: e.g. or < He is the Senator presidential campaign for public opinion and from Illinois>”1. political life. In particular, an experiment The pro-arguments that Obama should by W. Frederick Zimmerman showes that be President are written by Ned Roots, an Obama’s exposure to public opinion enhanced optimistic Democratic blogger. Overall, in voters’ confidence in their ability to under- response to Zimmerman’s book, the present stand political change. In his book Should article also takes seriously the perspectives Barack Obama Be President? (Nimble Books and objections raised by Trog L. O’Dyte (an LLC edition, 2006), Zimmerman makes a intensely Republican blogger to pro arguments simple but very important analysis of all raised by Ned Roots). Zimmerman’s analysis arguments pro and con on the subject of raises a fundamental question: Should Senator Obama’s sustainability for the office Obama Be President?, providing innovative of President of United States. The author materials on “special” topics like: claims that “this is a book”, offering 1. Barack Obama is African-American. In new information and new perspectives. He particular, Zimmerman reviews John 134 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES? Learning from the Obama Campaign: reply to W. Frederick Zimmerman

McWhorther’s essay in New York Sun Obama’s ascension to the Presidency that identifying the key issues of this topic: captured public attention over time and “The key factor that galvanizes people second, we analyze Obama’s presidential around the idea of Obama for president campaign by reviewing the past challenges is, quite simply, that he is black…Take across different new perspectives6. away Mr. Obama’s race and he’s some So far it has been suggested that there relatively anonymous rookie…”2; are distinctive features of the Barack 2. Barack Obama is Irish-American (“That’s Obama campaign. Minimally, a number of Mister O’Bama To You!”). Times London authors have recognized the importance of identified that “United States has a methods of increasing voter participation long tradition of presidential hopefuls in American low and moderate income drawing on their Irish connection to communities in 2004 election. win votes”3; Equally, there is no clear answer “Was 3. Barack Obama gave the keynote speech there a particular presidential model cam- at the 2004 Democratic Convention4; paign?”. In his article Case Study: Chicago- 4. Barack Obama had a well organized The Barack Obama Campaign, published and publicized clash with John McCain. in Social Policy, Toni Foulkes argues that At the same time, Eilleen Appelbaum Obama started building the base of his offers a tough, but more important, a special campaign years before (the race for U.S. theory on Obama’s unexpected appeal across Senate in 2004). He also argues that there traditional American political model: “The were two central dimensions of the leader- election of Barack Obama on November ship training sessions: the involvement of 4th to serve as the next president of the active volunteers around the 2004 March USA was a triumph of hope over history primary elections; the evolution of Obama’s for America… This is widely recognized campaign from a “nonpartisan electoral work” as a transformation moment in the history to an “increasing voter participation”. of the USA and perhaps, the world. The In 2004, Foulkes also notes that in neo-liberal model – which views greed as “the March primary was not particularly good and wealth as reward for virtue, important for the presidential race, as which belives that markets possess infinite Kerry was just in the process of clinching wisdom and regulation and unions can the Dem presidential campaign nomination. only detract, and which discredits every But it was critical in the U.S. Senate race. objection to rising inequality and upward On March 16th, State Senator Barack Obama redistribution of income as an unwarranted won the right to represent the Democratic assault on the class that creates prosperity”5. Party in the U.S. Senate campaign… Sen. With all these in mind, the present Obama went on a keynote the Democratic article proposes the following hypothesis Convention in July and was catapulted to about the relationship between the ex- the national stage”7. Next, it might be argued posure to public opinion and political par- that still underdeveloped, the African-American ticipation in presidential elections: ex- communities are becoming increasingly posure to Internet and technology is important. Nevertheless, as Foulkes observed, positively related to political participation. distinctively in Chicago, such commu- Our analysis takes into account the nities exerted a positive impact on voters’ potential influence of “self-identification knowledge about Obama’s campaign. For factors” in campaign in two ways: first, we instance, ACORN is active on the south review all major challenges involved in and west sides of Chicago, in the south

135 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Anca Parmena Olimid suburbs and the east side of Springfield, primary campaign. Commenting on March the state capital. Moreover, ACORN makes primary campaign, Foulkes notes that provision for the African-American commu- ACORN was involved in there distinctive nities, with a growing Latino presence in activities (first, block captains were identified Chicago’s Little Village and the suburb8. and “provided with lists of registered and As noted before, in the case of unregistered voters and voter registration African-American communities, open and materials”; second, block captains went to responsive are synonyms. Foulkes argues work to turn out vote”; third, in some pre- that the voting patterns in these commu- cincts in the 15th ward, it was possible “to nities paint a somewhat optimistic picture hire canvassers to work on voter turnout”9 of increasing participation in 2004 March (see Figure 1).

Figure 1. Voter Turnout, Chicago Primaries 2003-200410

WARD/ Voter Voter Voters Change Turnout Turnout Turnout

TOTALS 04 Ballots 03 Ballots Change in in Change Percentage Percentage Number of of Number Registered 04 Registered 03 Registered ALL 15TH 24956 7832 31% 27602 6572 24% 19% 31,8% WARD ALL 24TH 30259 11137 37% 34763 9376 27% 19% 36,5% WARD CITY 1334909 51248238% 38% 1436286 483993 34% 6% 13,9% WIDE

Other research has examined the im- political action that includes but is not plications of “watching” Obama’s political limited to electoral politics, social and life and career for public opinion. On the political movements, interest group activi- basis of this finding, Dupuis and Boeckelman ties, and the role of voting blogs in reveal a new challenge for exploring such American elections”12. Finally, Dupuis and complexities: “Barack Obama is both icon Boeckelman expose the role of Internet in and enigma, which may explain his instant 2008 elections and the influence on poli- appeal in American culture”11. Overall, the tical interest. Moreover, the authors argue authors also capture the early political that the use of Internet and high techno- career of President Obama culminating in logy revolutionized the universally model his meteoric political race for the U.S. of political campaign. Obama’s presidential Senate. Dupuis and Boeckelman analyze campaign mobilized Internet resources in the evolution of his distinctive rhetorical ways never imagined. Additionally, it used style and the patterns of the political evo- technology to its fullest reflecting the realities lution developed between 1996 and 2004 of the real America. Dupuis and Boeckelman and the presidential campaign between test their arguments by focusing on public 2007 and 2008. The authors take a deli- opinion polls/surveys conducted by the berate tack toward “a broader definition of The Pew Internet and American Life Project13.

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HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES? Learning from the Obama Campaign: reply to W. Frederick Zimmerman

Is Dupuis and Boeckelman’s argument to dispute in respect of the Democratic persuasive? The Pew Research and Ame- nominee for president of Barack Obama rican Life Project report that with the 2008 and the historical significance for the black elections, 46% of Americans used the community of the election of Jane Byrne - Internet, text messaging, e-mail, cell-phones Chicago’s first female mayor. In fact, to obtain information about the 2008 contrary to Obama’s assertion that “a view presidential campaign; also 35% preferred that sees white racism as endemic” is “ a to watch online political videos, 10% say profoundly distorted view of the country”, thay have used social networking sites Harlow argues that “social science has such as Facebook or Myspace, and 39% of conclusively established that racism is, in online Americans have used the Internet to fact, endemic; it is an existing structural access “unfiltered” campaign materials14. phenomenon, not simply an individual Finally, amongst the multiple comments, level occurrence of the past. Racism one useful article to read is from the Campaign consists of the beliefs and institutional Strategy Newsletter 46 November 200815. arrangements that reinforce the superiority On the other hand, the first comment is to and the inferiority of one racial group draw attention to the limits that the Cam- relative to another”19. paign Strategy Newsletter set on its depen- Regarding the matters of social equality dence to networking (see Duane Raymond and full citizenship, Harlow’s article contains article on FairSay16). At this point, the a synthesizing reference to history, culture author argues that it is worth taking consi- and tradition: “… the possibility of Mr. dering how Obama Campaign’s networking Obama as the first black president presents was able to raise $650milion USD17. a feel good scenario that people want to Furthermore, Duane’s article leads us to a embrace; however the symbolic representation simple but important conclusion. And as of racial equality/national healing that he many had pointed all along, this “Obama provides is simply that – symbolic, not real”20. Campaign’s networking” developed a In other words, Harlow’s article examines seven steps campaign strategy: the sources of Obama’s 2008 Democratic 1. Interest on collecting email and/or nominee for president. In addition, it sizes personal contact; across space and time the experience of the 2. Data stored in databases in order to easy American Dream fulfilled by describing the targeting; temporal dynamics in his political evolution. 3. A complex campaign networking from Harlow then discusses that changing donating to organizing; entrenched social and economic inequality 4. The total support of volunteers and staff; does nothing to remove the structure of 5. Focusing on recruiting supporters and inequality that exists in United States. mobilizing them on election day; Harlow reports that certain features of 6. Initiative to ask for small donations constitutional design had a significant from new and existing donors; effect on the existing structural pheno- 7. Use of internet as “a system that menon of “systemic racism”. harvests video, accompanying media and As Harlow observes, these represen- sets of temporal and social contextual tations represent “a feel good scenario” information”18. that people, the world over will embrace in Roxannna Harlow, former Associate order to reestablish the illusion of racial Professor of Sociology at McDaniel diversity. One example that partially illustrates College in Westminster, Maryland is hard this logic is the Obama’s nomination, a

137 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Anca Parmena Olimid real proof of the fulfillment of the promise Keith Boeckelman argue that Obama’s of freedom and justice for all American campaign included larger themes like citizen- citizens. Nevertheless, Harlow’s normative ship and political engagement, advocating conclusions regarding racism within the that American citizens have a civic res- context of the American political philoso- ponsibility to go beyond the vote and gain phical theory are significant because they a deeper and complex understanding of the contribute to eliminate the disparities “in political debate26. the long history of discrimination in the Ceaser, Busch and Pitney report that criminal justice system”21. there are two main questions flowing from Consequently, more different opinions the results of the 2008 elections. The first are rediscovered and codified by political regards why the election of Barack Obama agents and analysts of the present. From in 2008 spell the end to nearly thirty years this perspective of temporality, the American generally referred to as the Reagan era? “dialogue” about race has to move in a And the second question regards the way that real and significant22. Analyzing effects of these elections for the beginning the temporal aspect of Obama’s primary of a long-term electoral realignment in campaign, Carmen R. Lugo-Lugo and favor of the Democratic Party27. Without Mary K. Bloodsworth-Lugo report three judging the performance of the future different phenomena related to time, history, president, the authors discover six keys to culture that need to be distinguished: the success of Barack Obama: 1. The Democratic nominee of Barack 1. Barack Obama combined the two Obama served as “canvas over which major themes in 2008 election which constructions of terrorism, post- were change and post-partisanship. September 11th anxieties and fears of The 2008 presidential campaign elaborated renewed terrorist (and anti-American) major issues as the economy, the national threats”23; security, health reform proposals, but 2. The disturbing pattern in which the also it was notable for the absence of image of Barack Obama was used to an appeal to the programmatic level28. maintain “a climate of fear of the browned The authors observed that neither anti and un-American body”24. Obama or McCain adopted “an ideo- In regard to the relationship between logical label akin to Clinton’s New political behavior and the individual expe- Democratic Agenda or to Bush’s com- rience, Wanda V. Parham-Payne makes a passionate conservatorism”29; case for interpreting the 2008 elections 2. Barack Obama was an individual can- according to the individual experiences or didate by comparison with recent conditions of black women. Overall, the candidates for the presidency – Bob author argues that while focus group parti- Dole, Al Gore, John Kerry or George cipants acknowledged in general the W. Bush who proved by the end of historical importance of Clinton’s candidacy, the campaign an extraordinary and “participants contended that the gains and remarkable flexibility. Looking back successes of the Obama campaign are of the authors argue that Obama first even greater, historical importance”25. impressed a national audience in 2004 Numerous studies show the relation- Democratic convention. Yet Obama’s ship between self-identification to the speech prefigured the message for unity community and the political participation. shifting his position on issues as the As mentioned before, Martin Dupuis and 138 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES? Learning from the Obama Campaign: reply to W. Frederick Zimmerman

position on guns, the revion of the Foreign are the highest for a candidate and a Intelligence Surveillance Act etc.; party since the Pew Center first asked 3. The innovation in campaign organization. the voters to grade the candidates As mentioned before, Obama’s staff and their parties in 1988; recruited only quality staff creating a - Overall, two-thirds of voters say tactical network across regions. Obama’s they were of fairly satisfied with the agenda included more readily issues choice of candidates in 2008 (95% available to be organized such as “college of Obama’s voters say they are youth, highly educated professional, satisfied with their choices and and issues activities who opposed the nearly 69% of his Obama’s report Iraq War”30. very satisfied)31; A Pew Center Research Center for the - Furthermore, 76% of voters who People & the Press released in gave a mark to Barack Obama said November 2008 reported that voters he earned an A or B the way he award very high marks to Obama’s organized himself the presidential campaign and the Democratic Party campaign32 (see Figure 2. Campaign organization: Ratings - Among voters who gave - The survey reports that the marks an answer33). awarded to the Democrat candidate

Figure 2. Rating the Parties-Among voters who gave an answer (% Who Rated Each an A or B)

2008 2004

2000

1996

1992

1988

0 50 100 150 200 250 Barack Obama Democratic Party John McCain Republican Party

4. The question of identity as the central identified as the Democrat candidate theme of his personal development. “who also happened to be black”34. Many authors argued that Barack Talbot adds that “his oratory renowned Obama chose the African-American and his presidential campaign ware identity. This element of the key in the filled with inspirational talks to tens of presidential equation: at the outset of thousands of supporters”35. the 2008 campaign, many analysts 5. Obama’s speech about race. Many raised questions about Obama’s real commentators considered Obama’s support for the black community; speech as the starting point for the moreover, Obama had to deal with great ”dialogue” about race in United comments regarding the need to be States. The racial aspect was the posi-

139 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Anca Parmena Olimid

tive argument in Obama’s campaign network and four principal national in two important dimensions. First, it newspapers (Time, Newsweek and the was the crucial support inside the New York Times and Washington Post). Democratic Party in difficult primary Furthermore, a study released by the moments such as South and North Pew Research Center’s Project for Carolina. Second, it provided the Excellence in Journalism in October sentiment of moral authority. Also the 2008 looked at the media’s 2008 sense of commitment to religious plu- coverage and found that McCain ralism inspired the idea of the pro- received a more negative than positive gressive instinct in the present injustice36. media coverage between the GOP Talbot argues that in a Pew Research convention and the final debate. The Center Poll conducted in March 2008, study also reported that media favored 80% found Obama inspiring and 78% the Democratic candidate over the found him honest, patriotic and down- Republican (See Most voters Sat to-earth37. News Media Wants Obama To Win. 6. In conclusion, Barack Obama enjoyed “Joe the Plumber” a Top Campaign the support of the three television Story, released October 22, 2008).

Table 1. Most voters Sat News Media Wants Obama To Win. “Joe the Plumber” a Top Campaign Story, released October 22, 200838 .Question ≠ 1: Who Does Media Favor in the 2008 Election? (Based on Registered Voters)

Who does most 1992 1996 2000 2004 2008 reporters want to % see win? Obama/Democrat 52 59 47 50 70 McCain/Republican 17 17 23 22 9 Neither 5 3* 6 6 8 Don’t know 26 21 24 22 13 100

Notes Challenge of Obama’s Blackness in “Journal of 1 W. Frederick Zimmerman, Should Barack Black Studies”, Vol. 38, September 2007, pp. Obama be president? Dreams from my father, the 64-74. audacity of hope, Obama in '08?, Ann Arbor, 3 W. Frederick Zimmerman, op. cit., p. 22. Nimble Books LLC, 2007, © 2006, pp. iii-xiv. 4 See Babak Elahi, Grant Cos, An Immigrant’s 2 John McWhorter, The color of His Skin in Dream and the Audacity of Hope: The 2004 “New York Sun”, September 21, 2006 available Convention Addresses of Barack Obama and on the New York Sun website, http://www. Arnold Schwarzenegger in “American Behavioral nysun.com/opinion/color-of-his-skin/40050/. Scientist”, Vol. 49, November 2005, pp. 454- See also Ron Walters, Barack Obama and the 465; Deborah F. Atwater, Senator Barack Politics of Blackness in “Journal of Black Obama: Rhetoric of Hope and the American Studies”, Vol. 38, September 2007, pp. 7-29; Dream in “Journal of Black Studies”, Vol. 38, Radhika Parameswaran, Facing Barack Hussein November 2007, pp. 121-129. Obama: Race, Globalization, and the Transnational 5 Eilleen Appelbaum, The Obama Moment in America in “Journal of Communication Inquiry”, “Intereconomics”, Vol. 43, No. 6, November Vol. 33, July 2009, pp. 195-205; Charlton D. 2008, pp. 314-315. Mcllwain, Perceptions of Leadership and the 140 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES? Learning from the Obama Campaign: reply to W. Frederick Zimmerman

6 See also, Randolph Burnside, Kami Marchionini, Preserving 2008 US Presidential Whitehurst, From the Statehouse to the White Election Videos (http://ils.unc.edu/vidarch/ House?: Barack Obama’s Bid to Become the Shah-IWAW2007.pdf). The authors are interested Next President in “Journal of Black Studies”, in analyzing the correlation between the user Vol. 38, September 2007, pp. 75-89. behavior on such sites and the actual social 7 Tony Foulkes, Case Study: Chicago - The trends and patterns. The emerging framework Barack Obama Campaign in “Social Policy”, of the study focuses on 2008 US Presidential Winter 2003, Vol. 34, No. 2, Spring 2004, Vol. Election and YouTube as the video source. 34, No. 3, pp. 49-52. 19 Roxanna Harlow, Barack Obama and the 8 Ibidem, p. 50. See also Bart Schultz, Obama’s (In)Significance of His Presidential Campaign Political Philosophy: Pragmatism, Politics, and in “Journal of African American Studies”, Vol. the University of Chicago in “Philosophy of the 13, No. 2/2009, pp. 164-175. Social Sciences”, Vol. 39, June 2009, pp. 127-173. 20 Ibidem, p. 164. 9 Ibidem. 21 Ibidem, p. 168. 10 The figure is an adaptation after the figure 22 For more details see Lawrence D. Bobo, Voter Turnout, Chicago Primaries 2003-2004. Camille Z. Charles, Race in American Mind: For more see, Tony Foulkes, op. cit., p. 51. From the Moynihan Report to the Obama 11 Martin Dupuis, Keith Boeckelman, Barack Candidacy in “The ANNALS of the American Obama, the new face of American politics, Academy of Political and Social Science”, Vol. (Series Foreword), Westport, Conn., Praeger, 621, January 2009, pp. 243-259. 2008, pp. ix-xii. 23 For more references see Carmen R. Lugo-Lugo, 12 Ibidem; Jerry Harris, Carl Davidson, Obama: Mary K. Bloodsworth-Lugo, Black as Brown: the new contours of power in “Race & Class”, The 2008 Obama Primary Campaign and the Vol. 50, April 2009, pp. 1-19. U.S. Browning of Terror in “Journal of African 13 Ibidem, p.70. American Studies”, Vol. 13/2009, pp. 110-120. 14 Lee Rainie, Aaron Smith, The Internet and 24 Ibidem, p. 111. the 2008 election. Read full report on Pew 25 Wanda V. Parham-Payne, Through the Lens Internet & American Life Project website of Black Women: The Significance of Obama’s http://www.pewinternet.org/Reports/2008/The- Campaign in “Journal of African American Internet-and-the-2008-Election.aspx. Studies”, Vol. 13/2009, p. 137. 15 See full version on line Campaign Strategy 26 Martin Dupuis, Keith Boeckelman, op. cit., Newsletter. Learning From The Obama p. 34. Campaign 27 James W. Ceaser, Andrew Busch, John J. http://www.campaignstrategy.org/newsletters/c Pitney, Epic journey: the 2008 elections and ampaignstrategy_newsletter_46.pdf. the American politics, Lanham, Rowman & 16 For more details about the subject, see Duane Littlefield Publishers, 2009, pp. 7-14. Raymond, Obama’s Win and the Power of 28 Ibidem, p. 15. Networking on http://fairsay.com/blog/obamas- 29 Ibidem. win-and-the-power-of-networking. 30 Ibidem, p. 22. 17 In 2004, Obama strategically conserved all his 31 More about the subject, The Pew Center resources for the media challenge in the last few Research Center for the People & the Press, weeks of the campaign being “able to garner the High Marks for the Campaign, a High Bar for public’s attention in the beginning of 2004”. Also Obama, Section 1: Report Card on the in January 2003, when Obama first announced his Campaign, November 13, 2008. Full report campaign, he had already raised close to available on The Pew Center website $290.000 (For more details concerning the funds http://people-press.org/report/?pageid=1425. raised in Obama’s campaign see Martin Dupuis 32 Moreover, Obama’s ratings are compared to Keith Boeckelman, op. cit., pp. 37-55). those of past Democratic candidates and 18 For more about online digital video hosting McCain’s ratings are compared to those of past and sharing sources in 2008 US Presidential Republican candidates. Election Videos in Chirag Shah, Gary 33 Ibidem.

141 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Anca Parmena Olimid

34 Ibidem, p. 26. 38 See more about the subject The Pew 35 John Talbott, Obamanomics How Bottom- Research Center for the People & the Press, Up Economic Prosperity Will Replace Trickle- Most Voters Say News Media Wants Obama to Down Economics, New York, Seven Stories Win. “Joe the Plumber” a Top Campaign Press, 1st edition, 2008, p. 17. Story, October 22, 2008. Full report available 36 James W. Ceaser, Andrew Busch, John J. on http://people-press.org/report/463/media- Pitney, op. cit., p. 27. wants-obama. *Includes 1% who responded 37 John Talbott, op. cit., p. 17. Perot.

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INTERNATIONAL POLITICS HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES?

China’s Power and Will: The PRC’s Military Strength and Grand Strategy

June Teufel DREYER*

Abstract: China’s international behavior exhibits elements of both threat and peaceful intentions. Greatly increased defense budgets, the acquisition for more advance weapons systems, and certain pronouncements of the leadership argue for the threat scenario. Beijing’s efforts to enhance the PRC’s soft power, its more active participation in international problem-solving activities, and certain pronouncements of other leaders can be taken as evidence for more peaceful intentions. Even assuming that the leadership’s motives are not benign, a combination of domestic weaknesses and foreign resistance could thwart them. The future is not predictable. Keywords: economic development, decollectivization, capabilities, trade, foreign affairs.

hina does not seek hegemony or Since some of the PRC’s actions indi- predominance in world affairs. It advocates cate movement in one direction and others, C a new international political and economic sometimes simultaneously, in another direction, order, one that can be achieved through in- it becomes difficult to distinguish trend cremental reforms and the democratization of from countertrend. Consequently, it is easy international relations.1 China’s actions, most notably its military buildup, have caused observers for an analyst to find evidence that fits his to question he validity of such statements.2 or her previously held opinion. Is China peacefully rising, as the author of the first * June Teufel Dreyer is Professor of quote argues, or is China a threat, which is Political Science at the University of Miami implicit in the second? (Florida). She is the author of China’s Political System: Modernization and Tradition, 6th Military Spending and Social Costs edition (Longman, 2008), as well as numerous Certainly, evidence exists for the threat articles on the Chinese military and foreign scenario. Beginning in 1989, Chinese mili- policy.This article is reprinted with author’s tary budgets have risen by double-digit permission from Orbis, Fall 2007 (published amounts every year except 2003. In that by Elsevier Limite don behalf of Foreign Policy year, the increase was “only” 9.6 percent. Research Institute), pp. 647-660. Moreover, significant military-related ex- penditures do not appear in the announced defense budget at all. These invisible costs

143 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS June Teufel Dreyer include weapons procured from abroad; and could not find comparable accommo- subsidies to the defense industry; funding dations. for paramilitaries – including the People’s Rapid economic development meant Armed Police and the militia; some defense- increased pressure on the already- related construction projects; and certain beleaguered environment. More factories administrative costs such as payments to produced more pollution, and concerns demobilized personnel. It is difficult to with short-term profits typically out- calculate how large these items are. And weighed concerns about long-term conse- analysts disagree over purchasing power quences such as deteriorating air quality, 3 parity conversion. Most estimates cluster drinkable water, and the expansion of deserts. around defense expenditures that are two The health care system, which ranged to three times the reported total. These from barely adequate in urban coastal areas increases, moreover, occurred at the Cold to almost non-existent in rural locales, War’s end, a time when, defense budgets further deteriorated with agriculture’s de- in most other countries were decreasing collectivization. And where the one-child dramatically. Since no foreign power showed family planning policy succeeded, the po- interest in invading the PRC, the country pulation began to age. Demographers consider faced no external threat that would justify a population aged if those over 60 years of these costs. The most recently announced age exceed 10 percent of the population; 4 defense budget, up 17.8 percent to 350 for China, the percentage is 11.3 percent. billion yuan or about 45 billion over 2006 Older citizens create greater demands on figures, puts the PRC’s military expen- the medical system, as do the growing ditures second only to the United States’, environmentally related health problems. although far behind it. Beijing’s leadership has acknowledged Money spent on defense means that that these problems exist. Yet while the fewer funds are available for China’s many Chinese government has stated frankly that it internal problems. The country’s agricultural lacks sufficient funds to adequately address areas face serious problems, including a these health concerns, it has continued to growing gap between urban and rural authorize larger military budgets. incomes; peasant anger at taxes and other The government has justified growing proliferating fees; misappropriation of their defense expenditures by arguing that it is land by developers and local officials; and only compensating for the country’s rising a shortage of rural credit. In urban areas, inflation. However, the increments in defense the economic restructuring that occurred spending have occurred even when the eco- when the PRC abandoned the planned nomy has experienced deflation, and have economy, in favor of a market-based system, usually exceeded inflation rates. During the ended the previous regime of virtually decade ending in 2006, defense spending guaranteed employment. While “breaking increased by double digits annually – an the iron rice bowl” helped make the average of 13.7 percent – after accounting economy more efficient, tens of millions for inflation. The cumulative effect of the of workers were displaced into tight job decade was to virtually quadruple real markets. The newly unemployed often defense expenditures.5 found that their pensions had disappeared as well. Often they were evicted from their Military Capabilities homes by ambitious development efforts, The mere expenditure of funds does not guarantee a more powerful military. 144 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

INTERNATIONAL POLITICS China’s Power and Will...

However, a consensus exists that the While it has been fashionable to con- People’s Liberation Army (PLA, the term clude such analyses by pointing out that, includes naval, air force, marine, and missile for all its increased capabilities, the PLA is forces as well as ground troops) has in- no match for the United States military, creased its capabilities dramatically in this is to argue the question in the wrong many areas. Pay raises and improved way. The Chinese government has no living conditions for officers and men have intention of challenging the United States enhanced the attraction of military service. in a global confrontation. One analyst, whose Training exercises have become more study focused on the navy but could be sophisticated. But nowhere have the generalized into a broader scenario, points expenditures been more visible than in the out that on any given day, American forces PLA’s equipment budget. Between 1997 in the western Pacific may be surprisingly and 2006, annual spending on equipment weak, depending on maintenance status increased from 3.1 billion to 12.3 billion – and commitments in the Indian Ocean and i.e., quadrupling in real terms, just as the Persian Gulf. Windows of opportunity defense budget did. During this period, the would be available for Beijing to benefit Chinese military acquired new surface from its new naval power.8 combatants and submarines; modern fighter Other events that underscore the jets; air-to-air refueling aircraft; satellites; progress of military modernization include unmanned aerial vehicles; and a variety of the PLA’s unveiling of its newest fighter ballistic, cruise, and tactical missile systems. jet, the multirole J-10, and its successful According to the 2006 U.S. Department test, in January 2007, of a ground-based of Defense annual report on the PRC’s medium-range ballistic missile to destroy a military power, China’s acquisitions suggest weather satellite orbiting more than 500 that it is generating capabilities that are miles in space. The J-10, introduced with applicable to various regional contingencies great fanfare the same month, was des- including Taiwan, other territorial disputes cribed as a role reversal in the global arms with several countries that include U.S. industry, with analysts expressing surprise 6 allies, and access to natural resources. at China’s speed in moving from an arms- Foreign naval analysts describe the PRC importing country to one with real promise as an emerging maritime power, pointing as a producer of cutting-edge military out that emphasis on photogenic plat- technology. forms, like new submarines, may have By contrast, there was no initial distracted attention from more mundane announcement of the anti-satellite test. News but potentially lethal progress in areas such was leaked to the magazine Aviation as mine warfare. They assess that, relying Week and Space Technology, presumably heavily on sea mines, the People’s Liberation by sources within the U.S. Department of Army Navy (PLAN) is already fully Defense. Beijing’s confirmation came capable of blockading not only Taiwan but only after American officials hinted that many other crucial sea lines of commu- the PLA might have carried out the test nication in the western Pacific area. without the knowledge of high-ranking Assisted by other emerging capabilities, government officials. these advances in mine warfare amount to At the same time, the PLA’s National a deadly serious challenge to American Defense University was hosting a ten-day power in East Asia.7 conference on informationized military 9 training. Since the Gulf War of 1991, its

145 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS June Teufel Dreyer journals have discussed the need to be able percent per annum for most of the last 25 to fight a technologically superior enemy years – are cumulatively spectacular. that possesses aircraft carriers. Most ob- These have wrought great changes, many servers consider the United States the only of them positive. Shanghai’s futuristic plausible foe fitting the general strategic skyline is regularly featured in collages rubric of “fighting and winning local wars advertising “the Asian century,” and those under conditions of informationalization.”10 who witnessed Shenzhen transformation The U.S. Department of Defense Report from vistas of water buffalo and lotus describes the PLA as targeting surface ponds to seemingly limitless rows of ships and submarines at longer ranges, and gleaming high-rises continue to marvel at notes that some Chinese analysts have stated the speed with which this process was that, if they can seize Taiwan, the navy accomplished. could move its maritime defensive perimeter Energy Concerns. Problems have occurred further outward and influence regional sea as well, however. Since economic growth 11 lines of communication. This possibility is believed to blunt growing social dis- caused concerns among the several PRC contents, the Beijing government must neighbors who have territorial disputes with continue to provide high growth rates or China. Japan has been most vocal among face, what it delicately refers to as, “social them, with the policy chief of Prime instability.” Securing the resources necessary Minister Abe Shinzo’s governing coalition, to enable factories to keep turning out Nakagawa Shoichi, publicly stating that goods at a high speed has impelled China …[Japan] might also become just another Chinese onto world markets for energy and raw province within twenty years or so. If Taiwan is materials, as well as to seek buyers for its placed under [China’s] complete influence, Japan products. While sellers of primary pro- could be next. That’s how much China is seeking .12 ducts typically are delighted to have new hegemony. customers, and former colonies or quasi- In February 2007, testifying before the colonies are glad to have an alternative to Senate Armed Services Committee, Director the mother country, concerns remain that of National Intelligence Michael McConnell the country may just be exchanging one stated that China’s aim inmodernizing its imperialist overlord for another. militarywas to achieve paritywiththe United Regarding energy, especially after sharp States. Headded that as this modernization rises in oil prices in 2005, worries surfaced increased, so would China’s threat to about the rapid rise in the PRC’s imports. America.13 In 1985, the PRC was self-sufficient in energy and a net exporter of crude oil. In Economic Growth 1993, with demand growing and domestic The PRC’s economic growth arouses production virtually flat, it became a net at least as much apprehension as its en- importer. By 2003, China had surpassed hanced military capabilities. There are Japan in becoming the world’s second concerns that, either through military or largest petroleum consumer, amid predictions economic domination or some combination that in future decades its imports would of the two, China intends to become the exceed those of the United States. China’s global hegemon of the 21st century. purchases were not solely responsible for Although the PRC’s economic growth has the spike in oil prices. There were dis- lagged behind the country’s defense budget, ruptions in supply due to instability in economic advances – hovering around ten producer states and rising demand in other 146 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

INTERNATIONAL POLITICS China’s Power and Will... large countries, including India, Brazil, The European Union’s trade deficit and the United States. with the PRC was €106 billion in 2005.15 But it was China’s purchases which How to act on these complaints is un- captured the most attention, since other clear. For example, a bill that has lan- countries worried that both the PRC’s size guished in the U.S. Senate for several and purchasing power might deprive them years would impose a tariff of 27.5 percent of what they considered their fair share. on all Chinese goods entering the United This was a particular concern for India, States. This tariff would represent the mid- with its own huge population and impressive point of a currency that is variously recent growth trajectory. Critics pointed to estimated to be undervalued between 15 Chinese companies’ penchant for purchasing and 40 percent. One of the reasons this bill equity oil – oil that the firms had a pro- has not proven successful is that American prietary right to as a result of equity owner- economists fear that it might be worsen the ship in development projects – rather than problem. Consumers like the low prices of purchasing it on the international market. Chinese goods, and would object to In an exceptionally blunt speech in paying more if the PRC’s currency were September 2005, then-U.S. Deputy Secretary revalued upward. Additionally, China has of State Robert Zoellick accused Beijing invested much of its foreign exchange of exhibiting signs of mercantilism in holdings in U.S. Treasury bills, which in seeking to lock up energy supplies. He essence subsidizes low mortgage rates for advised its government to take concrete American homeowners. Should Beijing steps in addressing what he called “a choose to divest these, the result would be cauldron of anxiety” in the United States, a depressed housing market and further and elsewhere about Chinese intentions. weakening of the dollar. The path to energy security, said Zoellick, was not through arousing anxieties.14 The Asian ‘Colossus of the North’ Trade Frictions. Zoellick was responding, Nowhere is the issue of China’s rise in part, to concerns about the PRC’s trade more sensitive than among its near surpluses with the rest of the world, which neighbors. With India a salient exception, increased an astounding 74 percent in most are dwarfed by China’s size. Much 2006, to 177.5 billion. America’s largest as the United States is regarded by Latin trade imbalance is with China, and reaches America, China is the “colossus of the new highs – over 212.7 billion in 2006 – North” to Southeast Asia. While respecting each year. Some complain that Beijing just their larger neighbor and desiring the be- is not playing fair. Charges include that it nefits of trading with it, Southeast Asian keeps the country’s currency at artificially states are aware at the same time that their low rates, and that it condones gross economies may be swallowed up by the violations of intellectual property rights PRC’s. There is also a legacy of un- costing developed countries billions of easiness due to past relationships with China dollars each year. A study published by the under the tribute system of the imperial European Commission complained that past. “Barbarian,” (i.e. non-Chinese) rulers ...securing reciprocal free and fair market in access in performed the ritual ketou (kowtow) of China is crucial. Here, a range of obstacles to market three kneelings and five prostrations of access and skewed conditions of competition need obeisance to the emperor, confirming one’s urgent attention. vassal status. In return, one’s position as

147 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS June Teufel Dreyer ruler of one’s people was confirmed, and University economist Jeffrey Sachs, whose costly gifts were given. statement that “African governance is poor Some Asians see parallels with the because Africa is poor,” is quoted widely, current practices. In 2004, when the PRC described China’s role in the continent as excoriated Singaporean leader Lee Hsien “extraordinarily positive and important... Loong for visiting Taiwan before taking [Beijing] has a pragmatic approach. It over as prime minister, there were angry – gives fewer lectures and more practical albeit brief – outbursts from its citizens help. The overwhelming feeling from Afri- that their country could not be “bullied can leaders is gratitude toward Chinese 18 into kowtow politics.” A few years later, support.” Beijing often describes its addressing Beijing’s attitudes in general, a policies as aid without strings attached. Singapore commentator said The truth, however, is more nuanced. Contemporary Southeast Asian states did not fight Many African leaders, as distinguished long and hard for their independence only to be from African nations, have good reason to dominated by an external power again. They are be grateful to Beijing. Among those with vigilant in guarding their political sovereignty . . . for most reason to be thankful for Beijing’s ASEAN [The Association of Southeast Asian generosity is Zimbabwe’s president Robert Nations], the main factor shaping its attitude will be Beijing itself, that is, whether China sends clear Mugabe. Local news media have reported signals that it desires win-win ties based on mutual that China provided him with money to respect and benefit. ASEAN does not want an build a mansion, even equipping it with a 16 expansionist, hegemonic China. multimillion dollar “security radar” system. North and South Koreans, typically at Mugabe has also purchased a dozen Chinese loggerheads over almost everything, reacted airplanes, with no obvious pressing need. in angry harmony in 2004 after no less With Zimbabwe’s economy having con- than five papers published by the PRC’s tracted by a third since the 1990s, massive Northeast Asia Project asserted that the inflation, and an unemployment rate esti- ancient kingdom of Koguryo was a mi- mated at 70 percent, the president’s do- nority kingdom of northeast China and mestic critics denounced expenditures on Han Chinese in origin. In Japan, critics of such extravagances. what they considered the excessively Many less highly-placed Africans are accommodationist attitudes of the China angry and disappointed. Workers cheered School in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs when Chinese companies first invested in referred to its practices as dogeza gaiko, or Zambia’s struggling copper mines, but kowtow foreign policy.17 quickly began to complain both about pay that was substantially lower than other Into Africa foreign-owned mines, as well as unsafe China has invested billions of dollars working conditions. In 2005, 49 miners died in African oil production, mining, trans- in an explosion at the Chinese-owned portation, electricity production and trans- Chambishi mine in northeast Zambia. The mission, telecommunications, and other accident was blamed on lax safety stan- infrastructure. In 2004 alone, China’s dards. In the following year, the police direct investment in Africa represented 900 shot five mine workers while quelling a million, or six percent, of the continent’s riot over working conditions. Comparable total of 15 billion. In the decade ending in complaints came from the Chinese-owned 2005, its trade with Africa had jumped Collum iron mine in southern Zambia. The from 4 billion to 40 billion. Columbia Mulungushi Textile Mill shut down, victim 148 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

INTERNATIONAL POLITICS China’s Power and Will... of competition from Chinese goods. Loanga’s plants and animals survive. The Chinese-made textiles and shoes are said country’s environment ministry denied to be less sturdy than their locally-made ever approving Sinopec’s environmental competitors, but sell for far less. impact statement. Chinese immigration into Zambia, as Human rights groups have charged into several other African states, also China with showering aid on corrupt caused frictions. Natives charge that Chinese regimes, and perpetuating their powerful laborers and small business owners are taking leaders. Nowhere has there been more jobs from Zambians. There is disagree- concern over this than in Sudan, where ment over the size of this immigrant slavery and genocide are endemic. China community: President Levy Mwanawasa backs the reprehensible Sudanese regime, told parliament that there are 2,300; local whose militias use Chinese-made helicopter economists estimate that they number at gunships based at airstrips maintained by least thirty thousand. Chinese influence Chinese oil companies to murder the became a major issue in Zambia’s October country’s black citizens. Professor Sachs’s 2006 presidential election. After challenger analysis notwithstanding, rather than help Michael Sata accused his opponent of Africa emerge from poverty, the PRC’s allowing the country to become a dumping policies actually help strengthen and per- ground for Chinese migrants, crowds petuate the kleptocracies – governments of attacked and looted Chinese shops in thieves – that have contributed so heavily Lusaka. Although Mwanawasa easily won to African poverty. election, Sata ran well ahead in areas that Save that there are no concerns about had been affected by Chinese influence. China’s support of genocidal dictators, When President Hu Jintao visited the most of the praise and criticism of the country the following February, a planned PRC’s relationships with Latin and Caribbean visit to the country’s Copperbelt Province countries are remarkably similar to those was cancelled to avoid protests. involving Africa. In the late 1990s, the Issues in other African states were PRC in one case, involving Haiti, threatened variations on common themes. In South to cast a UN Security Council veto, and in Africa, after the expiry of a global textile a second case, with regard to Guatemala, agreement allowed less expensive Chinese did veto but later withdrew its vote, to goods to flood in, thousands of textile obtain Latin American states’ compliance workers lost their jobs. The Chinese products with its views on Taiwan. In the former even included machine-made copies of case, which involved extending a peace- traditional African patterns. Jerseys and keeping mission to Haiti, a rare coalition caps bearing the logo of the Springboks, of Latin/Caribbean states – including the pride and joy of South African sports fans, PRC’s staunch ally Cuba – argued that this were also made in China. President Thabo issue must be decided on the basis of what Mbeki warned of recolonialization. In Haiti, as a sovereign state, needed rather Gabon, the Chinese oil company Sinopec than on external factors. was charged with illegal exploration after Nonetheless, undoubtedly Latin America it was discovered to be prospecting for oil and the Caribbean have commodities for in the Loango nature reserve. The company which there is a market in the PRC. Over was accused of dynamiting and polluting the past five years, the PRC has signed the park, tearing up the forest to create various energy, natural resource, economic, roads, and destroying the habitat in which and tourism agreements intended to secure

149 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS June Teufel Dreyer access to needed materials, as well as to accession to the World Trade Organi- bolster its regional presence. Latin and zation. Its government’s fears were quickly Caribbean producers of these commodities borne out. The maquiladoras, factories were delighted to cooperate with Beijing, that imported both components and raw which was not only an eager buyer for materials duty-free from the United States their products but pledged to upgrade and then reexported the finished products regional infrastructures, while providing a to America, were forced out of business by counterweight against Washington as well. lower Chinese wages that produced lower- Producers of primary products such as priced goods, even after transportation costs soybeans and wool were especially pleased. had been included. Factories relocated to Two-way trade has grown by an astounding the PRC. Even such iconic products as the average of 25.4 percent annually over the national flag and statues of the country’s past five years, to 50.5 billion, with the patron saint, the Virgin of Guadaloupe, greatest increases in the most recent years. virtually all were being imported from the Latin and Caribbean states typically enjoyed PRC. favorable trade balances. Factories have closed in Central America Concerns remain, however, that the for similar reasons. Brazil also has lost stronger PRC-Latin/Caribbean relations might several hundred thousand lower-end jobs be pushing the region on to a regressive to China. Manufacturers of higher-end path. Many Latin American countries have products are concerned as well. After the made strenuous, and costly, efforts over Brazilian government agreed to recognize the past half century to diversify away China as a market economy, the influential from what they regard as excessive reliance Industrial Federation of Sao˜ Paolo criti- on commodity production. This produc- cized the action as a political decision that tion is subject to unpredictable sharp swings could leave the country’s economy in a in supply and demand, resulting in price vulnerable position and bring “prejudicial volatility that complicates economic planning. consequences” to various sectors. It also leaves little room for advances in As if in confirmation, Brazil’s trade labor productivity, more unbalanced social surplus with China decreased by 51 percent structures, and greater disparities in income in the months following its grant of market distribution. economy status (MES) to the PRC. Other China has been buying the region’s adverse consequences could follow. Under raw materials and sending back manufac- World Trade Organization rules, it be- tured products that it can turn out more comes more difficult to impose penalties cheaply than regional producers. This pattern on MES countries for dumping goods. is eerily reminiscent of the dépendencia Brazilian businesses worry not only about theorists analyses of the 1970s: that imperialist the PRC’s inroads into the domestic powers were forcing less developed nations market, but also about their country’s into specializing in commodity production. ability to continue exporting products like Hence, these nations would never be able shoes and automobiles that Brazil has had to generate the self-sustaining capital needed previous success with. to achieve economic take-off, remaining Argentina, which also granted MES to permanently poor and dependent on the China during Hu Jintao’s November 2004 imperialist powers. visit, saw its imports from the PRC Mexico, fearing Chinese competition, increase by 70 percent while its exports was the last country to agree to the PRC’s expanded only 20 percent. In retaliation, in 150 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

INTERNATIONAL POLITICS China’s Power and Will...

August 2005, President Néstor Kirchner’s internationally benign image, such as the government enacted licensing requirements panda.20 Spokespersons also describe the on Chinese shoes and toys. PRC’s development as being helpful to In many cases, Latin American critics those countries that cooperate with it. have charged, investment funds that were China has sought to establish its image promised do not materialize. Where they as a responsible world citizen in other have, charges have been leveled that the ways, as well. Beijing agreed to host the infrastructure construction serves the PRC’s six-party talks on North Korean nuclear pro- needs, not those of the recipient country. liferation which, after protracted negotia- Complaints abound that the Chinese bring tions, reached a tentative settlement in in their own labor rather than hire local February 2007. Reversing its long-standing people, and that the infrastructure projects objections to United Nations’ peacekeeping pay no attention to the destruction they activities as constituting interference in the wreak on the environment. In 2006, affairs of sovereign states, the PRC China’s exports to Central and South currently has more than 1,600 personnel America exceeded its imports for the first stationed in ten countries, making it the time. The imbalance in the PRC’s favor is 13th largest contributor to UN peace- expected to grow in 2007. keeping forces. In November 2006, Beijing hosted a Assuaging Fears lavish and well-publicized summit meeting China is aware of the concerns raised with 48 African nations. Leaders pledged by its rapidly increasing international profile, to form a “new strategic partnership,” and and has made efforts to assuage them. Hu Jintao vowed to address the PRC’s After it discovered that the term “peaceful large trade imbalance with the continent. rise” was not having the desired effect, Beijing Millions of dollars in debt would be replaced it with “peaceful development.” forgiven, and aid would be increased. Hu’s Chinese premier Wen Jiabao, speaking to February 2007 trip to eight African states a gathering of Southeast Asian states, des- sought to address criticisms that China 19 cribed his country as a “friendly elephant.” offered sweeteners in order to seal trade Efforts have been made to use soft power agreements which subsequently proved to to dispel the image of an emerging military have been detrimental to the other signer’s and economic juggernaut. Confucius Insti- best interests. The Chinese president averred tutes now exist in a number of countries. that his country had always been, and would These institutes provide introductions to continue to be, respectful of the sove- traditional Chinese culture, including a reignty of other countries: it believes in version of the great sage’s teachings that mutual benefits to all parties concerned. presents his native land positively. In this The PRC has also promised to try to endeavor, Confucius’s advocacy of a datong, persuade the Sudanese government to or great harmony, is set forth as China’s work with the international community to hope for the international community. The improve the human right situation in areas institutes also assist the host country’s like Darfur. Some voices among the com- educational institutions to offer courses in plaining countries acknowledge partial the Chinese language. There have even responsibility for their own plight: they do been discussions in the Chinese media not work as hard as the Chinese. Algerians about replacing the dragon as the symbol who resent Chinese taking jobs, none- of the country with an animal with a more theless, admit that Chinese workers will be

151 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS June Teufel Dreyer a part of their labor market unless and until order, it will do so. Those who are sus- their country improves its own labor skills. picious of Beijing’s intentions point to the And a Chinese employer, who says that he advice paramount Leader Deng Xiaping employs fifteen Zambians for every Chinese, gave to PRC foreign and security policy- says he prefers the latter because makers in the early 1990s. Known as the ...Chinese people can stand hard work. This is a 24 character strategy, it admonishes Chinese cultural difference. Chinese people work until they to “observe calmly; secure our position; finish and then rest. Here they are like the British; cope with affairs calmly; hide our capabi- they work according to a plan. They have tea breaks lities and bide our time; be good at main- and a lot of days off. For our construction company, taining a low profile; never claim leader- that means it costs a lot more.21 ship.” The phrase, “make some contributions” 22 Chinese companies have also rejected was added later. A few years after, in a charges that they are exploiters, pointing 1999 speech that was interpreted as trying out that they take risks in investing in to restrain the country’s militants from a markets in Southeast Asia, Africa, and more aggressive international posture, Pre- Latin America where other countries’ com- sident Jiang Zemin made a statement with panies would be reluctant to go. This vo- a similar meaning, arguing that although it latility includes political turbulence, po- may be tential terrorist attacks, and changeable …perfectly obvious that the wolf [unspecified, but investment environments. To some extent, almost certainly meaning the United States and its they have been forced to deal with less liberal democratic allies] is going to attack man, we savory regimes to obtain oil supplies. still need to deal with the wolf. That is, we must When a Chinese company attempted to ‘dance with the wolf. This is the reality we must face purchase American-owned UNOCAL in and the diplomatic strategy we must adopt.’23 2005, it was a U.S. uproar which forced a A military strategist, who has closely cancellation of the negotiations. examined the historical, i.e. pre-1949 record, China’s supporters point out that, observes that Chinese strategic thought is however much the PLA’s abilities have characterized by a long tradition of denial increased, it is no match for the United and deception. Finding resonances of this States, and will not be for the foreseeable tradition in contemporary military doctrine future. Moreover, it is natural for a country and outright assertions by Chinese offi- to want to provide for its defense. More cials, he concedes that these “may simply than half of the country’s oil comes through be a concatenation of possibilities with no 24 the Straits of Malacca: if these should be assignable probability.” However, for the interdicted in time of war, China’s eco- U.S. policymaker who must deal with the nomic lifeline would be threatened. The near term, concatenations of possibilities PLA Navy must prepare against such a with no assignable probability are of scant contingency, as well as to protect the PRC’s help. other growing commercial interests. Skeptics believe these soothing words Conclusion disguise more militant future intentions. We cannot be sure whether to take The PRC leadership’s grand strategy, they Beijing’s words about its peaceful intentions believe, is to build its economy and mi- at face value, or whether to interpret its litary while denying any but peaceful in- actions as indicative of a coordinated mili- tentions. When China becomes strong tary and economic strategy for world enough to dominate the established world domination. Without certainty about the 152 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

INTERNATIONAL POLITICS China’s Power and Will... actual nature of Chinese strategy, one Statistics of China), p. 18. www.stats.gov.en should hope for the best but plan for the /english 5 worst. For example, there are areas such as Richard A. Bitzinger, “Is What You See energy research and environmental im- Really What You Get? A Different Take on provement where the PRC and the United China’s Defence Budget,” RSIS Commentaries, S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, States have been cooperating for the National Technical University of Singapore, benefit of both.25 February 27, 2007, p. 1. www.idss.edu.sg. Although there is a natural tendency 6 Office of the Secretary of Defense, Annual to give credence to protestations of peace, report to Congress: Military Power of the such credence does not mean that these People’s Republic of China 2006, p. 1. views are either well formulated or widely www.defenselink.mil. held among the factions that comprise the 7 Andrew Erickson, Lyle Goldstein, and 26 PRC’s dominant authorities. As noted by William Murray, “Chinese Mine Warfare: The Moeletsi Mbeki, deputy chairman of the PLA Navy’s ‘Assassin’s Mace,” China South African Institute of International Maritime Studies Institute, U.S. Naval War College, draft Affairs, China is simultaneously a tanta- 27 manuscript, April 2006, p. 1. lizing opportunity and a terrifying threat. 8 Bernard D. Cole, “China’s Growing Maritime In securing the resources it needs to Power: Implications for the United States,” ed., continue a grand strategy of rapid military Mark Mohr, The Chinese People’s Liberation and economic development, the PRC must Army: Should the United States Be Worried? perform a delicate balancing act between (Washington, D.C.: December 2006, Woodrow playing its revolutionary role versus its Wilson International Center for Scholars, Asia Program Special Report), p. 12. capitalist role – that is, acting as the ally of 9 those who want a counterweight to pressures Joseph E. Lin, “In A Fortnight,” China Brief from more powerful external states versus (Washington, D.C.: January 24, 2007, The Jamestown Foundation), p. 1. acting as a traditional commercial stake- 10 Annual report to Congress: Military Power holder much like those very same powerful of the People’s Republic of China 2006, p. 13. external states. 11 Annual report to Congress: Military Power

of the People’s Republic of China 2006, p. 25. 12 “MP Fears Japan May Become Mainland Notes Province,” Reuters, February 28, 2007. 1 Bijian Zheng, “China’s ‘Peaceful Rise’ to 13 Quoted in “Intelligence Chief Warns of Rising Great-Power Status,” Foreign Affairs, September/ China Threat,” Agence France Presse (Washington), October 2005, p. 24. March 1, 2007. Admiral McConnell’s prepared 2 Anthony H. Cordesman and Martin Kleiber, statement is at http://armedservices. senate - gov/ Chinese Military Modernization and Force statement/ 2007/February/ McConnell%2002-27- Development: Main Report. (Washington, D.C.: 07.pdf. September 7, 2006, Center for Strategic and 14 Quoted by Glenn Kessler, “U.S. Says China International Studies), p. 1. Must Address Its Intentions: How Its Power is 3 “Calculating China’s Defence Expenditures,” Used Is of Concern,” Washington Post, The Military Balance 2006 (London: 2006, September 22, 2005, A 16. International Institute for Strategic Studies), pp. 15 Commission of the European Communities, 249-253. Commission Working Document, Closer 4 “Statistical Communique of the People’s Partners, Growing Responsibilities. A Policy Republic of China On the 2006 National Paper on EU-China Trade and Investment. Economic and Social Development,” (Beijing: Brussels, October 24, 2006, p. 8. http://ec. February 28, 2007, National Bureau of europa.eu/comm/external-relations/china.

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16 Kah Beng Teo, “ASEAN Does Not Want an 21 Lui Pin, cited in McCreal, February 7, 2007. Expansionist, Hegemonic China,” Straits 22 The statement can be seen in its entirety in a Times, February 27, 2007. number of venues, most recently Annual 17 The ‘China School’ is considered to have lost Report… 2006, p. 9. power in recent years due to widespread 23 Ching-shengYu, “Jiang Zemin Repeatedly dissatisfaction with these policies. See, e.g. (no Expounds China’s Domestic and Foreign author), “‘Hate-China’ Sentiment Spreading at Policies in Three Internal Speechs Giving a Foreign Ministry,” Kyodo (Tokyo), June 9, Quick Response and Winning the Support of 2005; Hiroyasu Akutsu, “Tokyo and Taipei try the Public,” Ching Pao, July 1, 1999, pp. 24– to Tango,” Far Eastern Economic Review (Hong 26, trans. in Foreign Broadcast Information Kong), January/February 2007, pp. 31-35. Service/China, July 9, 1999. 18 Quoted in Benjamin Robertson, “Into 24 Ralph D. Sawyer, “Chinese Strategic Power: Africa,” South China Morning Post (Hong Myths, Intent, and Projections,” Journal of Military Kong), September 20, 2006. and Strategic Studies (Winter 2006/07), p. 62. 19 Jason Leow, “Wen Spells Out China’s 25 See June Teufel Dreyer, “Sino-American ‘Friendly Elephant’ Role, Straits Times, March Energy Cooperation,” Journal of Contemporary 15, 2004. China, Spring 2007, forthcoming. 20 See, e.g. Benjamin Robertson, “Dragon Debate 26 Sawyer, p. 61. Reflects Beijing’s Growing Sense of Image,” South 27 Paul Mooney, “China’s Wooing of a Coy China Morning Post, January 4, 2007. Africa,” South China Morning Post, January 5, 2006.

154 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

INTERNATIONAL POLITICS HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES

Taiwan’s Presidential and Legislative Elections

Shelley RIGGER*

Abstract: Taiwan’s newly-elected president, Ma Ying-jeou, is determined to relax the tension that has gripped the Taiwan Strait for more than a decade. His positions during the election campaign were calculated to reassure both the Beijing government and the Taiwanese people. On the one hand, he made it clear that he would remove barriers to improved relations and reach out to the Chinese leadership. At the same time, he was equally clear in his commitment to protecting Taiwan’s interests. Ma’s positions strike a balance between preserving Taiwan’s de facto political independence and moving toward a more constructive relationship with the mainland. This approach enjoys widespread popular support in Taiwan. Still, the devil is in the details, and implementing Ma’s ideas will require cooperation from Beijing, and from other political actors within Taiwan itself. Keywords: independence, unification, election, popular preference, foreign relations.

aiwan’s 2008 elections delivered an Legislative Yuan.2 In March, the party snatched unequivocal result: The Kuomin- the ultimate prize, Taiwan’s presidency, when T g(M)p,fy political power than at any KMT nominee Ma Ying-jeou polled 58.5 time since fully-democratic national elections percent of the vote, winning majorities in were instituted in the early 1990s.1 18 of the island’s 23 municipalities. KMT- In January, KMT candidates captured backed executives also run seventeen muni- 53.5percent of the vote and 81 out of 113 cipalities, to the Democratic Progressive seats in Taiwan’s national parliament, the Party’s (DPP’s) six. The recent victories confer on the KMT * Shelley Rigger is associate professor of political science at Davidson College, North leadership both a popular mandate and the Carolina. This article is based on a paper she institutional backing to implement a broad presented to the Conference on Elections, range of policy initiatives. Although the Political Transition and Foreign Policy in East election results undoubtedly reflect colossal Asia at the Foreign Policy Research Institute in April, 2008 and it is reprinted with author’s public dissatisfaction with two-term incumbent permission from Orbis, Fall 2008 (published by president Chen Shui-bian, they also re- Elsevier Limite don behalf of Foreign Policy present a significant affirmative vote for Research Institute), pp. 647-660. the KMT. The KMT’s opponents in both

155 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Shelley Rigger races, mainly candidates of Chen’s Democratic Ma’s determination to deepen economic Progressive Party (DPP), were at pains to engagement with the mainland was best distance themselves from Chen. There was illustrated by the high-profile plank in his no shortage of criticism for then President platform that calls for a cross-Strait “common Chen and his policies among his party brethren, market.” The common market idea-origi- and many DPP candidates (including the nally associated with Ma’s running mate, party’s presidential nominee, Frank Hsieh) Vincent Siew – attracted intense criticism espoused positions closer to Ma’s than from the DPP camp. According to Hsieh’s Chen’s. Nonetheless, large majorities preferred campaign, Ma’s policy would create a KMT candidates in both elections. “one China market” that would flood Taiwan The KMT’s commanding position for with low-wage, socially-inferior Taiwan’s the next four years raises many questions, Elections mainland Chinese workers and three of which are addressed here: dubious Chinese capital. In the last week  What policy changes will the new ad- of the campaign, the Hsieh camp ran a ministration likely enact regarding re- newspaper ad showing three men urinating lations with the United States and in public; the text read “With a One China mainland China? market, our public parks will turn into public  How well does President-elect Ma Ying- toilets.” In addition to the common market jeou’s approach to cross Strait relations proposal, Ma also promised to open direct and U.S.-Taiwan relations mesh with transport links between Taiwan and China the Taiwan public’s preferences? and lift investment restrictions that have  How likely is Ma to succeed in imple- driven many Taiwan companies to withdraw menting his policies? What challenges from the Taiwan stock exchange. will he face from the United States, On political engagement, Ma’s central Beijing and his own, potentially fractious, campaign theme was his determination to party reopen dialogue with Beijing based on the 3 Ma Ying-jeou’s approach to cross- “1992 consensus,” an idea even more Strait relations and US-Taiwan relations: controversial than the cross-Strait common KMT nominee Ma Ying-jeou held his market. President Chen has attacked the campaign themes-including his position on concept many times, and his would-be cross-Strait relations-remarkably steady successor did the same throughout the throughout the long presidential campaign. campaign. The DPP rejects the 1992 consensus His mainland policy centered on a promise both on procedural grounds, claiming that to improve economic and political re- it is a fraud that never actually happened, lations with the PRC while preserving Taiwan’s and on substantive grounds, arguing that fundamental interests-most importantly, its any formulation that binds Taiwan to a one de facto independence as the Republic of China framework is harmful to Taiwan’s China. Given the sensitivity of the issue interests. Given the high number of DPP and the (perceived) competitiveness of the attacks against the 1992 consensus in the race, the temptation to temporize must have 16 years since it was (allegedly) concluded, been substantial, but Ma never retreated for Ma to insist upon this point was risky; from his core positions. In insisting on it would have been safer for his these positions, Ma sent costly signals – presidential campaign to set the consensus signals that could have jeopardized the aside and focus on other issues or to election – to both the Taiwan electorate obfuscate the matter. and the PRC government. One might imagine that such calcu- 156 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES? Taiwan’s Presidential and Legislative Elections lations were unnecessary, given Ma’s options Taiwan might adopt – not an strong lead in the polls, but in fact, KMT inevitable solution. As long as decisions leaders were never fully confident he would about Taiwan’s future result from a demo- win. Their experiences in 2000 and 2004, cratic process, he avers, he can accept any when the KMT saw huge leads evaporate outcome. To reinforce this emphasis on just weeks (or hours) before the voting- democracy as the basis of policy, Ma says combined with the high number of voters there is no chance Taiwan would unify calling themselves undecided in pre- with a non-democratic People’s Republic election polling-convinced KMT strategists of China. To qualify as democratic, he has to take nothing for granted. In the last days said, the PRC government must meet before the election, Ma’s campaign staffers stringent criteria – including reversing its drove themselves to distraction imagining verdicts against the Tiananmen Square DPP dirty tricks to “steal” the election - protesters of 1989. which is how they believe Chen won in Ma’s campaign message regarding 2004. On March 21, the New York Times unification centered on two themes. First, reported “The suppression of Tibet protests he flatly stated that unification would not by Chinese security forces, as well as be a topic for dialogue during his term of missteps by the Nationalist Party, which office. This unequivocal statement, reiterated Beijing favors, have nearly erased what regularly throughout the campaign, put had seemed like an insuperable lead for Beijing on notice that moving too quickly Ma Ying-jeou, the Harvard-educated lawyer to press Taiwan on unification would back- who has been the front-runner in the race.”4 fire. It also reassured Taiwanese voters that The fact that Ma refused to retreat from electing Ma would not result in precipitous the 1992 consensus, even in this perilous changes to Taiwan’s status. Ma’s second political environment, underscores his campaign theme was his “three nos” determination to establish its legitimacy as formula: no unification, no independence, the basis for dialogue with Beijing. no armed conflict. This statement offers The DPP pointed to Ma’s commitment reassurance to the PRC and to the Taiwan to the 1992 consensus as one of many signs electorate, as it addresses the deepest fears that the KMT candidate was more committed of each side. to unification than to protecting Taiwan’s Just in case Beijing might have missed interests. Hsieh’s campaign rallies rang the point, Ma added a stinging coda at the with accusations that Ma and the KMT end of the campaign. On March 18, with were preparing to “sell out Taiwan” to the violence raging in Tibet, Ma issued a PRC. To make their case, however, DPP statement that touched on every one of speakers needed to ignore or dismiss the Beijing’s sore spots. The statement began, many public statements in which Ma “The Republic of China is a sovereign warned Beijing to keep its expectations independent democratic state. The future low regarding unification. These messages of Taiwan should be decided by Taiwan’s constituted a second costly signal-one that 23-million people, and no intervention by could delay or derail the progress on cross- the PRC is to be tolerated.” After calling Strait relations Ma needs to prove his PRC Premier Wen Jiabao’s assertion that mettle as president. mainland Chinese people should have a Ma has never denied that the KMT’s role in determining Taiwan’s status “not long-term preference is for unification, but only rude, irrational, arrogant, and absurd, he regards unification as one of several but also self-righteous,” the statement des-

157 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Shelley Rigger cribed the crackdown in Tibet as “a savage strait state of hostilities, reach a peace accord, and stupid act.” Ma reiterated his support and build a framework for the peaceful for Taiwan’s reentry into the United and steady development of cross-strait ties, Nations and urged Beijing to “open a including the establishment of a military dialogue with the Dalai Lama.” Finally, as mutual trust mechanism, to avoid cross- if to make sure that no sacred cow would strait military conflict.” The leaders also escape the blade, Ma concluded, “If the agreed to “promote discussion on issues of PRC continues its crackdown on the participation in international activities, which Tibetan people, and if the situation in Tibet concern the Taiwan public, after cross- continues to deteriorate, I will not, if strait consultations are resumed, including elected President of the Republic of China, priority discussion on participation in the rule out the possibility to stop sending our World Health Organization’s activities.” delegation to the 2008 Beijing Olympic Ma’s campaign emphasized this last point games.”5 in its promise to work with the PRC to If Ma’s campaign message to Taiwan’s achieve a modus vivendi on Taiwan’s voters was that they should expect him to international space.7 move aggressively toward tighter cross- To call for dialogue while excluding Strait economic relations and to seek better the issue about which one’s negotiating political relations under the 1992 con- partner ostensibly is most eager to talk, as sensus framework, the message to Beijing Ma has done, would seem to guarantee was equally blunt: don’t expect me to failure, but the Lien-Hu agreement pro- deliver Taiwan on a silver platter if I win. vides fodder foryears of negotiations without By making both messages plain and ever raising the issue of unification. (The unequivocal, Ma earned the credibility he closest the agreement comes to mentioning needs to move toward a dialogue while unification is a call for a “virtuous circle of taking unification off the agenda. cooperation… so as to bring about brilliant That said, it is fair to ask what the and splendid prospects for the Chinese content of this vaunted dialogue will be. Here nation.”) Using interim steps – the eco- again, Ma’s campaign made his intentions nomic agreements and peace accord – to clear. Ma’s agenda for dialogue is rooted facilitate dialogue while postponing the in an agreement KMT chair Lien Chan day of reckoning on unification is an and CCP General Secretary (and PRC important part of the Ma Ying-jeou/KMT president) Hu Jintao reached in Aprilie approach to cross-Strait relations-one that 2005. The two leaders’ joint statement reads, appears likely to meet Beijing leadership’s in part, “It is the common proposition of expectations (which has signed onto this the two parties to uphold the ‘Consensus strategy already) and the Taiwanese people’s. of ‘92’, oppose ‘Taiwan independence,’6 Ma’s plan for cross-Strait dialogue also pursue peace and stability in the Taiwan meshes well with Beijing’s current grand Strait, promote the development of cross- strategy, which emphasizes avoiding conflict strait ties, and safeguard the interests of and preventing Taiwan from moving compatriots on both sides of the strait.” farther toward de jure independence, while The statement also called for enhanced allowing the forces of economic inte- economic cooperation – including “all- gration and political amity to pull Taiwan round, direct and two-way ‘three links”’ more deeply into the PRC’s orbit. The and expressed the two sides’ shared desire current PRC leadership appears to place to “promote a formal ending to the cross- greater importance on neutralizing Taiwan 158 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES? Taiwan’s Presidential and Legislative Elections as a threat to Chinese sovereignty than on Taiwanese and Chinese.” If we gauge coercing Taiwan into early unification.8 support for changing Taiwan’s status by that metric, the trend is very different. Ma’s Cross-Strait Policy and According to surveys conducted by the Popular Preferences Election Studies Center at National Chengchi The easiest way to argue that Ma’s University, the percentage calling them- cross-Strait policies enjoy popular support selves Taiwanese has more than doubled since is to consider the landslide victories he and 1992, from about 17 percent to over 43 his party have won this year. The elec- percent. The percentage claiming a Chinese torate gave 58.45 percent of its votes to identity has plunged from 26 percent to Ma after a campaign in which his positions under 5 percent.10 Many observers look at on cross-Strait relations were challenged these figures with alarm. But the political daily in the strongest terms his opponents scientist Yun-han Chu draws a different could muster. Still, there were many reasons conclusion, noting “for the silent majority, for Ma’s success, including poor perfor- the two identities were not mutually ex- mance by the DPP incumbent, a strong clusive… [and] the younger generation desire for political change, widespread ...turned out to be the least susceptible to reluctance to embark on another four years the incubation of an exclusive Taiwanese of gridlock (given the KMT’s legislative identity.”11 majority), powerful KMT organizations in It seems logical that the rise in many districts, Ma’s own personal charisma Taiwanese identity would make islanders and popular hopes for an economic turn- more resistant to integration and engage- around. In short, we need more evidence ment with the mainland, but this is in fact than Ma’s performance in the election to often not the case. As the percentage be confident that Taiwan voters truly claiming a Taiwanese identity has risen, welcome his cross-Strait policies. support for de jure independence has In recent years, foreign observers have remained flat, while support for cross- worried that public opinion in Taiwan was Strait engagement has risen sharply. Since moving in a dangerous direction. In 1998, 1992, the percentage of Taiwanese who Ted Galen Carpenter noted an “inexorable” say the pace of cross-Strait exchanges is trend toward independence that would lead too slow has increased from 19 percent to inevitably to military conflict. This claim 35 percent (with another 41 percent saying was the basis for his 2006 book, America’s the pace is “just right” in 2008).12 In the Coming War With China: A Collision Course same period, support for tougher regu- over Taiwan.9 Although the percentage of lations on cross-Strait exchanges fell from Taiwanese telling pollsters they support 57 to 44 percent, while support for loosening immediate independence has increased the rules more than doubled, from 20 percent little over the past decade, and large to 42 percent.13 Meanwhile, direct trans- majorities prefer to maintain the status portation links have the support of about quo, it is difficult to determine how much three-quarters of Taiwanese.14 As Yu-shan of a role China’s threats play in keeping Wu wrote of public opinion in the 1990s, support for de jure independence low. “the rapid nativization of ethnic conscious- Some observers argue that a better ness is only partially reflected in positions measure of their “true preferences” is the on national identity and the independence/ percentage who identify themselves as unification question, and its influence on “Taiwanese,” rather than “Chinese” or “both concrete policy positions [related to cross-

159 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Shelley Rigger strait economic relations] is even more peaceful reconciliation has turned more limited…Put simply, the trend toward promising, a negotiated peace between the Taiwanization in basic ethnic consciousness two sides is still far off… Democratization has not evolved into a political demand for has reinforced the Taiwanese quest to Taiwan independence.”15 retain charge of the island’s own future, One of the most interesting and useful making the threshold for constructing a ways of studying these issues is a method winning coalition for reunification extremely developed by Yun-han Chu that measures high.”18 If this is the case, it is not sur- conditional preferences. In these surveys, prising that Taiwanese voters would endorse respondents are asked whether they would a policy aimed at promoting engagement agree with these statements: and dialogue while deferring a conver-  If the social, economic and political sation about unification to the distant future. conditions in the mainland become comparable to Taiwan, the two sides Implementing the Ma Ying-jeou should become unified. Platform for Cross-Strait Relations  If Taiwan can maintain peace with Now that Taiwan’s electorate has mainland China after declaring in- spoken, implementing Ma’s platform will dependence, Taiwan should become a require cooperation from three other im- new nation (state). portant constituencies: Beijing, Washington Respondents who agree with both and the KMT. Ma’s campaign laid out a statements Chu defines as “open minded new approach for the KMT, one that rationalists.” Those who disagree with both emphasizes Taiwan’s (or the ROC’s) are “strong believers in the status quo.” democratic nature. The “old KMT”-under Those who agree with one but disagree the leadership of Chiang Kai-shek and with the other are “committed believers” Chiang Ching-kuo was a Chinese nationalist in either unification or independence. In party (its full name, Zhongguo Guomin the 2006 survey, 29.8 percent qualified as Dang, means “Chinese Nationalist Party”). principled believers in independence (which is This identity fueled suspicions that it to say, they would prefer independence if would be willing to sacrifice Taiwan to the it came at no cost, and they would not unificationist imperative in Chinese natio- support unification even if the two sides nalism. It also reinforced the sense of the were very similar) and 15.1 percent were KMT as an alien political force imposed principled believers in unification. What is upon Taiwan, which inspired the DPP to most interesting, however, is the largest embrace a competing ethno-nationalist group – 33.3 percent – who were open- vision of Taiwan’s future, that of an minded rationalists, willing to accept either independent Taiwanese state. outcome under favorable conditions.16 The “new KMT,” populated by former Chu’s conclusions – which are supported president Lee Teng-hui’s ethnically-transcendent by a several other studies – suggest that “New Taiwanese,” downplays ethno- the mainland China policy Ma Ying-jeou nationalism in favor of democracy. Ma and his party are promoting aligns well Ying-jeou’s statements on cross-Strait with popular preferences on the island.17 relations project a civic nationalist blue- As Chu puts it, “my analysis does not print, one in which Taiwan’s (or the support the view that cross-strait relations ROC’s) national identity is defined by its are on the verge of a major departure from democratic political system, not the eth- the status quo. While the prospect of nicity – Chinese or Taiwanese – of its 160 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES? Taiwan’s Presidential and Legislative Elections citizens. By declining to play the ethno- charter flights and increase the number of nationalist game, Ma is able to set aside Chinese tourists in Taiwan. Many more the long-standing anxiety about whether issues remain to be resolved, but as long as he is capable of being an authentic re- the dialogue continues, the economic issues, presentative and leader for the Taiwanese at least, will be addressed. people. His positions on cross-Straits Achieving progress on political issues- issues establish him as a politician who including reducing tensions, implementing puts Taiwan first, one who treats Taiwan military confidence building measures, as an end in itself, and not as a means to a normalizing relations and signing a peace Chinese nationalist end. accord – will be a bigger challenge. Here The first practical test of Ma’s new again, though, the two sides already have approach will be whether he is able to agreed in principle to pursue these goals. jumpstart cross-Strait economic liberalization. Perhaps more importantly, Beijing currently The economic components of his plan defines its core interests in the Strait as should be the easiest to implement, not stabilizing relations with – and neutralizing – least because Beijing already gave them its Taiwan as a potential flashpoint for con- blessing in the 2005 KMT-CCP agreement. flict by minimizing the chances it would During the campaign, Ma promised quick make a lunge for de jure independence. action on direct links, investment liberali- Because easing cross-Strait relations is zation and bringing PRC tourists to Taiwan. consistent with Beijing’s overall strategic The most difficult of these is the first, since goals, the chances for positive steps are the others can be accomplished almost good. entirely by unilateral action. But the 2005 Still, Beijing and Taipei have missed agreement sets direct sea and air links as a opportunities to improve their relationship goal, along with increased trade and before, and there is no shortage of investment, as well as opening mainland potential roadblocks ahead. To begin with, markets to Taiwanese agricultural products. it is crucial that both sides keep their Negotiating a common market agreement claims modest on behalf of the 1992 is a longer term step, but again, the CCP Consensus. Ma has spoken of the pact as agreed to do this in the 2005 KMT-CCP “mutual non-denial” – not mutual recog- pact. nition. For Beijing to commence dialogue During Ma’s first month as president, under this formula implies a retreat from he made significant progress toward these its past insistence on the far-stricter “One practical goals – enough to alarm some China principle.” Nonetheless, hopes are Democratic Progressive Party supporters. rising that the 1992 Consensus, loosely Between the election and inauguration, interpreted, will be enough. According to Vice President Vincent Siew met with news reports, Hu Jintao told President Chinese President Hu Jintao in Boao, China. George W. Bush on March 26 that the As soon as Ma and Siew took office, 1992 Consensus means “both sides re- dialogue between the two sides’ quasi- cognize there is only one China, but agree official representative groups resumed, to differ on its definition.”19 Beijing has proving that the ill-defined 1992 consensus long insisted the consensus was not an is, in fact, sufficient grounds for talks. By agreement to disagree, so this shift in mid-June, less than a month after the interpretation is noteworthy, and encouraging. inauguration, the two sides had signed If optimism tempered with caution is agreements to permit weekend cross strait in order when assessing the chances of

161 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Shelley Rigger progress in Beijing-Taipei relations, the reflected in President Bush’s statement on order of the day in U.S.Taiwan relations election night seems positively admirable. may well be optimism unrestrained. Rela- On June 19, Secretary of State Condoleezza tions between Washington and Taipei Rice touched on the issue in an interview deteriorated badly during the Chen presi- with the Wall Street Journal. Rice denied dency, especially in his second term. that U.S.-Taiwan relations had been bad Richard Bush, who headed the American under Chen Shuibian, but she acknowledged Institute in Taiwan under presidents Clinton that the Bush Administration had been and George W. Bush, began a December “concerned that some of the things that 2007 speech in Taiwan by saying, “Today Chen Shui-bian tended to do were just I wish to speak about why U.S.-Taiwan outright provocative.” Rice seemed intent relations have sunk to such a low point,” on balancing the ledger. She noted that then later asked, “Why… did the [George while the United States was happy to see W.] Bush Administration start as the most cross-strait relations improving under Ma, Taiwanfriendly administration since the it was important for Beijing to remember termination of diplomatic relations (or that its own “provocative behavior” would since World War II) and end up as pro- meet opposition from the United States. bably the most hostile?”20 While the mainstream view in the In the speech, Bush offers a nuanced United States holds that the nation’s interests answer, citing the inevitable tension in any are served by stability and diminished security partnership, especially one between tension in the Taiwan Strait, not everyone democratic states. Bush provides a com- will welcome improved Taipei-Beijing prehensive explanation, but most analysts relations with equal fervor. There is a focus on the visible manifestations of the faction within the U.S. foreign policy tension between Taiwan and the United community, known variously as the Blue States: poor communication, policy surprises Team or the Neo-Conservatives, who (such as Chen’s “one country on each believe Taiwan’s separation from China side” statement, or George Bush’s open benefits the United States. In their view, criticism of Chen’s government at a White too much amity between Taipei and House meeting with Chinese premier Wen Beijing would strengthen the PRC, which Jiabao), Taiwan’s failure to complete arms would no longer be required to focus its purchases and the myriad initiatives the military preparations on preventing Taiwan Chen administration undertook, known in independence, thereby posing an increased Washington as “salami slicing tactics” threat to the United States. Most recently, (including everything from renaming the this view surfaced in a post-election report Chiang Kai-shek International Airport to by the Congressional Research Service promoting a new constitution and orches- (CRS). Observers in Taiwan – including trating referenda on sensitive issues). many who have argued this logic for some After more than four years of growing time – noticed the report. The pro-DPP tension, U.S. officials were hard pressed to English-language Taipei Times editorialized, stifle cries of relief when Ma won the “…Taiwan may perhaps be growing too presidency by a decisive margin. Add to close to China, which, as the CRS report that the KMT’s near three-fourths majority stated, could threaten U.S. interests in the in the legislature and the voters’ forceful region and have a negative impact on rebuke of controversial referenda. Under weapons sales to Taiwan. All of a sudden, these circumstances, the diplomatic restraint peace no longer seemed to be such a good 162 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES? Taiwan’s Presidential and Legislative Elections thing.”21 Washington have deteriorated over the The third constituency Ma must persuade, past eight years. There is blame on all sides – before his cross-Strait agenda can be fully Beijing’s inflexibility and Washington’s implemented, is his own party. Here again, distraction certainly played a role. Still, a cautious optimism is warranted. On the major contributing factor was Chen Shui- one hand, with the KMT in control of bian’s determination to spend much of his nearly three-fourths of the legislature, Ma presidency – especially his second term – should have an easy time passing legi- strengthening Taiwan’s resistance to closer slation to execute his policies. On the other engagement with the PRC. Many of his hand, the KMT’s large majority makes the undertakings in this direction were per- historically-fractious party, which only this ceived in Washington as gratuitous and in year repaired schisms of more than a Beijing as provocative. Whether a new decade, harder to discipline than ever. DPP president would have continued those Ma’s ability to lead the KMT when it was policies is beside the point now that the out of power was a matter of debate; now election is over. that the party is back in control, reining in Ma Ying-jeou’s election augurs well its worst impulses will require a firmer for improvement in relations both across the hand than he has demonstrated in the past. Strait and across the Pacific. His approach Still, KMT legislators are not an ideo- to cross-Strait relations offers a balanced logical bunch; it may be possible to secure mix of engagement and restraint, dialogue their cooperation on cross-Strait policy by and self-protection. His policy platform is providing side-payments of more imme- consistent with the preferences of a sub- diate and material benefit to them and their stantial majority of Taiwan’s people, and districts. he enjoys their confidence as well. To win As the reopened cross-Strait dialogue over the forty percent who did not vote for began to bear fruit in the first month after him, Mamust prove his sincerity in putting Ma’s inauguration, the KMT legislative Taiwan’s interests first. If he diligently leadership raised the issue of legislative pursues the policy agenda he laid out involvement in the negotiating process. during the election campaign, then that Speaker Wang Jin-pyng raised the possi- should not be an impossible task. bility that the legislature might pass a bill guaranteeing the body representation in Notes negotiations. While Wang’s proposal met 1 When Taiwan’s national legislature, the with a stern reaction from the executive Legislative Yuan, was first subjected to branch, the Premier Liu Chao-shiuan affirmed comprehensive reelection in 1992, KMT-nomi- that cross-Strait agreements would be sub- nated candidates won 63 percent of the seats mitted for legislative ratification. It is with 53 percent of the votes. In the first direct important for the two branches to work out presidential election, held in 1996, KMT nominee Lee Teng-hui captured 54 percent of the vote. a balance of executive autonomy and le- 2 KMT-nominated candidates captured 53.5 gislative oversight; the fact that they do not percent of the votes in the voting for district and automatically agree is probably a healthy Aboriginal representatives. The KMT party list sign. Nonetheless, these debates are fodder for won 51.2 percent of the votes allocating 34 seats claims that the KMT is internally divided. on the basis of proportional representation. The other major party, the Democratic Progressive Conclusion Party (DPP), won 38.2 percent of the district and Taiwan’s relations with Beijing and Aboriginal votes, resulting in 13 district seats,

163 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Shelley Rigger and 36 percent of the party list vote, for a total of Power’s Emerging Choice,” China Quarterly, 14 seats. Candidates not affiliated with either Dec. 2001, pp. 835-864. major party won five district/Aboriginal seats, 9 Ted Galen Carpenter, “Let Taiwan Defend and no proportional seats. Itself.” Cato Policy Analysis, August 24, 1998. 3 The “1992 Consensus” refers to talks between Available at http://www.cato.org/pubs/pas/pa- sides 313.html (accessed April 7, 2008). Taipei and Beijing in 1992, when the two 10 agreed to set aside the problem of national “Changes in the Chinese/Taiwanese Identity sovereignty in order to discuss practical issues. of Taiwanese as Tracked in Surveys by the In essence, they agreed that trying to find a Election Studies Center, NCCU (1992-2007). mutually-acceptable definition of each side’s From the series “Important Political Attitude sovereignty would make a dialogue on the Trend Distribution.” Available at http://esc. practical matters impossible, so they would nccu.edu.tw/eng/data/data03-2.htm (accessed agree that both sides believed in “one China,” April 7, 2008). 11 and leave the discussion there. The KMT Yun-han Chu, “Taiwan’s Politics of Identity: describes the 1992 consensus as “one China, Navigating Between China and the United different interpretations,” with the Taiwan side States,” Power and Security in Northeast Asia: interpreting “one China” to mean the Republic Shifting Strategies. Byung-Kook Kim and of China. In short, the KMT holds that the two Anthony Jones, Eds. (Boulder: Lynne Rienner sides reached an agreement to disagree. The Publishers, 2007) p. 241. 12 DPP has consistently held that there was no “The Pace of Cross-Strait Exchanges,” consensus reached in 1992; it also rejects the Mainland Affairs Council. Available at http:// idea that Taiwan is part of China under any www.mac.gov.tw/english/index1-e.htm interpretation (accessed April 7, 2008). 13 4 Keith Bradsher, “China Tensions Could Sway “How should our government handle Vote in Taiwan,” New York Times, March 21, Taiwanese investment on Mainland China?” 2008. Mainland Affairs Council. Available at 5 Ma Ying-jeou Statement, March 18, 2008. http://www.mac.gov.tw/english/index1-e.htm Accessed at: www.kuomintangnews.org (April (accessed April 7, 2008). 5,2008). 14 6 “Should we open up direct transportation The Chinese Communist Party and the KMT links with Mainland China?” Mainland Affairs differentiate between Taiwan independence,which is Council. Available at http://www.mac.gov.tw/ unacceptable to both, and the independence of english/index1-e.htm (accessed April 7, 2008). the Republic of China. The KMT has always 15 Wu Yu-shan, “Liangan guanxi zhong de insisted that the ROC exists as an independent, Zhongguo yishi yu Taiwan yishi.” Zhongguo sovereign state. In theory, ROC independence Shiwu 4, April 2001, pp. 71-89. is unacceptable to the CCP, but it has not 16 Chu, op. cit. p. 245. challenged the KMT on this point in many 17 See Wu, op. cit.; Andy G. Chang and T.Y. years. Wang, “Taiwanese or Chinese? Independence 7 The English translation of the KMT-CCP or Unification? An Analysis of Generational agreement from which these passages are Differences in Taiwan.” Journal of Asian and excerpted is available at: http://news.bbc. African Studies, February-April 2005, pp. 29- co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/4498791.stm (accessed 49; Shelley Rigger, “Taiwan’s Rising Rationalism: April 5, 2008). A complete Chinese text is Generations, Politics and ‘Taiwanese Nationalism,”’ available at: http://news.sina.com.cn/c/2005- East-West Center Policy Studies #26 (2006); 04-29/19065787389s.shtml (accessed April 7, Gunter Schubert, “Taiwan’s Political Parties 2008). and National Identity: The Rise of an 8 For an account of China’s emerging grand Overarching Consensus.” Asian Survey 44, July-August 2004, pp. 534-554. strategy, see Avery Goldstein, “The Diplomatic 18 Face of China’s Grand Strategy: A Rising Chu, op. cit. p. 250.

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19 Katherin Hille, “Hopes Rise for Taiwan-China /speeches/2007/1203_taiwan_bush.aspx Dialogue,” Financial Times, April 2, 2008. (accessed April 7, 2008). 20 21 Richard Bush, “U.S.-Taiwan Relations: “Washington Sends Mixed Signals,” Taipei What’s the Problem?” Brookings Institution Times, April 8, 2008. web site, available at http://www.brookings.edu

165 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES?

The National State and Global Politics

Petru Sorin DRĂGUŞIN

Abstract: The withdrawal of the nation-state produces the risk of anarchy. The institutions of the nation-states are weakened by the erosion of sovereignty which means difficulty in imposing the rule of law on the internal level with impact on the international order. The influence of the whole on its components is not possible because the whole is not yet sufficiently welded; there is no procedural criterion to validate the global decisions and therefore there is the risk for the components to influence components. Deglobalization would mean the globalization of anarchy which functions in the best case according to the rule of escape goat, “the culprit” and which has the historical role of a negative solidarity. Keywords: globalization, nation state, international community, so- vereignty, economy.

lobalization, characteristic of the by the state and the national dimension of time we live in represents an over- the human existence. G whelming challenge for the state- Regarding the state function, the main nation that emerged in Europe and that dispute of the previous century was held paralleled the signing of Westphalia Treaty. between the supporters of the total state on This one culminated with the Treaty of the one side and the supporters of the Trianon that is “a political work piece of a minimal state on the other. After the Second renewed world designed by both the states World War totalitarianism maintained in of Europe and The United States and its left formula which originated from leading to the peace based on the just socialism and communism and which collaboration of states represented for the paradoxically relied on Marx’s works for first time by nations and not by the few whom the state represented an instrument imperial and imperialist elitist groups that used by the exploiting class to submit the had been ruling empires up to that point.”1 exploited class. The Treaty of Trianon brought Europe “The common goal of all the socialist back to the pattern according to which movements was nationalization so that all peace is a collective work of nations and the economic activity should be directed national elite assembled under the label of according to a detailed program towards a national state. certain ideal characterized by social justice.”2 We attempt to approach this issue by The common possession of the production debating on the topic of the function played means guaranteed the existence of a perfect 166 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES? The National State and Global Politics society in which members produced for number of successful privatizations!) and their necessities and not for profit. pass the functions that had been adopted The excess made about the rationali- improperly to the market or civil society. zation of social life and centralism drama- The narrowing of the statehood was tically weighted on the rights and liberties also connected to the globalization of the of individuals and, consequently, it gave economy which had been increasingly ero- birth to abuses hard to delimit in the grandeur ded the autonomy of the sovereign states- that accompanied the proclamation of the nations by increasing the mobility of in- new man’s project. Hayek identifies three formation, capital and labor. The world iden- main factors that contributed to the down- tified more and more with an inter- fall of this utopia: connected global order, with a system in - “the growing recognition of the fact that which the focus moved from the actors the socialist organization of production (states) to interdependencies. wouldn’t be more efficient, but less In the new economy, capital works in efficient than the private one; real time, moving quickly through the global - the more resolute recognition of the fact financial networks. In these networks, it is that instead of leading to what was con- invested in all types of economic activity, ceived to be better social justice, it would and most of what comes in the form of signify a new hierarchy, more arbitrary profit is channeled back into the network and more difficult to elude than any other; of financial flows. “Profit margins are - awareness of the fact that it would lead much higher on the financial markets than to a new despotism, instead of the pro- in most direct investments and, therefore, mised freedom”3. all cash flows converge in the end in the The bankruptcy of the centralized eco- global financial networks in search of nomies marked also the end of the escha- higher gains.”4 Globalization of the economy tological ideologies, which considered the is closely linked to informatics and tech- state as the active principle of personal nological development that allowed the happiness. virtualization of the financial products. But Because the world was bipolar (East there is also a departure from the real and West), the exit from the totalitarian economy, investors' attention moving to- rule was made through the entry into the wards the value of shares. “In the new minimal state, considered as a last option, economy, the most important objective of and even perfect by some people. We could the game is not maximizing profits but say that man left himself prey to a new maximizing the value of shares.”5 Thus the mirage: a society able to operate by itself, premises of a speculative spiral with many with a self adjusting economy through the interconnections are created which becomes common game of demand and supply. The a mystery as long as it works. state? Minimal, with a decorative role, Politics, in the sense that Blackwell convinced of the good faith of all indi- Encyclopedia defines it – “a process by viduals. To paraphrase J. J. Rousseau we which a group of people whose views and could say that post communism embraced interests are initially divergent, reach de- the belief that “man is good by nature, but cisions and collective options, which impose he is perverted by the state.” Therefore, to the group, symbolizing a common policy“6 there was a tendency to reduce the size of – globalizes bringing out a number of state sectors (in our country governments’ agencies, organizations, quasi-supranational performances were quantified in the institutions, such as the European Union.

167 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Petru Sorin Drăguşin

Nevertheless, the exponential growth of contributions to the UN. Under the cir- the political scene begins to create great cumstances of the financial and economic difficulties in decision-making. crisis that we cross there could take place This starts to be visible first in terms the upheaval of values with no guarantee of security issues. The expansion of the that they will not affect the impartiality nation-state, initially on behalf of human and independence of judges. However, it rights, then the effect of economic globa- is difficult to argue the existence of a homo lization, marked the beginning of new universalis outside from any historical and challenges. One of them is expressed in national conditioning who could ensure a the newspaper Adevarul on 10 July 2001 fair trial. And after all, we can ask our- by the journalist Romulus Căplescu in the selves: What would a fair trial in this court title itself of the article that he wrote as it mean? What should be the values and follows: Could be there justice without procedures in relation to which court borders? Considering that “the tendency would function? of foreign courts to excoriate the former Far from being rhetorical, these questions heads of states or individuals who have can get answers, but the situation remains held important positions in other countries, equally problematic because responses are under charges of violations of human not fully convergent. rights is closely related to the phenomenon As Francis Fukuyama shows, “Americans of economic globalization,” the journalist and Europeans have different opinions wonders about the viability of a concept about the source of legitimacy at the inter- such as global justice. Globalization of national level; Americans consider that justice is considered to be questioned by this is rooted in the will of the democratic the serious impediments in the way of a majority in the constitutional nation-states, court with extensive powers. A difficulty and Europeans tend to believe that it relies is, for example, represented by the oppo- on the principles of justice which are sition of America which fears that its citi- higher than the laws and the wills of the zens might be tried by such court. “The nation-states taken separately.”7 The foun- American, one malicious participant commented dations of these views are found in their to a roundtable organized by the BBC, national histories, and from this point of enjoy the comfortable position of world view, things are understandable, because policeman or judge, but not that of defen- as it is expressed by Professor Neagu dant.” Meanwhile, the former secretary of Djuvara at a conference held at University state Henry Kissinger has argued his oppo- Al.I.Cuza of Iasi, “Americans are some sition to “justice without borders” in that it Europeans who have evolved differently.” would seriously hamper the activities of European vision could be substantiated foreign policy. by bringing into question the phrase “ma- On the other hand, countries like jority’s tyranny”; this majority could take China and India want the national judi- correct procedural decisions that might not ciary to preserve its prerogatives in cases respect the universal liberal values. De- of overlooking human rights, not being too mocratic majorities may decide to do willing to accept the reduction of sovereignty. awful things to other countries and they To these reactions there is also added may violate human rights and decency the dilemma of funding such a world standards on which their democratic order court, when there is a conspicuous lack of is based. enthusiasm from many countries to pay 168 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES? The National State and Global Politics

Fukuyama illustrates the dispute between Milosevic, any concerted approach failed the two perspectives on the worldwide to restore order and justice in the region. legitimization through Lincoln-Douglas So we can speak of two phenomena: debates. Douglas claimed that he didn’t - on the one hand, the downfall of the care if people voted for or against slavery, nation-state; as long as the decision reflected the - on the other hand, the no-naissance of decision of the people, while for Lincoln the international community. slavery itself violated the higher principle It is suggested the existence of a of equality among people on which the vacuum that can be correlated to an event American system relied. The legitimacy of similar with the one that took place on the actions of a democracy – and after all, September 11th. “What filled this vacuum globalization is the issue of global demo- was in fact a motley collection of multi- cracy whose players and beneficiaries are national corporations, NGOs, international the states – is not based on procedural fairness, organizations, mafia, terrorist groups and but on previous rules and rights that come so on, which may have some power or from moral level higher than the legal order . certain legitimacy, but rarely one and These arguments, theoretically sound, another in the same time.”9 can be criticized on the grounds of prac- The difficulty of decision-making stems tical impossibility. “The very idea that le- therefore from a crisis of legitimacy, in the gitimacy is derived from the top down, meaning given by S.M. Lipset - the ability from an international immaterial level and of a system to contain and maintain the not allocated from the bottom up by the belief that the existing institutions are the democratic and legitimate public in the most appropriate. The global system does nation-state virtually calls for abuses from not currently contain such institutions that the elite which become free to interpret the can enjoy any credibility because none of will of the international community accor- them practically assume any responsibility. ding to their preferences.”8 Meanwhile, the invisible hand thesis Impracticability is also amplified by which should manage effectively the glo- the fact that when the laws and the existing balized economy proves devoid of realism, international organizations could correctly being increasingly challenged. reflect the will of the international commu- Globalization has resulted in perfect nity, law enforcement remains the competence market timing. But after the enthusiasm in of the nation-states. front of what seemed an economy of “The international community” is in- Swiss clock, this timing revealed another consistent despite structuring the project, side, it proved to be a synchronization in insofar as the capacity to implement de- crisis which led many analysts to accept pends entirely upon the action of the that we are facing a minor recession, individual nation-states. History has shown possibly cyclical, predictable and therefore so far that all the international organiza- controllable. tions which have to deal with serious pro- The new lesson which mankind lives blems regarding security issues face problems is only an old lesson – history is not the of collective action which paralyze them. earth of happiness, the way the philosopher It is enlightening in this respect Milosevic's K. Popper puts it, and therefore we should Serbia, in which case, although the Euro- avoid building the paradise. The movement pean Union as a whole confirmed the con- made by recoil from the total state towards flicting and undemocratic regime of the minimal state was mistaken for an

169 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Petru Sorin Drăguşin arrival. A Chinese proverb says “when to manage economy in response to the you set eyes on a target there remains only current crisis. Thus, according to Hotnews10, one way to find direction,” which could “he warned against excessive reliance on mean that the nobility of a target can be the intervention of the state and protec- dimmed by a Pirus victory. One might say tionism when navigating on the” perfect that the species’ solidarity urges us to storm” of a truly global economic crisis define us as citizens of the world, but on (...), launching such a warning about behalf of such a too ideal solidarity some Washington and London, whose economic of its intermediate levels could be eluded. incentive packages could lead those states In reality without family solidarity, local, on the road Moscow walked once upon a national or regional solidarity there can be time and which would do too little for the no global solidarity. It is true that these global economy. “ conditions are not sufficient since a solidarity On the other hand the national side of “against” could develop, but they are necessary states should be managed carefully, so that conditions. the chosen measures should not exacerbate In history there is no destination, only extremist currents, because history demonstrated staging sometimes, because history is a that the nationalist discourse was frequently challenge. This finding is just an urge to an equally short and bloody path towards vigilance, to building a policy based on power. what is and not on what should be. The inclusive logic becomes desirable These could be reasons for rethinking and it should be consistent with the new the state's role in the context of globali- realities. Globalized economy is not possible zation. It is necessary and its main mission without weakening the national state, but is the structuring of the degrees of soli- this must be able to replace it with global darity among individuals. We believe that governance. this can be achieved if we try to learn from We share the view of the logician the last two lessons: that of the totalitarian Rudolf Carnap that the “big issues of our state and that of the minimal state. time, of the age of industrialization, Currently many political actors still namely the organization of economy and oscillate between a disjunctive-exclusive of the world can not be resolved through a logic characterized by “or” – and an in- free play of faculties”, but they require clusive logic characterized by “and-and”. rational planning. To the organization of According to the exclusive-disjunctive the economy, this means socialism in one logic since the option for the minimal state form or another. To the world structure, has brought us to a financial and economic this means a gradual development towards crisis, we should resign from it and adopt a world government.11 It is essential that of a heavily involved state regardless assuming them procedurally and not as of the risks it would signify. Such absolute purposes. History does not allow guidance would make us repeat mistakes predictions, history is made, even when it until we are able to learn from them. repeats, which means that new items can It seems relevant in this case the fact appear anytime (and it is sufficient to think that Russia's prime minister, Vladimir of September 11, 2001) which could not Putin himself, during the economic forum be taken into account, but which can not in Davos, recommended caution against be ignored. The real purpose is to improve the strong intervention of the state and and enrich the lives of individuals and the expressed his reserves about the tendency education in their family, education between 170 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES? The National State and Global Politics friends, at work and in the national and markets in order to avoid deglobalization global society. Such an enrichment of life with adverse consequences for all the means that all individuals are given the economies. The British Prime Minister also opportunity to develop their potential skills warned that without an effective system of and to participate in cultural events and international financial regulation, there is experiences. If when considering problems the danger to deglobalize the global we have always this end in mind, R. economy. This danger that Gordon Brown Carnap thinks, we shall become aware of expects and which we would be happy to the danger of gradual increase in the state notice only in theory comes mainly from power. Meanwhile, this extension of the the reality of an unfinished and imperfect state power is necessary because the na- world. The withdrawal of the nation-state tional states have to consist of larger units produces the risk of anarchy. The insti- and because they have to take up many tutions of the nation-states are weakened economic functions. “One of the most acute by the erosion of sovereignty which means problems – probably the most important difficulty in imposing the rule of law on and difficult problem second after the the internal level with impact on the urgency to avoid a world war - is therefore international order. the task of finding solutions for society’s The influence of the whole on its organization which could provide a common components is not possible because the denominator for personal and cultural whole is not yet sufficiently welded; there freedom of individuals on the one hand, is no procedural criterion to validate the and the actual organization of the state, on global decisions and therefore there is the the other.“12 Although the above ideas risk for the components to influence com- were written by Rudolf Carnap well before ponents. Deglobalization would mean the the end of the Cold War, their mentioning globalization of anarchy which functions is justified by the new realities of the in the best case according to the rule of globalized economy. “We must create a escape goat, “the culprit” and which has framework for international governance, the historical role of a negative solidarity. which we don’t have for the moment. We We conclude by claiming that, far from must take into account the shortages on the being outdated, the nation-state is an indis- global level. For a decade we have said pensable element in the new economic that the current framework is inadequate”, order in its capacity as guarantor of respect the British Prime Minister, Gordon Brown13, for human dignity. It does not oppose either declared and he also added that the finan- to the individual or globalization, but it cial markets would be first of its agenda at tries to make all these give identity to the the G20 summit in London in April. “If individual. Globalization does not mean what happens to a bank in one country can anonymity, but to paraphrase Wittgenstein, have devastating effects on the banks on family similarities, we are not identical, another continent just in a couple of mi- but not radically different, too. Opposition nutes, only a true international response is excluded. And this logic must also be from the part of policies and governance conducted in what concerns states as actors can be effective,” Brown believes, and this of global politics. It is equally necessary does not necessarily mean a return to the and difficult to find a guarantor of it so that protectionism of ’30s. It must be stopped, the old dilemma of Juvenalis: “Who is for example, the tendency of banks to pre- watching the guards?” be solved. Could a vent foreign lending in favour of internal world government succeed to free itself

171 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Petru Sorin Drăguşin from the historical conditioning in order to 5 Ibidem, p. 200. rise at the height of such a mission? It is 6 apud Anton Carpinschi, Cristian Bocancea, Ştiinţa difficult to formulate a response, but the politicului, Iaşi, Ed. Universităţii „Al.I. Cuza”, 1998, nation-state could be a prerequisite. p. 54. 7 Francis Fukuyama, Construcţia statelor. Guvernarea şi ordinea mondială în secolul XXI, Ed. Antet, Notes 1 2004, p. 121. Ilie Bădescu, Statul naţional în contextul 8 Ibidem, p. 122. globalizării, în „Globalizare şi identitate 9 Ibidem, p. 127. naţională:simpozion: Bucureşti, 18 mai 2006”, 10 Hotnews.ro, 29.01.2009, 21:42 Bucureşti, Ed. Ministerului Administraţiei şi 11 apud Jan Riis Flor, Rudolf Carnap. Filosofia Internelor, 2006, p. 11. 2 ca sintaxă logică, în Anton Hugli, Poul Lubcke, Friedrich A. Hayek, Constituţia libertăţii, Iaşi, Filosofia în secolul XX, vol. II, Ed. ALL Institutul European, 1998, p.268. 3 EDUCATIONAL, 2003, p. 179 Ibidem, p.269. 12 4 Ibidem, p. 180. Fritjof Capra, Conexiuni ascunse:integrarea 13 Hotnews.ro, 27. 01. 2009, 23:17. dimensiunilor biologice, cognitive şi sociale într- o ştiinţă a durabilităţii, Bucureşti, Ed. Tehnică, 2004, p. 198.

172 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

INTERNATIONAL POLITICS HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES?

Uniformizarea legislaţiei la nivel european. Studiu comparativ privind eroarea ca viciu de consimţământ în reglementările Statelor Membre

Irina Olivia POPESCU

Abstract: This study aims to address a comparative analysis of the error as a vitiating factor in the continental law system and the system based on judicial precedent - the common law, from the perspective of the historical evolution of this concept. Error, in the continental system of law is a vitiating factor which consists of the misrepresentation of facts at the conclusion of the legal civil act. At the frontier of error – as a vitiating factor and fraud in the common-law system, is interposed the misrepresentation doctrine, a doctrine with direct application in tort but which has also incidence in what concerns the legal documents. Misrepresentation in this system of law defines a false statement, precisely addressed to a person by another, to determine this other person to enter a contract. This approach emphasizes the demarcations and interferences in terms of concept, structure, and the classification of error from the point of view of the two legal systems. Key words: EU regulation, legal act, consent, vitiating factor, misrepresentation.

1. Consideraţii preliminare. Caracterul putere de lege între părţile contractante2, în formalist al dreptului roman şi inefica- timp ce concepţia romană este sintetizată citatea radicală a actelor juridice. de adagiul ex nudo pactio inter cives Romanos actio non oritur. n dreptul roman, contractul reprezintă o Contractul, pentru a fi valabil încheiat convenţie sancţionată de dreptul civil trebuia să îndeplinească două categorii de Î care dă naştere la obligaţii, spre deosebire condiţii şi anume condiţii de formare şi de convenţia care stingea sau modifica un condiţii de validitate. În categoria condiţiilor drept. Ca atare, convenţia este genul iar de formare a contractului intră capacitatea, contractul este specia1. Aşa cum se poate o prestaţie susceptibilă de a face obiectul observa, există o diferenţă fundamentală unei convenţii şi consimţământul3. între concepţia romană asupra contractelor Consimţământul, element esenţial al şi concepţia contemporană, în care se con- oricărui contract, reprezenta manifestarea sideră că o convenţie legal încheiată are de voinţă a unei persoane în sensul pe care

173 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Irina Olivia Popescu cealaltă parte îl dorea. Spre deosebire de rezultă în mod concret voinţa stipu- dreptul modern, consimţământul părţilor lantului5; nu era suficient pentru ca un contract să fie - promisiunile acceptate de încheiere a format, ci acesta trebuia să îmbrace for- unei anumite convenţii reprezintă con- mele prevăzute de lege. Ulterior, o dată cu venţii valabile, pacta de ineundo contractu apariţia contractelor consensuale, consim- vel de contrahendo6. ţământul părţilor devine suficient pentru ca Dreptul roman cunoaşte anumite cauze un contract să fie valabil format cu conse- în care acordul de voinţă nu există decât în cinţa ca şi celelalte elemente ale acestuia, aparenţă7 şi care duceau astfel la inexis- respectiv capacitatea şi obiectul să fie, de tenţa consimţământului8 şi pe cale de con- asemenea, îndeplinite. Totodată, acordul de secinţă acestea determinau inexistenţa con- voinţă al celor două părţi trebuia să înde- tractului, acestea fiind: plinească trei condiţii4 şi anume: . Unul dintre contractanţi este nebun9; . dualitate, numai întâlnirea a două voinţe . Manifestarea voinţei per jocum constituind un consimţământ valabil, (neseriozitatea). Neseriozitatea determina o voinţă unică rămânând ineficace în inexistenţa consimţământului deoarece dreptul roman, o simplă policitaţiune; acesta era dat în glumă, neavând astfel . concordanţa, întâlnirea celor două voinţe ca scop intenţia părţilor de a se obliga; ale părţilor la un moment dat, chiar . Existenţa unei erori asupra identităţii dacă acestea nu luau naştere simultan; contractului (error in corpore); . seriozitatea, consimţământul era valabil . Existenţa unei erori asupra naturii numai dacă era exprimat în mod contractului (errror in negotio); serios, ci nu dacă era dat în glumă. . Existenţa unei erori asupra persoanei Concepţia dualistă a eficacităţii depline cu care urmează a se contracta (error sau respectiv a ineficacităţii totale se regă- in personam); seşte pregnant în materia consimţămân- . Existenţa unei erori asupra cuantumului, tului, în care jurisconsulţii romani disting atunci când acesta reprezintă un element între existenţa consimţământului sau esenţial al contractului (error in quantitate). absenţa acestuia, fără a acorda importanţă Spre exemplu, într-un contract de vânzare- viciilor de consimţământ. Acest raţiona- cumpărare, vânzătorul crede că este ment are drept consecinţă evitarea situ- vorba de o sumă mai mare, în timp ce aţiilor intermediare existente între validi- cumpărătorul crede că este vorba de o tatea deplină şi ineficacitatea totală. În sumă mai mică10; ceea ce priveşte consimţământul, ca ele- . Violenţa fizică exercitată asupra unei ment esenţial al unei convenţii, romanii au persoane pentru a o determina pe stabilit câteva principii care reglementează acesta să încheie o convenţie; regimul juridic al acestuia: . Existenţa unei simulaţii. - consimţământul poate fi exprimat în Vechii romani considerau că eroarea, mod verbal, dacă este însă exprimat în dolul, violenţa şi simulaţia pot exclude sau scris acesta nu va folosi decât ca mijloc vicia consimţământul. de probă a convenţiei; Eroarea reprezenta falsa înţelegere a - consimţământul nu trebuie să îmbrace realităţii. Eroarea esenţială, error essentialis o formă solemnă şi nici nu trebuie să – care exclude consimţământul părţilor, fie expres, putând fi şi tacit, dacă este o cauză de inexistenţă a convenţiei. constă în efectuarea unor acte din care Împotriva unei astfel de convenţii nu putea fi exercitată o acţiune în nulitate, deoarece 174 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES? Uniformizarea legislaţiei la nivel european… nu poate fi anulat ceva care nu există, ca obţină, anterior utilizării petiţiei în ereditate, atare o querela nullitatis nu are sens deoarece anularea testamentului în justiţie14. din punct de vedere juridic părţile nu au Justificarea apariţiei acestui grad inter- realizat nimic şi ca atare fiecare dintre ele mediar de ineficacitate, între validitatea îşi poate conserva toate drepturile avute totală şi ineficacitatea radicală (inexistenţa), anterior. Instanţa în faţa căreia era invocată şi anume anulabilitatea, a determinat apa- o astfel de convenţie nu făcea decât să riţia a trei curente diferite. Primul a încer- constate inexistenţa ei11. cat explicarea anulabilităţii pornind de la În epoca romană, eroarea esenţială era distincţia realizată de vechii romani între împărţită în error in negotio – eroare asupra substantia şi effectus; cel de-al doilea naturii actului juridic, error in persona – curent a încercat să justifice anulabilitatea eroarea asupra identităţii persoanei, error pornind de la teoria aparenţei. Ultima cate- in corpore – eroarea asupra identităţii lucrului gorie a fundamentat gradul intermediar al şi error in substantia – eroarea asupra anulabilităţii pe baza interesului protejat15. calităţilor esenţiale ale lucrului, toate acestea determinând inexistenţa contractului. 3. Eroarea – viciu de consimţământ în sistemul legiuitorului român con- 2. Ineficacitatea actului juridic în temporan viziunea interpreţilor dreptului roman 3.1. Noţiune. În doctrina şi jurisprudenţa din Evul Mediu. de specialitate se arată că eroarea Confuzia care a înconjurat materia reprezintă viciul de consimţământ care nulităţii nu ia sfârşit în epoca medievală. constă în reprezentarea greşită a realităţii „Într-adevăr atât în ţările care se aflau sub cu prilejul încheierii actului juridic civil16. influenţa dreptului roman, cât şi în acele În conformitate cu art. 954 C.civ.: ,,(1) unde aceasta era germană, principiile nu Eroarea nu produce nulitate decât când erau mai bine fixate, şi cum putea oare să cade asupra substanţei obiectului convenţiei. fie altfel în acele timpuri sumbre şi ne- (2) Eroarea nu produce nulitate când cade liniştite, când ştiinţa se întuneca din an în asupra persoanei cu care s-a contractat, an?”12. afară numai când consideraţia persoanei Interpreţii dreptului roman din Evul este cauza principală, pentru care s-a făcut Mediu au explicat instituţiile vechi exceptio convenţia”. şi restitutio in integrum ca fiind adevă- Astfel, în primul alineat este reglemen- ratele corespondente ale conceptului de tată eroarea asupra calităţilor substanţiale anulabilitate13. Astfel, suntem în prezenţa ale obiectului actului (error in substantiam), unei atenuării a teoriei bipartite, însă numai iar în al doilea alineat se reglementează eroa- în plan teoretic, cu puternice implicaţii rea asupra identităţii ori calităţilor persoanei asupra procedurii: este inutil să anulăm un cocontractante (error in personam). act nul, inexistent, pentru că acesta trebuie 3.2. Structură şi condiţii. În alcă- ignorat fără nici o altă formalitate. În ceea tuirea erorii viciu de consimţământ intră un ce priveşte însă actul anulabil acesta tre- singur element (de natură psihologică) ce buie anulat în justiţie şi numai ulterior constă în falsa reprezentare a realităţii, de poate fi ignorat. Spre exemplu, în ipoteza unde apare şi dificultatea dovedirii sale. Cu unui testament nul, moştenitorul ab intestat toate aceste, trebuie avut în vedere faptul poate uza în mod direct de petiţia în ere- că eroarea este un fapt juridic stricto sensu, ditate, în ipoteza în care testamentul este deci poate fi dovedită cu orice mijloc de doar anulabil, moştenitorul trebuie să probă.

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Pentru ca falsa reprezentare a realităţii unei norme juridice civile la încheierea la încheierea unui act juridic să constituie unui act juridic. viciu de consimţământ, trebuie întrunite În doctrină, nu există un punct de ve- cumulativ două condiţii: dere unitare în ceea ce priveşte eroarea de a) elementul asupra căruia cade falsa re- drept. Ca atare, s-a exprimat o opinie, ră- prezentare să fi fost determinant, hotă- masă izolată potrivit căreia eroarea de drept râtor, pentru încheierea actului juridic, este inadmisibilă ca viciu de consim- în sensul că dacă ar fi fost cunoscută ţământ17 având în vedere „obligaţia cunoaş- realitatea actul juridic nu ar mai fi fost terii legii”, aşa încât nimeni nu poate in- încheiat. Cel care invocă eroarea voca necunoaşterea legii nemo censetur trebuie să probeze că tocmai elementul ignorare legem. asupra căruia s-a înşelat el este cel care Opinia majoritară este însă în sensul l-a determinat să încheie actul juridic, admisibilităţii erorii de drept18, având în având o influenţă hotărâtoare asupra vedere că: consimţământului său. Aprecierea im- a) legiuitorul român prevede în art. 953 portanţei elementului fals se face având C.civ. nevalabilitatea consimţămân- în vedere un criteriu subiectiv, adică in tului ,,când este dat prin eroare”, fără a concreto, în funcţie de circumstanţele distinge între eroarea de drept şi eroarea în care s-a contractat şi persoana celui de fapt, iar ubi lex non distinguit, nec în cauză (vârstă, profesie, nivel de nos distinguere debemus; pregătire etc.). În mod excepţional, s- b) conform art. 1206 alin. (2) C.civ., măr- ar putea recurge şi la un criteriu abstract turisirea judiciară poate fi revocată şi anume comportamentul oricărei numai pentru eroare de fapt, de unde persoane într-o situaţie asemănătoare. rezultă, per a contrario, că mărturi- b) în cazul actelor juridice bilaterale cu sirea nu poate fi revocată pentru eroare titlu oneros, este necesar ca partea con- de drept, de unde reiese că în celelalte tractantă să fi ştiut ori să fi trebuit să cazuri eroarea de drept este admisă; ştie că elementul asupra căruia cade c) dacă se produce, efectele erorii sunt falsa reprezentare este hotărâtor pentru aceleaşi, indiferent dacă ne aflăm în încheierea actului juridic civil în prezenţa unei erori de fapt sau a unei cauză. Această condiţie este impusă de erori de drept, iar ubi eadem est ratio, nevoia certitudinii operaţiunilor juridice ibi eadem solutio esse debet19. care intervin în circuitul civil. 3.3.2. În funcţie de gravitatea ei, eroarea poate fi de trei feluri: eroarea obstacol, care 3.3. Clasificare. atrage nulitatea absolută a actului; eroarea- 3.3.1. În funcţie de criteriu naturii rea- viciu de consimţământ, care atrage nulitatea lităţii fals reprezentate, eroarea se clasifică relativă a actului; eroarea indiferentă, care în eroare de fapt şi eroare de drept. nu afectează valabilitatea actului. Eroarea de fapt constă în falsa re- 3.3.2.1. Eroarea obstacol (eroarea prezentare a unei stări sau situaţii faptice distructivă de voinţă) reprezintă forma cea legate de încheierea actului juridic. Ea mai gravă a erorii şi presupune că falsa poate afecta obiectul actului juridic, va- reprezentare cade asupra: loarea acestuia sau persoana cu care se a) naturii actului juridic ce se încheie contractează. (error in negotium), când o parte crede Eroarea de drept constă în falsa re- că încheie un anumit act juridic, iar prezentare a existenţei sau conţinutului cealaltă parte crede că încheie un alt 176 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES? Uniformizarea legislaţiei la nivel european…

act juridic, ceea ce determină inexis- directă în dreptul obligaţiilor dar care are tenţa consimţământului; incidenţă şi în sfera actelor juridice. b) identităţii obiectului (error in corpore), Reprezentarea greşită defineşte o afir- adică una dintre părţi crede că tratează maţie falsă, precisă21, adresată de către o cu privire la un anumit bun, iar cealaltă persoană alteia, pentru a o determina, ma- are în vedere un alt bun. terial, să intre într-un contract. 3.3.2.2. Eroarea-viciu de consimţământ În jurisprudenţă s-a stabilit că simplele (eroare gravă) presupune că falsa reprezen- opinii exprimate cu privire la starea anu- tare cade fie asupra calităţilor substanţiale mitor lucruri nu pot fi considerate ca înde- ale obiectului actului juridic (error in plinind condiţiile de mai sus22. Se admite substantia), fie asupra persoanei cocon- însă ca excepţie situaţia în care cel care tractante sau beneficiare a actului juridic face afirmaţie are cunoştinţe superioare (error in personam). celui căruia i se adresează în legătură cu Atunci când vorbim despre substanţa faptul expus23. obiectului, jurisprudenţa de specialitate a În ceea ce priveşte eroarea de drept – stabilit că aceasta este constituită din acele admisă aşa cum am arătat mai sus în sis- calităţi ale sale care au fost determinante temul de drept continental, trebuie men- pentru parte într-o asemenea măsură încât, ţionat faptul că, în sistemul common-law, dacă ar fi cunoscut lipsa acestora, actul nu afirmaţiile despre existenţa sau conţinutul ar mai fi fost încheiat20. unei legi pot fi folosite ca bază a acţiunii Eroarea asupra persoanei atrage anu- pentru misrepresentation doar în situaţia în larea convenţiei, numai în cazul actelor în- care aceste afirmaţii sunt realizate de un cheiate în considerarea unei anumite per- avocat către clientul său24. soane (intuitu personae) identitatea sau însu- De asemenea, de cele mai multe ori, şirile esenţiale ale persoanei pot atrage această afirmaţia eronată este comunicată direct sancţiune [art. 954 alin. (2) C.civ.]. În acest către cocontractant, cu toate acestea sunt sens, art. 1712 C.civ. declară anulabilă îndeplinite condiţiile acestei acţiuni şi în tranzacţia când există eroare asupra per- cazul în care afirmaţia este realizată către soanei cu care s-a încheiat. un terţ cu intenţia de a ajunge la cocon- 3.3.2.3. Eroarea indiferentă reprezintă tractant25. falsa reprezentare a unor împrejurări mai În jurisprudenţă s-a stabilit că o puţin importante la încheierea actului juri- persoană nu poate folosi această acţiune în dic, asupra unor elemente accesorii, care cazul în care nu a crezut în veridicitatea nu ţin de substanţa obiectului actului, cum afirmaţiei respective26. ar fi eroarea asupra numelui persoanei sau 4.2. Clasificare. În funcţie de remediile asupra persoanei, când nu s-a contractat intuitu juridice pe care le poate obţine victima, personae, eroarea de calcul sau eroarea de reprezentarea greşită a realităţii poate fi: tehnoredactare. O astfel de eroare poate  frauduloasă, în situaţia în care se cel atrage cel mult o diminuare valorică a prestaţiei. care a făcut afirmaţia ştia că aceasta este falsă, sau nu a crezut că aceasta 4. Misrepresentation în sistemul de este adevărată27. Aceasta oferă posibi- drept common-law. litatea victimei de a opta între desfiin- 4.1. Noţiune. La limita dintre eroarea- ţarea contractului sau solicitarea de viciu de consimţământ şi dol se interpune despăgubiri; doctrina misrepresentation în sistemul de  neglijentă, care oferă posibilitatea vic- drept common-law, o doctrină cu aplicaţie timei de a solicita despăgubiri28;

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15 Ibidem, p. 301-302.  indiferentă, în cazul în care afirmaţia 16 făcută nu are influenţă decisivă asupra G. Boroi, Drept civil. Partea generală. contractului încheiat29. Instanţele sunt Persoanele, Ed. Hamangiu, Bucureşti, 2008, p. 215; E. Chelaru, Drept civil. Partea generală, Ed. All reticente în a acorda despăgubiri în Beck, Bucureşti, 2003, p. 117-120; V.V. Popa, cazul unei astfel de reprezentări greşite. Drept civil. Partea generală. Persoanele, Ed. All Beck, 2005, p. 100-108; A se vedea şi Trib. Note Suprem, col. civ, decizia nr. 231 din 25 februarie 1 É. Cuq, Les institutions juridiques des romains. 1958, C.D. 1958, p. 175; Trib. Jud. Braşov, decizia L'ancien droit, tome I, Librairie Plon, Paris, 1904, civilă nr. 370/1974, R.R.D. nr. 12/1975, p. 46. p. 350-351. 17 Tr. Ionaşcu, Curs de drept civil. Teoria generală 2 A se vedea art. 969 din Codul civil român potrivit a obligaţiilor, E.D.P., Bucureşti, 1967, p. 49. căruia „Convenţiile legal făcute au putere de lege 18 D. Chirică, Eroarea, viciu de consimţământ în între părţile contractante. Ele se pot revoca prin materie contractuală, Dreptul nr. 7/2005, p. 21-22; consimţământul mutual sau din cauze autorizate de I. Deleanu, Cunoaşterea legii şi eroarea de drept, lege”. Dreptul nr. 7/2004, p. 49-61. 3 P. Van Wetter, Les obligations en droit romain, 19 J. Kocsis, Unele aspecte teoretice şi practice Tomul II, Imp. C. Annoot-Braeckman, Paris, 1884, privind eroarea de drept, Dreptul nr. 8/1992, p. p. 47. 39-42; Trib. Jud. Bihor, decizia civilă nr. 449/1981, 4 C. Stoicescu, Curs elementar de drept roman, Ed. R.R.D. nr. 8/1982, p. 38 şi urm.; Trib. Jud. a II-a, Institutul de Arte Grafice Bucovina, Caraş-Severin, decizia civilă nr. 474/1985, R.R.D. Bucureşti, 1927, p. 279-280. 12/1985, p. 55 şi urm. 5 În epoca romană, şi tăcerea putea avea efecte 20 C.S.J, decizia civilă nr. 160/1993, Dreptul nr. juridice qui tacet, cum loqui potuit et debuit, 7/1994, p. 84. consentire videtur. 21 A se vedea Cazul McInery v Banca Lloyds 6 P. Van Wetter, op. cit., p. 103-112. [1974] 1 Lloyd’s Rep 246. 7 É. Cuq, op. cit., p. 351-352. 22 A se vedea Cazurile Dimmock v Hallett [1866] şi 8 E. Molcuţ, Drept privat roman, Ed. Universul Bisset v Wilkinson [1927] AC 177 Juridic, Bucureşti, 2004, p. 182. 23 A se vedea cazul Esso Petroleum v Mardon 9 Furiosus nullum negotium agere potest, quia non [1976] QB 801. intelligit quid agit (Un nebun nu poate face nici un 24 A se vedea cazul Benson v Consiliul Local act juridic, pentru că nu înţelege ce face) sau Lincoln [1999]. Furiosi ... nulla voluntas est (Nebunul n-are voinţă), 25 A se vedea cazul Banca Comercială din Sydney D. Alexandresco, Explicaţiunea teoretică şi v RH Brown şi Asociaţii [1972] 2 Lloyds Rep 360. practică a dreptului civil român, Tomul IV, 26 A se vedea cazurile Eurocopy v Teesdale [1992] Atelierele Grafice Socec & Co, Bucureşti, 1913, p. BCLC 1067, Attwood v Small [1838] 6 Cl & F 74. 232. 10 T. Sâmbrian, Drept roman. Principii, instituţii şi 27 A se vedea cazul Dery v Peek [1889] 14 App texte celebre, Casa de Editură şi Presă „Şansa”, Ges 337. Bucureşti, 1994, p. 112-113. 28 A se vedea cazul Howard Marine v Dredging Co 11 P. Van Wetter, op. cit., p. 112-113. Ltd v Ogden & Sons Ltd [1978] QB 574. 12 N. Em. Antonescu, Nevaliditatea actelor juridice 29 A se vedea cazul Oscar Chess Ltd v Williams în dreptul civil, în materia nulităţilor, Institutul de [1957] 1 WLR 370. Arte Grafice România Nouă, Bucureşti, 1927, p. 214. 13 S. Gaudet, Inexistence, nullité et annulabilité du contrat: essai de synthèse, McGill Law Journal, Montréal, 1995, p. 300 în lawjournal.mcgill.ca/abs/ vol40/2gaude.html 14 Ibidem, p. 300-301.

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INTERNATIONAL POLITICS HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES?

Doctrina suveranităţii juridice între sincronie şi diacronie

Radu RIZA

Abstract: In the international law, as regards the importance criteria, the sovereign state is the first subject of law. However, one must add the fact that for the European states the sovereignty theory is built upon the rights/obligations binominal. In the present article we discuss the series of limitations to the states’ territorial sovereignty, determined by the principles and norms of the UN Charter and the obligations assumed by member states. Keywords: international law, sovereignty, international institutions, authority.

onstituţiile statelor europene au ţiuni ale suveranităţii naţionale. Jean Jacques reprezentat cel mai propice cadru Rousseau spunea, în Contractul Social, că C pentru definirea şi afirmarea suvera- „suveranitatea este inalienabilă şi indivizibilă”', nităţii ca normă de drept intern, iar Carta dar recunoştea apoi că politicienii, „ne- ONU şi tratatele internaţionale şi europene putând împărţi suveranitatea în principiul au conferit noi valenţe acestei norme în ei, o împart în obiectul ei, o împart în forţă dreptul internaţional, respectiv european. şi voinţă, în putere legislativă şi în putere Astfel, constituţiile europene stabilesc că executivă, în drepturi de impozite, de jus- suveranitatea (unele adăugând şi sintagma tiţie şi de război, în administraţie interioară „naţională”), sau puterea, aparţine poporului. şi în puterea de a trata cu străinul; uneori Regăsim aceste afirmaţii în constituţiile confundă toate aceste părţi, alteori le separă”. Spaniei, Franţei sau Suediei. În accep- În dreptul internaţional, statul suveran ţiunea altor constituţii, suveranitatea apar- este primul subiect de drept în ordinea ţine naţiunii, aşa cum apare formulat în importanţei. Statul are competenţe legale textele românesc şi belgian. Instituţiile sunt exprimate în sens material şi formal. Cele chemate apoi să reprezinte poporul, apă- materiale sunt în primul rând de ordine rându-i această suveranitate pe care tot ele interioară şi ţin de suveranitatea internă, şi au construit-o, legiferat-o şi afirmat-o. Pentru anume capacitatea de a-şi organiza puterea a servi cât mai bine interesele poporului, sa politică, sistemul său economic şi într-un sistem democratic puterea trebuie social. Competenţele în sens formal se să-şi împartă atribuţiile în consacrata triadă referă la jurisdicţia statului şi la capacitatea a Executivului, Legislativului şi puterii sa de a acţiona în vederea garantării res- Judecătoreşti. În doctrina Revoluţiei Franceze pectării regulilor juridice edictate de el. toate aceste puteri erau considerate frac- Apoi, statele au o competenţa personală

179 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Radu Riza care se manifestă în acţiunea lor faţă de Abordarea din dreptul internaţional a proprii cetăţeni, în vederea reglementării căutat şi o identificare a suveranităţii cu in- statutului cetăţeniei, protecţiei lor în străi- dependenţa. O speţă a Curţii Permanente nătate şi acordarea corelativă a drepturilor de Arbitraj consfinţea chiar această simi- şi a obligaţiilor. Totuşi, cea mai accentuată litudine: „Suveranitatea în relaţiile dintre dintre competenţe a fost cea teritorială, state înseamnă independenţă. Independenţa acea putere generală, deplină şi exclusivă în legătură cu un teritoriu este dreptul de a asupra gestionării teritoriului unui stat. Pentru exercita asupra acestuia funcţiile statului, controlul teritoriilor s-au dus războaie, s-au cu excluderea (drepturilor) oricărui stat”. făcut alianţe, s-au promovat tratate de pace, Pornind de la independenţă ca precondiţie s-au creat instituţii internaţionale. Până la a suveranităţii, aceasta din urmă, odată inovaţia Uniunii Europene, competenţa recunoscută, devenea garant al celei dintâi. teritorială părea a fi cel mai drag atribut al Recunoaşterea calităţii de stat independent suveranităţii statelor europene, exercitat şi suveran avea loc numai la întrunirea cu- atât pe continent cât şi în multe colţuri ale mulativă a trei condiţii constitutive: enti- lumii. Autonomia în abordarea acestor tatea să aibă teritoriu, populaţie şi guvern. competenţe conferă statelor dreptul de a Trebuie remarcată şi aici preeminenţa poli- decide singure asupra folosirii lor. Ca ticului, care declanşa procedurile juridice atare, nu se exclude posibilitatea ca statele de recunoaştere a unui nou stat, instru- să delege unele competenţe sau materia- mentul fiind deseori folosit discreţionar de lizarea lor, din proprie iniţiativă şi voinţă, monarhii sau de guvernele unor ţări europene. potrivit angajamentelor asumate prin tratate. Un alt pilon a suveranităţii juridice îl Este şi calea pe care au ales-o statele Uni- constituie egalitatea în drepturi a statelor în unii Europene când au hotărât că unele relaţiile internaţionale, introdusă de Vattel atribute pot fi servite mai bine prin efortul prin Le droit de gens, publicată prima dată comun, realizat sub tutela instituţiilor euro- în 1758. Respectarea egalităţii suverane s- pene. Ne vom referi mai târziu la acestea, a dovedit a fi cea mai eficace modalitate explicând şi raţiunile care au dus la de- de protejare a suveranităţii statale în sis- mersurile amintite. temul internaţional. Trebuie reţinut, însă, că pentru statele Dreptul internaţional cunoaşte noi europene, teoria suveranităţii se bazează dezvoltări în secolul al XX-lea, cu precă- pe binomul drepturi/obligaţii. În virtutea dere după cel de-Al Doilea Război Mondial. conţinutului teoretic acceptat de europeni Este perioada în care apar organizaţiile şi de comunitatea internaţională, statele au internaţionale ca noi subiecte de drept, iar dreptul la o personalitate internaţională, multitudinea tratatelor internaţionale impune dreptul de a li se respecta integritatea această nouă formă de colaborare, care teritorială şi dreptul la autoapărare, dreptul inventează o serie de norme stricte ce tre- de a-şi stabili singure regimul social po- buiau respectate de către statele care ade- litic, dreptul de a-şi folosi resursele, de a-şi rau la respectivele organizaţii sau tratate. stabili sistemul economico-social şi le- Membrii ONU, ai NATO sau ai UE erau gislaţia, dreptul de a-şi conduce în mod şi sunt legaţi convenţional printr-un singur liber relaţiile cu alte state, dar şi obligaţiile instrument juridic sau prin mai multe. Prin corelative de a respecta personalitatea inter- intermediul acestor înţelegeri internaţionale, naţională a celorlalte state şi suveranitatea prin care statele ajungeau la concluzii acestora şi de a-şi îndeplini cu bună- comune pe calea dialogului şi a negocierii, credinţă obligaţiile internaţionale. s-a ajuns la norme juridice cu caracter 180 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES? Doctrina suveranităţii juridice între sincronie şi diacronie general şi au apărut noi ramuri ale drep- dacă zonele respective includ teritorii tului internaţional. De exemplu, în această aflate sub suveranitatea unor state. perioadă apare dreptul internaţional al * căilor de comunicaţii, care s-a concretizat Probabil cea mai importantă contri- prin elaborarea regimurilor pentru marile buţie adusă teoriei suveranităţii în relaţiile fluvii internaţionale (Rin, Elba, Dunăre, internaţionale şi dreptul internaţional pu- Congo) şi statutele canalelor interoceanice blic, în secolul al XX-lea, a fost tocmai (Panama şi Suez). Apoi securitatea colec- atestarea documentară că suveranitatea sta- tivă este un concept definit în creuzetul telor nu poate fi absolută, iar guvernelor nu NATO. Dreptul Comunitar e creaţia ex- trebuie să li se permită abuzuri săvârşite la clusivă a UE. Stabilirea unui regim inter- adăpostului „scutului” suveranităţii. În dreptul naţional pentru folosirea mării, concretizat internaţional au fost introduse anumite li- în anii 1980 şi 1990, a întărit noua abor- mitări ale suveranităţii teritoriale a statelor, dare a modului în care statele înţelegeau să determinate de principiile şi normele Cartei relaţioneze în apele internaţionale. Zona ONU şi de obligaţiile asumate de statele-membre: Economică Exclusivă a prelungit controlul - statul trebuie să garanteze străinilor aflaţi pe care un stat îl deţine asupra mării sale pe teritoriul său drepturile prevăzute de la 12 mile la 200 de mile de la ţărmul de normele cutumiare şi convenţionale pe care flutură steagul său. Noutatea acestui ale dreptului internaţional public; regim era că introducea o schimbare în - statul are obligaţia să nu admită să- modalitatea în care statele înţelegeau vârşirea, pe teritoriul său, a unor acte care teritorialitatea ca element al suveranităţii. pun în pericol securitatea altui stat; În Zona Economică Exclusivă statele au - statul are obligaţia de a respecta imu- dreptul de exploatare şi de folosire a nităţile statelor străine - în sensul că resurselor, dar nu au controlul asupra navi- actele unui stat nu pot fi supuse juris- gaţiei, aşa cum îl exercită în marea terito- dicţiei interne a unui alt stat – şi rială. Să reamintim aici şi că, în domeniul imunităţile de execuţie de care bene- comerţului, recunoaşterea nevoii de libera- ficiază bunurile de proprietate ale altui lizare şi de facilitare a schimburilor la nivel stat aflate pe teritoriul său. Mai mult internaţional a dus la înfiinţarea GATT. chiar, statele nu pot invoca imunitatea Introducerea tratatelor care produceau lor de jurisdicţie în cazul tranzacţiilor efect şi pentru terţi a reprezentat un alt comerciale, contractelor de muncă punct important pe calea colaborării inter- încheiate între un stat şi o persoană naţionale, dar în acelaşi timp a modelării fizică, în cazul acţiunilor de reparaţii unei conduite internaţionale care trebuie res- pecuniare sau daune. Tribunalele unui pectată de toate statele comunităţii interna- stat nu pot lua măsuri de constrângere ţionale. Regimul internaţional al Antarcticii împotriva bunurilor unui stat străin. din 1959, cu privire la denuclearizarea În strânsă legătură cu acest aspect, acestei regiuni, tratatele de pace sau comu- dreptul internaţional public a marcat şi nicaţii sunt câteva dintre exemplele grăi- demitizarea teritorialităţii prin admiterea în toare în acest sens. La fel, tratatele care practica internaţională şi în doctrină a constituie dreptul internaţional spaţial sau excepţiilor condominium-ului, servituţilor aerian, cele privitoare la strâmtori sau la internaţionale şi cesiunii de teritorii. canale maritime internaţionale, bazate toate Ilustrat de exemplul Andorrei, condomi- pe denuclearizare şi demilitarizare, chiar niumul presupune exercitarea autorităţii politico- jurisdicţionale de către două state, în mod

181 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Radu Riza egal, asupra unui teritoriu terţ determinat. un control eficient înăuntrul graniţelor Servituţile internaţionale au consacrat sale, suveranitatea externă – care include restrângerea independenţei unui stat pe al practicile de recunoaştere reciprocă între cărui teritoriu un alt stat exercită o entităţile teritoriale care au o independenţă competenţă de reglementare legislativă sau juridică formală, şi suveranitatea inter- administrativă. Cesiunea de teritoriu repre- dependenţei – înţelegând prin aceasta abi- zintă o operaţiune juridică convenţională litatea autorităţilor publice de a reglementa pe baza căreia un stat renunţa la suve- circulaţia informaţiei, ideilor, bunurilor, ranitate sa asupra unui teritoriu în favoarea populaţiei, poluării sau capitalului dincolo altui stat care îşi întinde el suveranitatea de graniţele sale. Nu toate statele se bucură asupra acelui teritoriu. de această structură complexă a suverani- Nu în ultimul rând, statelor li s-a atras tăţii. În unele state structura amintită poate atenţia, printr-o serie de acte internaţionale fi doar bi- sau tripartită. De exemplu, (Carta ONU, Actul final de la Helsinki, Taiwanul poate fi considerat un stat su- Declaraţia drepturilor omului etc.), că veran din punct de vedere westfalic, dar nu drepturile omului nu pot fi şi nu trebuie va trece examenul unei suveranităţi externe. încălcate sub masca suveranităţii naţionale. La fel în cazul Andorrei, care continuă să Toate aceste exemple vorbesc despre fie sub suzeranitatea comună a Franţei şi a conferirea reciprocă a unor drepturi de Spaniei, nu avem o latură externă a suvera- folosire a căilor de comunicaţii sau ape nităţii, cele două state amintite controlând internaţionale, de limitarea ad pactam a securitatea micului stat şi având dreptul să suveranităţii naţionale pentru binele omenirii, numească doi din cei patru membri ai întărind convingerea că o colaborare paş- Tribunalului său Constituţional. nică va fi profitabilă pentru toţi. Krasner face apoi o importantă dis- Cele mai importante imperative ale tincţie între autoritate şi control, elemente dezvoltării sistemului internaţional în ulti- care se regăsesc în cele patru laturi ale mele decenii au fost, pe de o parte, pre- suveranităţii, explicând şi relaţia dintre ele. siunea popoarelor pentru păstrarea păcii şi Autoritatea implică un drept reciproc recu- evitarea catastrofelor de tipul pentru care noscut actorilor în relaţiile dintre ei (stat şi statul „îşi arogă cu succes dreptul de a societate; stat şi alt stat; stat şi sistem inter- avea, în graniţele unui anumit teritoriu, ... naţional) care le permite să se angajeze în monopolul asupra constrângerii fizice legitime”. diferite activităţi. Dacă respectivul actor dă Una dintre cele mai complete inter- dovadă de o autoritate eficientă, forţa sau pretări contemporane ale suveranităţii a adus- constrângerea nu vor fi niciodată exercitate. o Stephen Krasner, profesor la Stanford University, care propunea o sistematizare a Bibliografie selectivă 1. Burdeau Georges, Traité de science politique, definiţiilor anterioare într-o structură cva- Tome I, Paris, 1966. dripartită, vorbind despre suveranitatea 2. Hannum Hurst, Autonomie, suveranitate şi westfaliană – care în accepţiunea lui se autodeterminare, Paideia, Buc., 1990. referă la organizarea politică bazată pe 3. Lapierre Jean-William, Viaţa fără stat?, Iaşi, excluderea actorilor externi din procesul Institutul European, 1997. de exercitare a autorităţii asupra propriului 4. Moca Gh., Suveranitatea de stat. Teorii teritoriu al unui stat, suveranitatea internă burgheze. Studiu critic, EP, 1973. 5. Simion Mihail, Doctrine politice contempo- – referindu-se la organizarea formală a rane, Ed. Sitech, 2004. autorităţii politice în cadrul statului şi 6. Voiculescu Marin, Tratat de politologie, Ed. abilitarea autorităţilor publice de a exercita Universitaria, Buc., 2002. 182 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

INTERNATIONAL POLITICS HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES?

Legislaţie şi jurisprudenţă europeană Analiză comparativă privind perchetiţia ca măsură procesual penală consacrată în Constituţie şi practica Curţii Europene a Drepturilor Omului şi a Curţii Europene de Justiţie

Alexandru ŞERBAN, Silviu Gabriel BARBU

Abstract: The present article accomplishes an analysis of search from the constitutional perspective, highlighting the manner in which the provisions of the fundamental law find their projection in the Criminal Procedure Code. Also, there are listed the juridical norms stated by the Constitution and other organic or ordinary laws which create a regime which differs from the general established framework. The search is conditioned in these cases by obtaining some warrants from certain public authorities or is subjected to their control. Last, but non the least, search is analyzed in a comparative manner, in the view of the constitutions of other states and relevant practices of the European Court of Human Rights and of the European Court of Justice Keywords: search, European Court of Human Rights, European Court of Justice, fundamental law, criminal procedure.

ercheziţia este o măsură procesuală libertăţi fundamentale cum ar fi libertatea reglementată în Codul de Procedură individuală sau inviolabilitatea domiciliului. P Penală în titlul III - „Probele şi mi- Art.23 alin.2 din Constituţie prevede jloacele de probă”, capitolul II - „Mijloa- astfel că „percheziţionarea, reţinerea sau ares- cele de probă”, secţiunea VIII – „Ridicarea tarea unei persoane sunt permise numai în de obiecte şi înscrisuri. Efectuarea per- cazurile şi cu procedura prevăzute de lege.” cheziţiei” de la art.100 până la art.111. De asemenea, cu referire la inviolabilitatea Dacă procedura penală reglementează până domiciliului, art.27 alin.3 din acelaşi act la detaliu cazurile, condiţiile şi organele normativ arată că „ percheziţia se dispune competente să autorizeze şi să pună în de judecător şi se efectuează în condiţiile şi aplicare această măsură, Constituţia în în formele prevăzute de lege” , iar art.27 schimb trasează liniile directoare pe care alin. 4 dispune că „percheziţiile în timpul percheziţia trebuie să le respecte, având în nopţii sunt interzise, în afară de cazul vedere că o asemenea activitate presupune infracţiunii flagrante”. o intruziune a autorităţilor în viaţa unei Corespunzător acestei clasificări consti- persoane şi o restrângere a unor drepturi şi tuţionale, Codul de procedură penală, în

183 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Alexandru Serban, Silviu Gabriel Bratu art.100 alin.2, împarte percheziţia în ori de câte ori există indicii temeinice că efec- corporală şi domiciliară, cele două mo- tuarea unei percheziţii este necesară pentru dalităţi constând în cercetarea efectuată descoperirea şi strângerea probelor.” asupra îmbrăcăminţii unei persoane sau în În doctrină s-a arătat că „prin efec- locuinţa acesteia, în scopul de a găsi şi tuarea percheziţiei se caută, în anumite ridica obiecte sau înscrisuri cunoscute de locuri, obiectele şi înscrisurile ce pot servi organul judiciar, când se tăgăduieşte exis- ca mijloace de probă în procesul penal şi, tenţa sau deţinerea lor, precum şi în ve- în caz de descoperire se ridică de la per- derea descoperirii altor mijloace de pro-bă soana sau instituţia la care se găsesc. necesare soluţionării cauzei penale1. De Percheziţia poate fi efectuată ca urmare a asemenea, un alt tip de percheziţie , dar refuzului de a se preda obiectele şi înscri- care potrivit redactării textului de lege pare surile solicitate, dar poate avea loc şi distinct asimilat percheziţiei corporale este men- de ridicarea de obiecte şi înscrisuri”3. ţionat la art.100 alin.5 din Codul de proce- Percheziţia poate contribui la rezolva- dură penală care stipulează că „ percheziţia rea cauzelor penale prin obiectele şi înscri- corporală sau asupra vehiculelor poate fi surile pe care le poate da la iveală şi care dispusă, după caz, de organul de cercetare pot avea relevanţă în elucidarea unor aspecte penală, de procuror sau de judecător.” În ale cauzei penale4. Foarte important de re- doctrină s-a arătat, opinie la care ne raliem ţinut este faptul că percheziţia domiciliară şi noi, că textul constituţional al art.23 se poate fi dispusă numai de judecător şi referă doar la percheziţia corporală, întru- numai după începerea urmăririi penale, cât acesta face trimitere la percheziţia per- aspect rezultat din coroborarea alineatelor soanei, ce se poate efectua numai în cazurile 3 şi 6 ale art.100 din Codul de procedură şi cu procedura prevăzute de lege2. penală. Din interpretarea per a contrario a Deoarece percheziţia implică restrângerea textelor menţionate anterior mai reiese că unor drepturi şi libertăţi fundamentale în- percheziţia corporală sau asupra vehicu- scrise în Constituţia României cum ar fi lelor poate fi dispusă şi de alte persoane, libertatea individuală, inviolabilitatea vieţii in- cum ar fi procurorul sau organul de cerce- time, familiale şi private, inviolabilitatea tare penală, şi chiar înainte de începerea domiciliului, inviolabilitatea corespondenţei urmăririi penale. sau inviolabilitatea proprietăţii, reglemen- De asemenea, mai semnalăm regimul tarea ei în ceea ce priveşte efectuarea şi diferit al percheziţiei în funcţie de faza organele abilitate să o execute este amplu procesului penal în care este dispusă. prevăzută în Constituţie, Codul de proce- Astfel, dacă aceasta a fost dispusă în cursul dură penală şi alte dispoziţii legale. Întru- urmăririi penale se efectuează de procuror cât textele constituţionale care fac referire sau de organul de cercetare penală, însoţit, la percheziţie au fost evidenţiate anterior, după caz, de lucrători operativi. În schimb, în continuare vom analiza prevederile din dacă percheziţia a fost dispusă în cursul procedura penală care reglementează cele judecăţii, instanţa are ea însăşi posibilitatea mai importante aspecte ale percheziţiei. să procedeze la efectuarea percheziţiei cu Astfel, potrivit art.100 alin.1 din Codul de ocazia unei cercetari locale. În celelalte Procedură Penală, efectuarea unei percheziţii cazuri, dispoziţia instanţei de judecată de a se poate dispune „când persoana căreia i s-a se efectua o percheziţie se comunică cerut să predea vreun obiect sau vreun înscris procurorului în vederea efectuării acesteia. dintre cele arătate în art. 98 tăgăduieşte (art.102 din Codul de procedură penală). existenţa sau deţinerea acestora, precum şi 184 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES? Legislație și jurisprudență europeană…

Un alt aspect important de care trebuie referitoare la efectuarea percheziţiei trebuie să se ţină cont la efectuarea percheziţiei interpretate şi aplicate în corelaţie cu pre- este timpul în care această activitate vederile art. 27 alin. 3 şi 4 din Constituţie procesuală poate fi desfăşurată. Astfel, privitoare la autoritatea competentă şi la procedura penală dispune că percheziţia timpul de desfăşurare7. Din interpretarea domiciliară se poate face între orele 6,00 – per a contrario a acestor din urmă dis- 20,00, iar în celelalte ore numai în caz de poziţii constituţionale rezultă că perche- infracţiune flagrantă sau când percheziţia ziţiile corporale pot fi efectuate oriunde în urmează să se efectueze într-un local public. locurile publice ori pe căile publice de Percheziţia începută între orele 6,00-20,00 circulaţie şi oricând, ziua şi noaptea. În poate continua şi în timpul nopţii (art.103 ). cazul în care persoana care trebuie perche- După cum se poate observa, Codul de ziţionată corporal se află la domiciliul sau procedură penală reglementează expres reşedinţa sa, sunt aplicabile prioritar regu- timpul în care se poate efectua percheziţia lile art. 27 alin. 3 şi 4 din Constituţie, iar numai în cazul celei domiciliare, astfel apoi, pentru realizarea percheziţiei asupra încât regula aplicabilă percheziţiei corporale persoanei trebuie respectate prevederile sau asupra vehiculelor nu poate fi aflată art.23 din Constituţie8. decât prin deducţie. Argumentul per a Dacă procedura penală consacră nor- contrario ne indică astfel faptul că percheziţia mele generale care disciplinează efec- corporală sau asupra vehiculelor poate fi tuarea percheziţiei la orice persoană fizică efectuată oricând ziua sau noaptea, indi- sau juridică, trebuie să menţionăm că atît ferent la ce oră a început şi indiferent dacă legea fundamentală cât şi alte legi organice este vorba de o infracţiune flagrantă sau sau ordinare introduc anumite condiţii sau nu. precauţii suplimentare în cazul unor per- Actul procedural al percheziţiei trebuie soane care ocupă înalte funcţii de demni- delimitat de alte procedee prevăzute de le- tate publică sau diplomatice. Referitor la gislaţia în vigoare şi care reprezintă acti- acest aspect în doctrină s-au arătat urmă- vităţi extrapenale: controale şi razii ale toarele: „în Constituţie şi legi sunt înscrise poliţiei efectuate în temeiul Legii nr. 218/ cazuri în care nici judecătorul, pentru 2002 privind organizarea şi funcţionarea percheziţiile domiciliare, nici procurorul şi Poliţiei Române, controale vamale efectuate organul de cercetare penală, pentru perche- potrivit Regulamentului de aplicare a Co- ziţiile corporale, nu pot dispune efectuarea dului vamal al României aprobat prin Hotă- lor fără o încuviinţare din partea unei anu- rârea Guvernului României nr. 626/ 1997, mite autorităţi publice, precum şi cazuri în controlul efectuat de grăniceri asupra ba- care dispoziţia de efectuare a percheziţiei, gajelor, în conformitate cu Legea nr. 56/ 1992 fie domiciliare, fie corporale, este supusă privind frontiera de stat a României ş.a.5 unui control din partea unei asemenea Prin ea însăşi percheziţia priveşte direct autorităţi.”9 libertatea individuală şi mai ales siguranţa Astfel, Preşedintele României, în te- persoanei, de aceea se poate efectua numai meiul art. 84 alin.2 din Constituţie, se în cazurile şi în condiţiile prevăzute de lege. bucură de imunitate şi deci acesta nu poate Trebuie să adăugăm că revine procedurii fi supus percheziţiei, nici domiciliare şi penale stabilirea regulilor necesare, până nici corporale. De asemenea, potrivit art.8 la detaliu, privind încuviinţarea, timpul, din Codul penal „ legea penală nu se aplică procedura de efectuare a percheziţiilor6. infracţiunilor săvârşite de către reprezen- Dispoziţiile art.23 alin.2 din Constituţie tanţii diplomatici ai statelor străine sau de

185 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Alexandru Serban, Silviu Gabriel Bratu alte persoane care, în conformitate cu emis de judecător. În practica judiciară, convenţiile internaţionale, nu sunt supuse modalitatea de înfăptuire a percheziţiei la jurisdicţiei penale a statului român.” Ca cabinete avocaţiale a atras inclusiv inter- atare, nici persoanele menţionate nu pot fi venţia Curţii Europene a Drepturilor Omului supuse percheziţiei, ele fiind protejate îm- care a pronunţat mai multe decizii de speţă. potriva legii penale române în baza sta- Astfel, în cazul Niemietz contra Germaniei tutului diplomatic sau în baza obligaţiilor (1992), Curtea Europeană a Drepturilor asumate de statul român prin convenţii Omului a analizat efectuarea percheziţiei internaţionale. O altă categorie de persoa- prin prisma art.8 din Convenţia Europeană ne cărora nu li se aplică regulile generale a Drepturilor Omului, arătând că interpre- ale percheziţiei o reprezintă deputaţii şi tarea cuvintelor „viaţă privată” şi „domiciliu” senatorii. În privinţa acestora art.72 din ca incluzând anumite localuri sau activi- Constituţie prevede că nu pot fi perchezi- tăţi, profesionale sau comerciale, ar răs- ţionaţi fără încuviinţarea Camerei din care punde obiectului şi ţelului esenţial al art.8 : fac parte, cu excepţia infracţiunilor fla- acela de „a asigura individul împotriva ames- grante, când pot fi percheziţionaţi, cu obli- tecurilor arbitrare ale puterilor publice”. gaţia ministrului justiţiei de a informa Când mandatul de percheziţie este redactat neîntârziat pe preşedintele Camerei Depu- în termeni largi, ordonând cercetarea şi taţilor sau al Senatului. De asemenea, jude- sechestrul de documente fără nici o limi- cătorii, procurorii şi magistraţii asistenţi tare, la cabinetul unui avocat, percheziţia pot fi percheziţionaţi numai cu încuviin- nefind însoţită de garanţii speciale de ţarea secţiei corespunzătoare a Consiliului procedură, cum ar fi prezenţa unui obser- Superior al Magistraturii, iar în caz de vator independent, atunci acea percheziţie infracţiuni flagrante percheziţia poate fi a încălcat secretul profesional şi a fost efectuată, urmând să fie informată neîntârziat violat art. 8 al Convenţiei10. secţia respectivă (art.931 din Legea nr. O decizie similară a pronunţat Curtea 303/2004 ). Tot o excepţie de la regulile Europeană a Drepturilor Omului şi în generale ale percheziţiei o reprezintă şi cauza Kopp contra Elveţiei11 instanţa de la instituţia Avocatului Poporului. Astfel, po- Strasbourg statuând că sediile profesio- trivit art.28 din Legea nr.35/1997, aşa cum nale, cum ar fi cabinetele de avocat (în a fost modificată prin Legea nr.233/2004, speţa de faţă cabinetul de avocaţi Kopp şi Avocatul Poporului nu poate fi perche- asociaţii), fac parte din domiciliul persoanei, ziţionat fără încuviinţarea prealabilă a pre- fiind cuprinse implicit în noţiunea de viaţă şedinţilor celor două Camere ale Parla- privată. De asemenea, în doctrină s-a mai mentului, iar adjuncţii Avocatului Poporului arătat că şi Curtea Europeană de Justiţie s- fără înştiinţarea acestuia. În sfârşit, o ultimă a aliniat la jurisprudenţa CEDO din cauzele categorie profesională care beneficiază de Societe Colas Est ş.a. contra Franţei şi prevederi derogatorii de la regulile ge- Niemietz contra Germaniei „extinzând nerale ale percheziţiei consacrate în Codul protecţia conferită de dreptul la respectarea de procedură penală este aceea a avocaţilor domiciliului şi asupra sediilor societăţilor şi consilierilor juridici. În conformitate cu comerciale în cauzele având ca obiect efec- art.33 alin.1 din Legea nr.51/1995 şi art.23 tuarea unei percheziţii la sediile acestor din Legea nr.514/2003, percheziţionarea societăţi cu ocazia investigaţiilor efectuate persoanelor menţionate, a domiciliului, în materia dreptului concurenţei de Comisia cabinetului sau locului de muncă se poate U.E. Această dezvoltare a jurisprudenţei face numai de procuror în baza mandatului C.E.J. a avut ca scop asigurarea şi în drep- 186 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES? Legislație și jurisprudență europeană… tul comunitar a unei protecţii efective cuprinse în constituţiile din ţări cu tradiţie împotriva intervenţiilor arbitrare sau dis- democratică ale lumii cât şi exigenţelor proporţionate ale autorităţilor publice în decurgând din practica CEDO. sfera activităţilor private ale persoanelor 12 Note fizice sau juridice.” 1 Având în vedere importanţa valorilor C. Bulai, „Ridicarea de obiecte şi înscrisuri. Efectuarea percheziţiilor”, în Explicaţii teoretice ale Codului de protejate împotriva unei intruziuni arbitrare, Procedură Penală, vol. I, de Vintilă Dongoroz şi subiective sau disproporţionate a puterilor colaboratorii, Bucureşti,1975, p. 237-242. publice – libertatea persoanei, inviolabilitatea 2 Gh. Iancu, Drepturile,libertăţile şi îndatoririle domiciliului sau a proprietăţii – în multe fundamentale în România, Ed. All Beck, Bucureşti, 2003, p.124. state ale lumii percheziţia este reglemen- 3 Grigore Gr. Theodoru, Tratat de Drept procesual penal, tată, la nivel de principiu, prin norme Editura Hamangiu, 2007, p. 387. juridice cuprinse în legile fundamentale ale 4 Ion Neagu, Drept procesual penal. Tratat, Editura „Global Lex”, Bucureşti, 2002. p. 370. respectivelor state. 5 În Constituţia Japoniei13 termenul de Alexandru Ţuculeanu, „Ocrotirea drepturilor şi libertăţilor constituţionale în cazul percheziţiei „percheziţie” apare utilizat în art. 35 ali- corporale”, Dreptul, nr. 1/ 1999, p. 43; neatele 1 şi 2 . Alin.1arată că „Dreptul oricărei 6 Ioan Muraru, Simina Tănăsescu, Drept persoane de a nu fi supusă percheziţiei constituţional şi instituţii politice, ediţia a II-a, domiciliare... dacă nu există un ordin emis revăzută şi completată, Editura „Lumina Lex”, Bucureşti, 2001, p. 204; pe baza unui temei legal...”, iar alineatul 2 7 Art.27 alin. 2 şi 3 din Constituţie prevede : „(2) De la prevede că „Orice percheziţie sau sechestru prevederile alineatului (1) se poate deroga prin lege de la se aduce la îndeplinire în baza unui ordin următoarele situaţii : a) executarea unui mandat de scris emis de un organ judiciar”. În Consti- arestare sau a unei hotărâri judecătoreşti; b) înlăturarea tuţia Germaniei14 termenul de „percheziţie” unei primejdii privind viaţa, integritatea fizică sau bunurile unei persoane; c) părarea securităţii naţionale este folosit de art.13; în Constituţia italiană sau ordinii publice; d) prevenirea răspândirii unei noţiunea de „percheziţie a persoanei” este epidemii”. (3) Percheziţia se dispune de judecător şi se menţionată în art. 13 alineatul 2 care arată : efectuează în condiţiile şi în forme prevăzute de lege.” 8 „ nu este admisă nici o formă de detenţie, A se vedea Gh. Iancu, op.cit., p.124-125. 9 A se vedea Grigore Gr. Teodoru, op. cit. , p. 389. de control sau percheziţie a persoanei...”; 10 15 V. Berger, op.cit., p. 425-426. Constituţia Statelor Unite ale Americii în 11 A se vedea CEDO, hotărârea din 25 martie 1998, Amendamentul IV (text marginal „Pro- în cauza Kopp contra Elveţiei, parag. 50, 62 75. 12 tecţia împotriva percheziţiilor şi confis- M. Udroiu, O. Predescu, Protecţia europeană a cărilor nemotivate”) arată că: „Dreptul per- drepturilor omului şi procesul penal român, Ed. C. H. Beck, Bucureşti 2008, p. 203. soanei de a se simţi în siguranţă în ceea ce 13 Constituţiile Statelor Lumii. Constituţia Japoniei, priveşte persoana, domiciliul, documentele Prezentare istorică, traducere Eleodor Focşeneanu, Ed. şi bunurile sale, împotriva percheziţiilor şi ALL Educational SA, Bucureşti, 1997. 14 confiscărilor nemotivate nu poate fi Legea fundamentală pentru Republica Federală Germană, Traducere, prezentare istorică Eleodor încălcat...”. Focşeneanu, Ed. All Educational S.A, Bucureşti, Țara noastră nu face nici ea excepţie 1998. de la regula menţionată, percheziţia fiind 15 Constituţia Statelor Unite ale Americii, Simina reglementată, aşa cum arătam şi la înce- Tănăsescu, Nicolae Pavel, Ioan Muraru, Mihai putul prezentei analize, în articolele 23 şi Constantinescu – Traducere, Ed. All Beck, Bucureşti, 2002. 27 din Constituţie, astfel încât putem con- cluziona că legislaţia românească, înce- pând cu legea fundamentală, se confor- mează sub acest aspect atât normelor

187 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS HOW TO DEAL WITH THE RECENT ISSUES?

Libera circulaţie în Uniunea Europeană Viziunea reformatoare a Anteproiectului de Cod European al Contractelor în materia nulităţii actului juridic

Irina Olivia POPESCU

Abstract: This article aims to disclose the relationship between the free movements of goods, services, capital and persons and contract law, especially the remedies offered to non-performance of a contract. They are directly connected, since contract law provides the legal framework of the free movements. Nevertheless, the relevance of contract law for the internal market is reflected in the number of ECJ rulings. Primary, internal regulations concerning contract law may be divergent to the free movements. Lastly, the contract following the agreement of the parties may be divergent to a rule of national public law, which is a barrier to trade and must be eliminated. This will affect the rights and obligations of the parties to the contract. Moreover, the importance of Contract Law for the internal market is highlighted by the Principles of European Contract, the product of work carried out by the Commission on European Contract law, composed of a body of lawyers from all the Member States of the European Union. As it is shown in the preamble of PECL, the principles are „a response to a need of the Community-wide infrastructure of contract law in order to consolidate the rapidly expanding volume of Community law regulating specific types of contract”. Keywords: free movement, right, obligation, contract, nullity, legal acts.

Consideraţii prealabile Cod European al Contractelor reprezintă un răspuns la necesitatea resimţită la nivel ibera circulaţie a bunurilor, servi- european de a consolida rapid reglemen- ciilor, capitalului şi persoanelor este tarea tranzacţiilor în creştere rapidă privind L direct legată de materia Dreptului diverse tipuri de contracte. Contractelor. La nivel comunitar, relaţia Necesitatea de a reglementa aceste dintre cele două este marcată prin încer- tranzacţii izvorăşte din faptul că reglemen- carea de a trasa reguli diriguitoare privind tările naţionale pot intra de foarte multe ori reglementarea relaţiilor contractuale ce se în discordanţă cu reglementările comuni- pot stabili între părţi contractante aflate în tare, lucru care poate afecta grav piaţa diferite State Membre. Anteproiectul de internă, prin blocarea acesteia. 188 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

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Ineficacitatea contractelor în pe care legea nu o prevede expres, dar care dreptul naţional. rezultă neîndoielnic din modul în care este În doctrina naţională, neîndeplinirea reglementată o anumită condiţie de vala- condiţiilor de validitate a unui act juridic bilitate a actului juridic civil. civil este sancţionată cu nulitatea. Anteproiectul de Cod European al Nulitatea reprezintă sancţiunea de drept Contractelor urmează linia clasică a îm- civil care lipseşte actul juridic civil de părţirii nulităţii în nulitate absolută şi res- efectele contrarii normelor juridice edictate pectiv nulitate relativă, cu singura diferenţă pentru încheierea sa valabilă1. că terminologia utilizată este aceea de nulitate, La nivelul doctrine de specialitate s-au pentru cazurile de nulitate absolută şi conturat următoarele funcţii ale acestui aceea de anulabilitate pentru cazurile de grad de ineficacitate a actului juridic civil: nulitate relativă. 1. funcţia preventivă, care constă în ame- „Articolul 140 din Anteproiect este ninţarea cu înlăturarea efectelor ac- intitulat simplu Nulitate, ceea ce ne-ar tului juridic, în cazul în care acesta se putea duce cu gândul, într-o primă fază, la încheie cu nesocotirea dispoziţiilor ideea că aici sunt plasate problemele legate normative ce reglementează condiţiile de nulitate în general, deci atât nulitatea sale de validitate. absolută, cât şi nulitatea relativă. La o pri- 2. funcţia sancţionatorie funcţionează atunci vire mai atentă însă, din înşiruirea cauzelor când funcţia preventivă nu şi-a dove- care atrag nulitatea şi din întreaga struc- dit eficienţa şi constă în îndepărtarea turare a capitolului reiese că, atunci când efectelor ce contravin normelor juri- vorbesc despre nulitate, autorii Ante- dice edictate pentru încheierea vala- proiectului se gândesc exclusiv la nulitate bilă a actului juridic civil. absolută”2. În funcţie de felul (natura) interesului Având în vedere faptul că nu există o ocrotit prin dispoziţia legală încălcată la reglementare amănunţită a nulităţii în încheierea actului juridic, nulitate este: ab- Codul civil, a revenit doctrinei de specia- solută, care sancţionează nerespectarea, la litate sarcina de a contura cauzele de încheierea actului juridic, a unei norme de nulitate absolută, printre acestea numărându- drept care ocrotesc un interes general, public se: a) nerespectarea unei incapacităţi spe- şi relativă, care sancţionează nerespec- ciale de folosinţă a persoanei fizice, insti- tarea, la încheierea actului juridic, a unei tuite pentru ocrotirea unui interes general; norme de drept ce ocroteşte un interes b) lipsa capacităţii de folosinţă a persoanei particular, individual. juridice; c) nerespectarea principiului spe- Nulitatea se mai clasifică în funcţie de cialităţii capacităţii de folosinţă a persoanei întinderea efectelor sale, ca fiind: totală – juridice; d) lipsa totală de consimţământ; acea nulitate care desfiinţează actul juridic e) nevalabilitatea obiectului actului juridic în întregime şi parţială – acea nulitate care civil; f) nevalabilitatea cauzei actului ju- desfiinţează numai o parte din efectele ridic3; g) nerespectarea formei cerută ad actului juridic, care rămâne în fiinţă şi îşi validitatem; sau h) nerespectarea dreptului produce celelalte efecte, deoarece nu con- de preempţiune al statului (în cazurile travin legii. stabilite de lege); În funcţie de modul de consacrare În acelaşi mod, s-au conturat cauzele legislativă, nulitatea este: expresă – acea de nulitate relativă, ca fiind: a) nesocotirea nulitate ce este prevăzută, ca atare, într-o regulilor privind capacitatea de exerciţiu: dispoziţie legală şi virtuală – acea nulitate 1. actul juridic a fost încheiat de persoana

189 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Irina Olivia Popescu lipsită de capacitate de exerciţiu; 2.actul succesorii universali7, cu titlu universal, juridic de administrare s-a încheiat fără precum şi cei cu titlu particular ori încuviinţarea ocrotitorului legal şi este creditorii chirografari ai persoanei ocrotite lezionar pentru minorul între 14-18 ani; 3. (avânzii-cauză), cu condiţia ca acţiunea în actul juridic de dispoziţie s-a încheiat fără anulare să nu aibă caracter strict personal; încuviinţarea prealabilă a ocrotitorului le- procurorul în condiţiile art. 45 C.proc.civ.. gal sau a autorităţii tutelare; 4.actul juridic Totodată, nulitatea relativă trebuie invocată s-a încheiat pentru persoana juridică în înlăuntrul termenului de prescripţie extin- lipsa ori cu depăşirea puterilor conferite; b) ctivă8 şi poate fi acoperită prin confirmare nerespectarea unor incapacităţi speciale expresă sau tacită de cel îndreptăţit să o de folosinţă, instituite pentru ocrotirea unor invoce. interese individuale – interdicţia vânzării „Privit în oglindă Anteproiectul de între soţi; c) lipsa discernământului4 în Cod European al Contractelor şi legislaţia momentul încheierii actului juridic; d) vi- românească în materia prescripţiei nulităţii ciile de consimţământ; e) nerespectarea vom observa că deosebirile sunt notabile, dreptului de preempţiune (în situaţiile pornind de la faptul că în Anteproiect ter- prevăzute de lege). menul de prescripţie a acţiunii în nulitate În ceea ce priveşte regulile cărora le este de 10 ani. Acest termen pare la prima este supusă nulitatea absolută actului ju- vedere scurt, mai ales dacă ne gândim că ridic civil trebuie menţionat că: 1. nulitatea în opinia multor autori din literatura şi absolută poate fi invocată de orice per- practica judiciară română nulitatea absolută soană interesată, chiar şi de partea care nu mai e considerată imprescriptibilă”9. este vinovată de producerea cauzei nu- Principii care guvernează efectele nu- lităţii5; 2. este imprescriptibilă putând fi lităţii în Codul civil român sunt: a) invocată oricând, fie pe cale de acţiune, fie principiul retroactivităţii efectelor nulităţii pe cale de excepţie şi 3. în principiu, nu actului juridic – regula de drept potrivit poate fi acoperită prin confirmare. căreia efectele nulităţii se produc din chiar Problema posibilităţii de confirmare a momentul încheierii actului juridic civil, nulităţii absolute apare ca o noutate în adică nulitatea produce efecte şi pentru Anteproiectul de Cod European al Con- trecut (ex tunc), nu numai pentru viitor (ex tractelor. Această afirmaţie îşi are izvorul nunc) în sensul că efectele nulităţii se pro- în faptul că articolul legat de confirmare duc din momentul încheierii actului ju- apare la problemele legate de nulitatea ridic; b) principiul restabilirii situaţiei ante- absolută. rioare încheierii actului juridic (restitutio in Anteproiectul este însă clar în ceea ce integrum), - acea regulă de drept potrivit priveşte imposibilitatea confirmării nulităţii căreia tot ceea ce s-a executat în baza unui absolute în cazul actelor juridice care act juridic anulat trebuie restituit, astfel încalcă ordinea publică şi bunele moravuri. încât părţile raportului juridic să ajungă Aşa cum se arată în alin. 2 al art. 143, în în situaţia în care acel act juridic nu s-ar fi afară de contractele nule pentru motivele încheiat; c) principiul anulării actelor juri- expuse, celelalte contracte nule pot fi con- dice subsecvente – regula de drept potrivit firmate6. căreia anularea (desfiinţarea) actului iniţial Referitor la regimul juridic al nulităţii (primar) atrage şi anularea actului sub- relative, trebuie subliniat că persoanele secvent (următor), datorită legăturii lor îndreptăţite să invoce nulitatea relativă juridice. sunt persoana ocrotită de dispoziţia legală, 190 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

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Diferitele grade de ineficacitate a  inexistenţa presupune un act care are actului juridic civil în reglemen- doar o existenţă materială şi care nu tarea naţională şi viitoarea reglemen- are nici o existenţă juridică în timp ce tare la nivel comunitar: inexistenţa nulitatea presupune un act juridic im- şi nulitatea. perfect încheiat care conduce la in- În doctrina naţională s-a arătat că validarea lui; inexistenţa reprezintă sancţiunea civilă care  în timp ce inexistenţa intervine pentru declară ineficacitatea unui act juridic civil nesocotirea unor condiţii fundamentale care a fost încheiat cu nesocotirea con- esenţiale pentru încheierea unui act, diţiilor esenţiale prevăzute de lege pentru nulitatea intervine pentru nesocotirea 10 existenţa sa . În materie s-a arătat că unor condiţii de validitate la înche- inexistenţa juridică este „ineficacitatea ini- ierea actului; ţială, spontană, radicală şi ireparabilă a  actul inexistent este lipsit de orice fel unui act lipsit de vreunul din elementele de efecte juridice, în timp ce actul sale esenţiale, organice ori specifice, sta- lovit de nulitate va produce efecte bilite de litera sau spiritul dreptului po- până când va fi declarată nulitatea de 11 12 zitiv pentru naşterea sa” . către instanţa de judecată; Aşa cum am arătat deja, nulitatea  actul inexistent nu poate fi confirmat, absolută este sancţiunea de drept civil ce în timp ce actul anulabil poate fi se aplică actelor juridice întocmite cu ne- confirmat; în cazuri limitativ pre- respectarea unor dispoziţii legale impera- văzute de lege chiar şi actul nul poate tive care ocrotesc interese de ordin gene- fi confirmat; ral, pentru a le lipsi de acele efecte care  actul inexistent nu poate fi ratificat sau sunt contrare legii. Nulitatea relativă este executat voluntar în timp ce actul nul sancţiunea de drept civil ce se aplică actelor este susceptibil uneori de refacere sau juridice întocmite cu nerespectarea unor remediere. dispoziţii legale imperative care ocrotesc Doctrina contemporană din ţara noastră, interese de ordin individual ori personal spre deosebire de sistemele de drept din pentru a le lipsi de efectele contrare legii. Uniunea Europeană, se pare că şi-a con- De-a lungul timpului, au existat con- centrat toate eforturile pentru a nega teoria troverse în considerarea inexistenţei ca fiind actelor inexistente. Nu de puţine ori s-a o instituţie distinctă de cea a nulităţilor sau afirmat că această teorie este atât ilogică14, ca fiind o categorie a nulităţilor alături de cât şi inutilă15. Mai mult decât atât, teoria nulitatea absolută şi nulitatea relativă. Ca actelor inexistente, a fost de multe ori atare, o înţelegere superioară a ideii de ignorată pur şi simplu de doctrina contem- inexistenţă juridică impune delimitarea porană16, afirmându-se doar că în litera- acesteia de celelalte cauze de ineficacitate, tura noastră de drept civil nu este agreată în special de nulitatea absolută. distincţia dintre actul nul şi actul inexistent, Distincţia se impune imperios deoa- întrucât în realitate, actul zis inexistent este rece confuziile sunt inadmisibile datorită lovit de nulitate absolută, având regimul importantelor deosebiri de regim juridic. 13 juridic în întregime, al acestei nulităţi. Asemănarea dintre inexistenţă şi În pofida argumentelor prezentate, nulitate vizează faptul că ambele sunt cauze Anteproiectul de Cod European al Con- de ineficacitate a actului juridic civil. tractelor consacră principiul inexistenţei Deosebirile dintre inexistenţă şi actului juridic civil în art. 137-13817. nulitate sunt următoarele:

191 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS Irina Olivia Popescu

Astfel, inexistenţa este tratată în Titlul 229; I. Dogaru, Drept civil român, Tratat. Vol. I, XI, intitulat „Alte anomalii şi remedii ale Ed. Europa, Craiova, 1999, p. 206 şi urm. 2 V. V. Popa, op. cit., p. 201-202. contractului”, art. 137-138, alături de nulitate, 3 caducitate, ineficacitate, inopozabilitate, Trib. Suprem, decizia nr. 1815/1989, Dreptul simulaţie şi rezervă mintală. nr. 7/1990, p. 66 (nulitatea absolută, pentru cauză imorală, a contractului de întreţinere Din plasarea inexistenţei în categoria încheiat în scopul menţinerii stării de concu- anomaliilor şi a remediilor contractuale, şi binaj); Trib. Suprem, decizia civilă nr. nu în secţiunea dedicată „problemelor ge- 1912/1955, C.D. 1955, 1, p. 57 (este lovită de nerale” sau „modalităţilor de stingere a nulitate absolută, ca având o cauză ilicită, con- obligaţiilor”, reiese dorinţa autorilor Ante- venţia prin care un bărbat căsătorit se obligă a proiectului de Cod European al Con- despăgubi pe concubina sa în situaţia în care nu tractelor „de a aşeza pe primul plan ideea divorţează de soţia sa). 4 de salvare a contractului prin eradicarea, A se vedea Decizia nr. 1988/1989 a secţiei eliminarea, purificarea acestuia de vicii şi civile a Trib. Suprem, în Dreptul nr. 7/1990, p. vede numai ca o soluţie finală nimicirea 66, în care se face diferenţa clară între lipsa discernământului şi lipsa totală de consim- actului. De altfel această idee reiese şi din ţământ arătându-se faptul că: „Consimţământul obligaţia ce incumbă părţilor de a purta este unul dintre elementele esenţiale ale negocieri prealabile pentru a rezolva oricărui act juridic şi exprimă voinţa persoanei 18 problemele pe plan extrajudiciar” . la încheierea actului. Lipsa cu desăvârşire a Mai mult decât atât, prin reglemen- consimţământului face ca actul astfel încheiat tarea distinctă a nulităţii în art. 140-152, să fie sancţionat cu nulitate absolută. Lipsa autorii Anteproiectului au dorit să deli- discernământului în exprimarea voinţei relevă miteze inexistenţa de nulitate, a cărei clasi- însă nu inexistenţa consimţământului ci un ficare urmează oarecum linia clasică a simplu viciu al acestuia, deoarece în acest caz nulităţii absolute şi relative, terminologia consimţământul există. Ne aflăm deci în faţa unui viciu de consimţământ, care nu atrage folosită fiind aceea de nulitate, pentru decât nulitatea relativă a actului, sancţiunea cazurile de nulitate absolută şi anulabi- nulităţii fiind edictată de data aceasta, în litate, pentru cazurile de nulitate relativă. vederea protejării persoanei interesate”. Reglementarea unitară a gradelor de 5 A se vedea şi Trib. Suprem, decizia civilă nr. ineficacitate a contractelor în Statele Membre 473 din 7 martie 1985, I. Mihuţă, Repertoriu de ale Uniunii Europene, lucru ce reprezintă practică judiciară în materie civilă a principalul obiectiv al Anteproiectului de Tribunalului Suprem şi a altor instanţe Cod European al Contractelor, reprezintă judecătoreşti, vol. 4 (1980-1985), Ed. Ştiinţifică şi Enciclopedică, Bucureşti, 1986, p. 12, nr. 2. aşadar posibilitatea eficientă de eliminare a 6 barierelor existente în ceea ce priveşte A se vedea pentru dezvoltări L. Mirea, Nulitatea contractului. Viziunea reformatoare libera circulaţie în piaţa unică. a Anteproiectului de Cod European al Contractelor privită comparativ cu legislaţia Note 1 română şi franceză, Analele Universităţii I. Dogaru, S. Cercel, Drept civil. Partea Oradea, Fascicula Drept, Ed. Universităţii din generală, Ed. C. H. Beck, Bucureşti, 2007, p. Oradea, 2001, p. 277-305. 172-205 şi urm; Gh. Beleiu, Drept civil român. 7 Trib. Suprem, decizia civilă nr. 273 din 5 Introducere în dreptul civil. Subiectele dreptului februarie 1977, C.D. 1977, p. 86 (anularea unui civil, Ed. Universul juridic, Bucureşti, 2005, p. testament pe motivul lipsei de discernământ a 219-243; G. Boroi, Drept civil. Partea generală. dispunătorului poate fi solicitată de moştenitorii Persoanele, Ed. Hamangiu, Bucureşti, 2008, p. săi). 297-340; V. V. Popa, Drept civil. Partea generală. Persoanele, Ed. C.H. Beck, p. 181- 192 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

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8 Termenul curge, potrivit art. 9 din Decretul nr. 13 Pentru dezvoltări privind teoria actelor 167/1958, pentru motiv de violenţă, de la data inexistente, a se vedea I. Dogaru (coord.), Drept când aceasta a încetat, iar în caz de eroare, dol civil. Idei producătoare de efecte juridice, Ed. sau alte cauze de anulare, prescripţia începe să All Beck, Bucureşti, 2002, p. 380 şi urm; N. curgă de la data când cel îndreptăţit, Em. Antonescu, Nevaliditatea actelor juridice reprezentantul său legal sau persoana care în dreptul civil, în materia nulităţilor, Institutul trebuie potrivit legii să-i încuviinţeze actele, a de Arte Grafice România Nouă, Bucureşti, cunoscut cauza anulării, însă cel mai târziu de la 1927, p. 200 şi urm. împlinirea a 18 luni de la data încheierii actului. 14 V. V. Popa, op. cit., p. 201. 9 V. V. Popa, op. cit., p. 208. 15 Ibidem; G. Boroi, op. cit., p. 228; P. M. 10 O. Ungureanu, Drept civil. Introducere, Ed. Cosmovici, Tratat de drept civil, vol. I, Ed. All Beck, Bucureşti, 2000, p.185. Academiei, Bucureşti, 1989, p. 220; A. Pop, 11 Pentru dezvoltări a se vedea N. Popa, M. C. Gh. Beleiu, Dreptul civil. Teoria generală a Eremia, S. Cristea, Teoria generală a dreptului, dreptului civil, Bucureşti, 1980, p. 360. Ed. All Beck, Bucureşti, 2005, p. 73 şi urm. 16 Gh. Beleiu, op. cit., p. 227. 12 I. Dogaru, N. Popa, D. C. Dănişor, S. Cercel, 17 V. V. Popa, op. cit., p. 201. Bazele dreptului civil, vol. I, Teoria generală, 18 Ibidem, p. 193. Ed. C.H. Beck, Bucureşti, 2008, p. 1070.

193 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 MEDIA STUDIES

Discours médiatiques sur l’immigration (Etude comparée de la presse bulgare et française)

Snejana POPOVA*

Abstract: This article presents the results of a comparative study of media discourses on the immigration. The study reflects a concrete event context (2006): Bulgaria awaits its entrance to the EU; a more restrictive law on immigration is voted in France; in several countries of Western Europe some restrictive measures towards immigration are put to practice. The results of the linguistic study reveal two different images of immigration within the two media studied. At the same time, an in depth reading of the same results reveal a common point – the media of the two countries act according to the political requirements. Keywords: media, immigration, semantic field, image, media discourse, political discourse.

a représentation de l’immigration 1. Objet et paramètres de l’étude dans les médias reflète les processus L sociaux, les volontés politiques et les Période d’observation: avril-juillet 2006. comportements sociaux spécifiques pour Contexte évènementiel : La Bulgarie chaque pays. L’objectif de cette recherche1 attend encore son entrée à l’UE. Les enquêtes est de relever les convergences et les sociologiques sur les comportements sociaux divergences dans le traitement de ce pro- montrent une approbation générale de blème par la presse bulgare et française. l’adhésion (85%)2, d’un côté, mais, de Le texte ne contient que les pistes prin- l’autre, la peur que les Bulgares n’y seront cipales de la recherche et quelques con- pas traités sur un pied d’égalité. clusions auxquelles elle a abouti. En France est votée la loi de N. Sarkozy, annoncée par lui-même comme * Snejana Popova est professeur à la Faculté une loi pour « une immigration choisie et de journalisme et de communication de pas subie ». masse, Université de Sofia «St. Kliment Les comportements sociaux dans les Ohridski ». pays ouest-européens révèlent plutôt une orientation vers des règles plus sévères concernant l’immigration. Aux Etats Unis on prépare une nouvelle loi tolérante sur l’immigration, 194 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

MEDIA STUDIES Discours médiatiques sur l’immigration mais en même temps, pour limiter l’immi- dants, car la lecture parfois ne va pas plus gration illégale, on bâtit un mur de 600 km loin que le titre. à la frontière avec le Mexique. Nous avons étudié seulement les titres Journaux étudiés : « 24 tchasa/24 heures » qui portaient explicitement ou implicitement3 – l’un des deux journaux bulgares aux plus sur le sujet « Immigration ». gros tirages, dit par les experts « tabloïde Le corpus bulgare compte 60 titres (« 24 hybride » du fait qu’il mélange vérité, tchasa » – 14 ; « Dnevnik » – 13 ; « Sega » – sensation, divertissement. Propriété du 15 ; « Monitor » – 18) et le corpus français consortium WAZ depuis 1996 ; « Dnevnik/ compte 57 (« Le Figaro » – 40, « Libération » Journal » – considéré par les experts – 9, « Le Monde » – 8)4. comme un quotidien bulgare de qualité ; La notion d’immigration : « Immigration » « Sega/Aujourd’hui » – qui prétend être de va de paire avec « émigration ». Les deux qualité, neutre, mais qui ne se prive pas de lexèmes précisent le terme plus général de certaines stratégies de la presse à sensation « migration », en lui ajoutant l’idée de pour attirer plus de lecteurs ; « Monitor/ « frontière ». Dans l’opposition « le sien - Моniteur » – porte-parole des nationalistes l’étranger », « nous - eux », c’est « immi- bulgares dans le passé (considérablement gration » qui va dans le sens de « l’étranger » plus modéré après l’apparition d’un et de « eux ». Si «émigration » sous entend journal du parti nationaliste « Ataka » en une diaspora (les nôtres dehors), l’immi- 2004-2005). « Le Figaro » – le journal de gration sous entend une minorité. la droite en France, lié aux idées politiques Les sociologues soulignent d’habitude de l’Union pour un mouvement populaire; que la notion de minorité est créée par la « Libération » – orienté à gauche et soutenant majorité. Du point de vue sociologique, la par tradition les droits des minorités ; « Le minorité est construite à la base d’une Monde » – journal reconnu de qualité. accentuation politique de l’importance de Approche appliqué: Nous avons examiné quelque trait dominant chez la minorité les moyens linguistiques que les journaux dont les porteurs s’avèrent négativement bulgares et français ont utilisés pour créer marqués5. les images de l’immigration. Des études linguistiques aboutissent à Nous avons analysé les termes dont une conclusion analogique. Dans son les journaux se sont servis pour désigner, analyse de l’utilisation du lexème « immi- d’un côté, l’immigration/les immigrants et, gration » vers 1984, Colette Guillaumin de l’autre, les actions produites ou subies souligne quelque chose de très important : par les immigrés. Nous avons cerné les « Immigration, dans le meilleur des cas est champs sémantiques prédominants qui im- un terme neutre […] il ne semble pas qu’il posaient l’image de l’immigration dans puisse être jamais « positif »6. l’espace publique bulgare et français. Le traitement du problème de l’immi- L’étude était guidée par le « poids » gration par les médias est extrêmement (la fréquence) des lexèmes et des lexies important, car, comme nous le savons bien, dans le corpus. les médias peuvent ajouter des connota- Description du corpus : Nous nous sommes tions positives ou négatives aux mots en limités aux titres. Les titres annoncent la fonction du contenu qui leur est associé en nouvelle ou son analyse, représentent contexte. Les médias peuvent utiliser aussi souvent un condensé du texte. On peut les des mots appartenant au discours xéno- considérer comme des messages indépen- phobe qui entrent dans le discours popu- laire. Pierre Fiala analyse le terme

195 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 MEDIA STUDIES Snejana Popova

« Ueberfremdung »7, créé en Autriche et d’aujourd’hui et celle de la deuxième traduit en français comme « surpopulation moitié du 19 siècle où beaucoup bulgares et emprise étrangère ». Colette Guillaumin partaient à l’étranger pour y gagner leur réfléchit sur la lexie « immigration- vie et la vie de leur famille. A l’époque on sauvage »8. Des lexies analogiques appelait ces Bulgares-là gourbetchii. Dans continuent d’apparaître – Mathieu Valette l’imagerie populaire le gourbetchia est un mentionne « immigration incontrôlée », bon ouvrier, il souffre de nostalgie et «immigration croissante », « immigration revient toujours à la maison. Il se voit invasion »9. Ces derniers lexèmes sous- obligé de souffrir dans un milieu qui lui est entendent le danger que cache la présence hostile. Même si gourbetchia ne s’utilise des immigrés. pas dans le corpus bulgare, les lexies mentionnées fonctionnent en tant que ses 2. Immigration 2006 synonymes. L’analyse des deux corpus fait ressortir Dans les titres les « ouvriers bulgares » une convergence évidente et une diver- sont présentés surtout comme frustrés et gence importante entre la presse bulgare et rejetés : « Dublin arête nos ouvriers » - française : Dnevnik ; « L’Europe reste méfiante La convergence : Les titres dans les envers les ouvriers de l’Est » - Dnevnik ; deux presses représentent l’immigration/les « L’Irlande ne veut pas des ouvriers de la immi-grants en général comme subissant Bulgarie » - Monitor. les actions d’autrui (31 titres dans le corpus Les sujets, ceux qui ne veulent pas bulgare et 36 dans le corpus français). « nos compatriotes » sont les Etats. L’étati- La divergence est liée à l’utilisation du sation de l’action dans le titre représente lexème de base « immigration ». Tandis une pratique qui ne touche pas seulement que le corpus des titres bulgares l’utilise le thème étudié. Cependant l’étatisation de dans des cas isolés, pour le corpus français la restriction dans le thème « immi- c’est le lexème dont la fréquence est la gration » confirme notamment cette peur plus élevée. Dans les journaux bulgares bulgare que nous avons déjà mentionnée : prédominent des mots qui font partie de l’Europe ne nous traitera pas sur un pied son champs sémantique – des personnages d’égalité. collectifs (ouvriers bulgares, immigrants, L’utilisation d’immigrants/immigratoire immigrants clandestins etc.). occupe la deuxième position dans le corpus Arrêtons-nous tout d’abord sur les de titres bulgares (12 occurrences). Ces lexèmes qui désignent les immigrants dans termes apparaissent en général dans des les titres de la presse bulgare. titres de textes parlant d’évènements hors de la Bulgarie (« Une grève immigratoire 2.1. La presse bulgare a bouleversé les Etats-Unis » - Sega, « Un Les termes préférés par la presse bul- flux d’immigrants vers l’île Britannique » - gare sont ouvriers/bulgares/nos (17 occurrences). Dnevnik). Ces lexèmes apparaissent le plus souvent Lorsque les immigrants subissent des dans les lexies « ouvriers bulgares », « nos actions, ce sont de nouveau les États qui ouvriers bulgares et roumains », « les nôtres » ; introduisent des restrictions : « Un examen l’accent est mis sur les raisons de l’immi- d’allemand pour obtenir une carte d’identité gration vers les pays plus développés. en Allemagne » - 24 tchasa ; « La France Les journaux bulgares font une asso- réduit le flux d’immigrants » - Monitor) ; ciation entre l’immigration bulgare 196 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

MEDIA STUDIES Discours médiatiques sur l’immigration

« Les Etats-Unis refusent la délivrance de ne sont pas satisfaits des règles actuels » - visas » -Dnevnik. Le Figaro). Lorsque les immigrants produisent En même temps, le vocable « immi- une action (position de sujet), le lexème gration » reste quand même le terme le « immigrants » est souvent précédé de plus neutre dans les titres des journaux chiffres. Il s’avère que l’état principal des français. Dans la période observée la immigrants c’est « d’être nombreux » presse française suit le débat politique en (« 191 millions d’émigrés vivent hors de France qui décompose l’immigration en leur patrie » - Sega ; « Les immigrés à deux types – admissible et rejetée. Pour en l’UE dépassent cinq fois les attentes » - parler, la presse reprend les formules Dnevnik). Par suite de l’accumulation de proposées par N. Sarkozy – « immigration chiffres, une certaine dramatisation du choisie » et « immigration subie ». sujet se fait parfois sentir. Si on se fie aux titres dans les trois La lexie « é/immigrants illégaux » (10 journaux français de la période analysée, la occurrences) se rencontre surtout dans sa presse française a mis l’accent sur l’analyse variante lexicale « clandestins » soulignant de la loi en tant que telle – projet/loi (11 exactement l’action illégale – « clandestin » occurrences)10, ainsi que sur l’« immigra- et pas « illégalement entré » sur le terri- tion choisie » (6 occurrences). La lexie toire d’un certain pays. Bien que les « immigration subie » ne paraît qu’une médias probablement ne visent pas une fois, sous sa variante explicative « immi- telle suggestion, ils associent aux « clan- gration familiale ». Les journaux français destins » les gens qui traversent la frontière évitent la lexie « immigration subie » dans pour demander un statut de réfugié. les titres. Comme l’image des immigrants, ainsi Pourtant, de point de vue des lecteurs que l’image des immigrants illégaux dans le terme « immigration choisie » va de la presse bulgare est au plus haut point paire avec « immigration subie », car ces généralisée et dépersonnalisée. deux termes dans la période étudiée Voyons maintenant quelle est l’image s’utilisent dans les textes et circulent dans de l’immigration qu’offre la presse française. l’espace médiatique. Dans le corpus français l’immigration choisie est un euphémisme 2.2. La presse française de la paire de termes. La presse française préfère clairement « Projet », « loi », « immigration choisie » le lexème « immigration » (21 occurrences). fonctionnent en tant qu’ « unités textuelles Les médias ont déjà cultivé chez leur pu- non complètement lexicalisées »11 et la blic l’idée que les mots les plus soulignés perception leurs y ajoute sans obstacle le dans le flux médiatique indiquent les pro- terme caché – le terme « immigration blèmes principaux des sociétés. L’intensité subie » (incontrôlé, dans le passé dite de l’utilisation du mot « immigration » « sauvage »). trace sa perception en tant que pro- En tant qu’acte politique, la loi de N. blème qui mérite de l’attention et incite au Sarkozy est défendue et attaquée. Une part débat. L’utilisation fréquente de la syntaxe des titres annoncent la position de l’intro- du titre “Immigration: … (10 occurrences) ducteur du projet («Sarkozy défend sa vision renforce une telle interprétation, par exemple, ferme et juste » - Le Figaro, il « muscle son « Immigration: La nécessité d’agir » - Le discours » etc.). Il a ses partisans (qui Figaro, « Immigration: 60% des français approuvent), ainsi que ses opposants (qui s’opposent etc.), un débat se déroule – par

197 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 MEDIA STUDIES Snejana Popova exemple, le titre du « Monde » - « Duel à  En France Sarkozy prend des pré- distance sur l’immigration ». Dans ce sens cautions pour assurer une éducation les titres fonctionnent comme un compte aux enfants des immigrés – il résout rendu de la discussion soulevée par le un problème (« Familles d’élèves sans projet. La presse française parle d’immi- papiers: deux mois pour se faire régu- gration en utilisant surtout le discours lariser » - Le Figaro). politique. La personnalisation de la loi et, pour La prédomination du discours politique cette raison, de la discussion est une autre se raffermit à travers les titres représentant particularité du corpus français. Le nom de des activités politiques internes et externes Sarkozy assiste directement 11 fois, les de la France : positions « pour » et « contre » sont assu-  Durant ses visites dans de pays africains, mées par des personnes concrètes (Brigitte Sarkozy « explique », popularise le Girardin, Jean-Louis Debré, Philippe de sens da la loi. Le premier ministre Saint-Germain, Thierry Mariani, Kofi Annan, « s’engage à coopérer “, il négocie Philippe de Villiers, Dominique Strauss-Kahn etc.). (« Sarkozy se démène pour lever les malentendus avec l’Afrique » - Le 3. Synthèse et conclusions Figaro). Cette couche de titres fait Représentés en comparaison, les penser que l’immigration subie/familiale résultats relevés donnent à la réflexion un est surtout d’origine africaine. point de départ.

Presse bulgare Presse française Tendance vers une présentation de Tendance vers une problématisation au l’immigration en personnages collectifs; niveau national ; Dédoublement du discours : folklorisation Consolidation du discours politique en tant du discours sur « les nôtres » ; générali- que principal pour tous les développements sation des « autres », discours de distance ; du sujet ; Dramatisation de l’immigration à travers le « Esthétisation » du discours politique dans jeu des chiffres et les restrictions exercées la direction du politiquement correct à par des Etats ; travers de formes différentes de substitution Etatisation de la restriction à l’égard des et d’euphémismes ; immigrants. Personnalisation du débat sur l’immigration.

Le dédoublement du discours dans la reste à la périphérie des grandes décisions presse bulgare se raffermit en tant que concernant l’immigration. style de traiter les minorités. Dans le cas de Pour la presse française l’immigration cette recherche ce style permet une est un problème dont les dimensions représentation positive de l’immigrant imposent des mesures politiques dans le bulgare et une attribution des nuances dra- pays. Puisque l’endurcissement du courant matiques à l’immigration illégale, affrontée de la politique est bien accepté par la de la part des Etats, y compris la Bulgarie. majorité en France (ce que les sondages La pratique discursive prédominante témoignent), la presse s’efforce en général de la presse bulgare convient parfaitement d’inventer des formes lexicales admissibles au média d’un pays qui produit surtout des pour le représenter aux groupes concernés immigrants dans des pays autres et qui et à la société.

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MEDIA STUDIES Discours médiatiques sur l’immigration

La pratique discursive prédominante 5 Guillaumin, C., 1984., „Immigrationsauvage”, de la presse française convient parfaite- Mots: L’autre, l’Etranger (numéro spécial), Editions du CNRS, p.48. ment au média d’un pays qui abrite des 7 immigrants et qui peut donner le ton des Fiala, P., 1984, „Le consensus patriotique, grandes décisions du problème. face cachée de la xénophobie”, Mots: L’autre, l’Etranger (numéro spécial), Editions du Les conclusions ci-dessus nous font CNRS, p.27. penser avant tout de divergences impor- 8 Guillaumin, C.. op. cit., p. 43. tantes entre les deux presses. Bien qu’ils 9 Valette, M. 2004., „Sémantique interprétative traitent du problème de l’immigration de appliquée à la détection automatique de deux points de vue différents, voire oppo- documents racistes et xénophobes sur Internet sées, il existe un point commun entre les (en ligne)”, Disponible sur www.revue- journaux français et bulgares : l’absence du texto.net/ Inedits/Valette/Valette_Princip.pdf 10 discours des droits de l’homme. Les médias Dans la période d’observation le projet est devenu loi. étudiés agissent en pleine adéquation avec 11 les attentes politiques qui leur sont adressées. Une analyse intéressante sur ce sujet in: Valette, M., op. cit. Les presses des deux pays traitent du problème en partant du point de vue des attitudes majoritaires dans le pays, des pri- orités nationales, des celles de l’Etats. Alors, on peut présumer que dans le cadre de cette étude, la presse bulgare et la presse française se sont montrées plus proches des valeurs de l’État national, que de celles de la société européenne postmoderne.

Notes 1 La recherche est effectuée dans le cadre du projet « Contrastes et comparaison inter- langues: le discours journalistique en bulgare, polonais, français et anglais », programme franco-bulgare de coopération scientifique « Rila », 2007-2009. 2 Eurobaromètre, octobre 2006. 3 Deux titres qui portent implicitement sur le sujet comme exemples : «Londres attend 15 000 ouvriers bulgares » (le journal bulgare « Dnevnik ») ; « Près de ¾ des Français approuvent la loi de Sarkozy » (le journal français « Le Figaro »). 4 En ce qui concerne la position du «Figaro », on peut supposer une activité considérable d’un journal à droit sur un sujet dit « droit », ainsi que des styles différents du titre dans les journaux différents. 5 Grekova, M., Minorité : construction sociale et expérience vécue (Maltsinstvo : sotsialno konstruirane i prezhivyavane), Sofia : Kritika i humanisam, 2001.

199 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 MEDIA STUDIES

Techniques of rendering speech credible in today’s Romanian press Case Study

Xenia NEGREA

Abstract: In this article we have examined how the stylistic mechanisms of credibility and persuasion worked in the Romanian press in the administration of a subject which not only generated huge audiences, but also led to the construction of a label and a linguistic mapping. Starting from the most popular theories regarding credibility and persuasion, we have shown how the call to the emotional side came first, at the expense of the rational fund, as a characteristic gesture of the approach of a topic in the press in Romania. Keywords: journalism, writing techniques, credibility, persuasion, style, ambiguity, symbol, subjectivity, emotional background, staging, audience.

1. Introduction Langer, Korzybski, Larson, etc. observed and theorized that individuals operate with n this article we will examine how the certain concepts by which they define and stylistic formulas of credibility work understand their reality. Thus, an indivi- I and then the persuasion mechanisms for dual's thinking is built on the basis of the configuration of a press fact, and “inner perceptions”. The term “territory” implicitly, to attract an audience as large as overlaps, in the vision of the same re- possible. To do this, along with consulting searchers, with reality itself. At the level of the specialty literature, we looked at how language maps persuasive agents2 must act the Craiova events during 2006-2008 were either to meet specific needs of persuaded reflected in the written press in Romania1, patients or to change the perceptions of the events that led to the creation of a “language latter3. Persuasive speech is built by spe- map” for this locality. Secondly, we will see culating what semiotic researchers call the pieces that were assembled to create a “side-signal” which “represents reactions label. caused emotionally from symbolic acts, The concept of “language map” has including the use of language, as they been developed as a difference from the would occur in reality”4. In our study, we concept of “territory”. Researchers such as

200 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

MEDIA STUDIES Techniques of rendering speech credible in today’s Romanian press consider the symbolic acts produced with that for much of the public, television is written language. the main source of information, even be- From the perspective of the approach coming a “family member”. Gerbner to the event, the written press in Romania called this type of public “heavy viewers”, is classified by specialists as being part of the type of public which are building their the French school. Unlike the English idea of the world, about the environment, school, built by the principle of “Facts are about their social circumstances through sacred”, French school supports greater the materials transmitted by television. involvement of the journalist in the text, From our point of view, in the case of the while retrieving and processing information. events studied, the function of interpreter The subjective elements - comment, opinion, which was fulfilled by television, along 1st person reports, subjective evaluative with the aggressiveness of the “cultivation adjectives axiological and non axiological5 model” made television “write the agenda” - are not eliminated, but even cultivated. In not just of the public, but also of the written the Romanian press, without a tradition of press7. One of the effects of this in- nude story, classical press material - news, volvement of television has been an story - takes many of the types of opinion, increasing “audience”8 of the written press. commentary, i.e. genders biased by excellence. In this media mechanism, written press This premise, which is the starting rather seems to have played the role of point of our study, is accompanied by a interpreting and fixing the information, second one, coming, this time, from the and less of transmission of it. Televised universal characteristics of the press, and news journals supplied information such we consider the functions and effects of as, newspaper reporters taking and deepening mass media. The specialty literature records it in parallel with many programs like talk- as general functions of the media: infor- shows that have accompanied the recon- mation, interpretation, cultivation, education, figuration of this language map. Therefore, setting public agenda, etc. Regarding the if with regard to the way in which mass media effects, they are reduced to the televisions have treated this subject, we way society is influenced by this type of recognize the mechanism of the magic communicators. bullet9, written press follows the “two In the case we proposed, the model steps flow” model. From this aspect results, “two steps flow” operates, proposed and by insistence and generalization, a second theorized by Elihu Katz6. In this case, the one: the pack journalism. When an event material information does not move proposed by a press institution produces directly between journalist (news reporter) audience, it attracts and maintains the and receiver. It needs intermediaries - who public’s attention, that event will be also are “leaders of opinion” - and the degree treated by other press institutions. Clearly, of involvement of the receptor is high. assaulted on more channels, for a longer Between the written press reporter and the period of time, the public will be con- public television news and talk shows vinced that the press event is a priority and were interposed. Debates, comments, live a general interest event. transmissions fully contributed to enhancing The press also used its function of the meanings of events and highlighting interpretation. By this function, recognized their interconnectivity. Television answered by researchers as the main way to inf- the “cultivation model”, a model theorized luence public opinion, press gives meaning by Georg Gerbner. The investigator noted to an event. The theory defines this function

201 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 MEDIA STUDIES Xenia Negrea in that at the issuer level, thus at the level credible. It all depends in the end on the of press material for publication, several context. [...] In journalism, only incredible interventions are produced: selection, out of control becomes deficient, resulting hierarchy, the context and commenting the from a poor or inconsistent management news. By selecting the information that of the details”10. At the level of creating must reach the public a value judgment is credible significance, the issuer must also produced, which implies compliance comply with the principles of coherence, with rules, representations, symbols, principles must comply with the premise from which or of the intervention in order to correct it starts, must control the text at all three them. Hierarchy, in turn, implies the layout levels: textual, sub-textual and supra- of information selected according to their textual. Also, the veracity of jour-nalism importance – importance also determined entails a combination of figures of speech. at the level of the issuer, of the issuing Thus, metaphorical distances are excluded, institution. Contextualizing and commenting personifications, built on the identity, in is the main channel of intervention on favor of those built on inter-dependence, linguistic maps, as new information is on contiguity11. In the latter category fall connected to what the public already knows. the metonymical structures. These structures have the advantage that they question an 2. Rhetorical mechanisms revealed implied meaning, without climbing the system of signification, i.e. relying on 2.1. Mechanisms of credibility semantics continuity. The main trop impli- Returning to media techniques, we cation of this category is metonymy12. As will try to highlight the mechanisms that we see in the examples selected by us, one not only kept awake the public’s interest of the methods intensely used to obtain for a press fact, but also generated a new credibility is the insistent use of the linguistic map and produced a label. cartridge lead. This involves starting the In order to keep the public’s attention, material with the strongest element of the to convince him of the importance of the speech. We saw, on numerous occasions, message, to generate an attitude, an beginnings such as “Shots in the streets opinion, a certain type of behavior, a press and high tension in Craiova”13, “Craiova material, among other stylistic requirements, cops still haven’t succeeded”14, “A Dolj must have credibility. counselor claims”15, “Craiova is boiling”16, Measured by pragmatic acceptability, “A bloody reckoning”17 etc. credibility is built on the mechanisms of coherence and cohesion, and implies an 2.2 The methods of persuasion applied attitude of the receptor – of acceptance or Once credibility gained, the next step rejection. Credibility is one of the re- is convincing, persuading the public. They quirements to which a press material must must be convinced that what they read is respond to in order to maintain the not only real, but also general and important. receptor’s attention and it involves the According to Aristotle’s theory, persuasion acquisition and evolution of a determined may be based on source credibility (ethos), plan, defined as such by the specialty on emotional appeal (pathos) or the logic literature, described before all, by the argument (logos) or a combination of the consistency in the semantic, grammatical, three. Aristotle believed that the strategy of logical argumentative level. As Sorin Preda persuasion is more effective when based observed: “Taken by itself, any claim is on common grounds existing between the 202 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

MEDIA STUDIES Techniques of rendering speech credible in today’s Romanian press persuasive agent and the persuaded patient, cations cited by us, these concepts adjacent enabling the first to start with some to persuasion are met with very often. For assumptions regarding the opinions and example, the title: “Gypsy Battle in Craiova”24 beliefs of the audience18. Kenneth Burke, on the one hand implies ethnic affiliation continuing Aristotle’s theory, believes that of the protagonists of the incident and, on persuasion is an effect of the artistic use of the other hand, implies the type of alter- a “resource of ambiguity”. To Aristotle’s cation: unorganized, spontaneous, without common grounds, the theorist added the legal support. The same newspaper uses idea of creating a sense of identification. In the same technique in an inter-title as “The order to create this sense, the issuer must Interlopes shook hands”25, by pointing on use a language as close as possible to the the one hand, to a pacifist message, on the linguistic register in which the receiver other hand, to a possible complicity. addressed functions. Larson goes beyond this definition, this requirement of the 2.2.1. Dramatizing – the main means mechanisms persuasion and shows that of rendering credible and persuading “persuasion is the joint creation of a state With the general guidelines of the of identification between source and map established, reports on the scene are receiver, as a result of using symbols”19. In only to complement, emphasize and our case, journalists felt that they must argument those set up at this time. answer the public’s need for a superlative. Argumentation, in this case, was done Titles and keywords of materials are almost exclusively with dramatic evidence. extracted from the catalog of the means of In this sense, the words were selected achieving superlative, i.e. of achieving according to their dramatic potential, sensational, of production and maintenance following the Burke model, which has of strong emotions, language selections identified as the main narrative mechanism being made solely by virtue of obtaining a the dramatic penta-valence. It is composed thematic dimension, the creation and of five central elements: scene, act, agent, proliferation of some families of terms20 to agency and purpose26. We have distinguished support the feeling, mood, to contribute in that the scene was represented by the town the shaping of an apocalyptic imaginary. of Craiova, the act: the system’s inability Such words are “wars”, “fight”, “violent”, to resist social violence, the agent: the “bloody”, “mafia”, “shoot-out”, “have shaken” news story and the purpose: creating the etc. The next step was the establishment of belief that there are serious deficiencies in charismatic terms21, such as “ferentarism”, the security system of the locality in “mafia town”, “shady”, “brotherhood” etc. question, with the possibility of them From this moment on, the issuer journalist being generalized at national level. takes the characteristics of the unifying Narrative materials are built on the same persuasive agent22. Kenneth Burke also type of characters, from the same social defines persuasion as an artistic use of category, on the same type of conflict. “resources of ambiguity”. To this Larson What varies is the identity, at superficial adds ambivalence, “speaking two-way” level, of participants and places where the stylistic enthymeme, “dubitative speech” conflict occurs. Thus, the participants in (“Enescu, possible victim of the mafia the conflict are people with a criminal members”23), “euphemism” (the case of history, coming from the Rrom ethnic quantitative assessments of the participants group, or have close links with it, and are in various reported events). In the publi- organized into “gangs” or “brotherhoods”.

203 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 MEDIA STUDIES Xenia Negrea

The only exception, however, is the son of common symbols, in Larson’s acceptance, a judge involved, in similar incidents. But i.e. on allusions30 to the imaginary world the number of participants is always low. of film, especially in those Hollywood But his case served the argument that the productions which have as themes the entire system is eiusdem farinae. The mafia and the Wild West. These are conflicts were all held in public and involve common grounds. the same logistics: guns, swords, axes, As will be seen in the analysis that knives. The motivation is the same: solving follows, the success of the stories about in an irrational way some of family or this will be a constant one. Although in the individual conflicts. It is not attempted, first articles we selected the number of however, from these data, to isolate a new views is of hundreds, in a short time, “world of street conflict”, leaving the they will grow to several thousand. The receiver to generalize alone. In their reports, readers’ interest will remain constant despite journalists are trying to emphasize the the fact that publications do not supply omnipresence of such incidents and to materials daily, and sometimes between transform them into brands of an entire two materials there is a distance of several locality. The frequency of such incidents months. could not sustain argumentatively the attention that the press gives to the matter. 2.3. “Cotidianul” However, what individualizes and contributes The story from July 6 reported an to building credibility is the progression of incident involving the son of a magistrate. the number of articles written on this topic. The article was viewed 551 times (fig. 1). For example, in “Cotidianul”27 from 6 July We identify here an adjacent theme, an 2006 until 28 August 2008 we can follow affluent of the general theme. By elliptical an increase in the frequency of this theme transitivity, the main character is labeled as – “Craiova”. Thus, if in 2006 you can read “Craiova’s problem-child”. On November two articles (July 6, November 16, 16 2006 “Cotidianul” published an editorial September 11), in 2007 only one article signed by Traian Ungureanu, entitled (September 11), in 2008 the frequency “Peak of the Ferentari underground”. The grows considerably. There are ten entries, article recorded 779 views. In turn, the as follows: February 5 2008, February 12, editorialist tries to generalize and label this April 29, April 30, May 8, culminating in type of event with the term “ferentarism”. August, precisely two days of this month, Altercations on the streets are, according August 26 and 28, the first having two to the journalist, a true underground reality entries, the of the second, three. During and represent the way in which whole this entire period, the rest of the articles on social stratum exists: “Ferentarism has this locality came, in their vast majority, been reported in other parts. In Craiova, from the worlds of sports and, from time Galaţi, Târgu-Mureş. Every time we’re to time, about suspicious privatizations. talking about areas where the dirt hides To the construction and illustration of things well thought-out. The world of superlatives were added the expression of these neighborhoods is the expert director the colloquial character, as a means of of a way of life where delinquency leads to dramatizing the story. We find statements tacit cooperation with the authorities. such as “them among themselves”28, “has Justice has released them, and the police put them in a meeting”29, etc. Many of the closed their eyes to network chiefs and stories about the matter are built with major incidents. Over time, these areas 204 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

MEDIA STUDIES Techniques of rendering speech credible in today’s Romanian press have realized that they can count on entire country: “Ferentari doesn’t need support that this way of living is, indeed, something like that because it set up its admitted and that official legal life is a own order in which the state itself take form of travesty. That society is weak and parts, in lieu of complicity and fake that the carriers of this unexpected news guardian. Gigi Becali smelled the place are the peace-holders in uniforms and the well. The nose of the underground announced dignitaries from the rostrum. Tuesday, that he would spend, on the spot, four when they were disturbed by the dis- hundred thousand euro. Becali knows that connections, the Ferentarioţii protested in the trampoline started to work: the circuit defense of precisely this way of life”. This Vadu Rosca- Ferentari will swamp the serves as a premise to the editorialist. voting box. The final descent of Romanian Ferentarismul is unavoidable proof of the public world can be stopped only by an inefficiency of state structures, is the attack to the heads of the underground, to barometer of corruption, the course of an its direct and indirect patrons”.

(Fig.1)

On September 11 2007 the news semantic relation with the beginning: “Shots fired in the Craiova streets” is “Two of them were involved in the published. It was viewed 665 times. The scandal from IML Craiova two weeks ago, material shows a street altercation between during which there was also a shot fired”. two groups of young people and is based The article of February 5 2008, with on the story of a witness. The lead of the 1339 views, entitled “Son of Craiova article and the ending are the ones that judge, involved in battles between the draw the attention. Although from the clans of the underworld” builds the case conclusive lead the reader is informed that from the linkages between justice and the “In just two weeks, in Craiova there were world of street conflicts. It is built on a two armed attacks” in the article only one contradiction. On the one hand, the attack is told. Only the ending has a logic- said “Craiova police have not yet managed

205 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 MEDIA STUDIES Xenia Negrea to trace the authors of the scandal on phasize the seriousness of events, however, Sunday”, and on the other hand, inside the the journalist is trying to do a pun, casting material is quoted as source the IPJ Dolj a shade of irony of the whole thing with spokesman, saying: “the aggressors have the process of rememorizing “were often been identified and are being looked for”. approached in the newspapers and the The second part of the article is built heads of two of the police chiefs fell”. metonymically highlighting links between On 8 May 2008, with 3483 page views, members of the judiciary community and in the same ironic tone, they continue those involved in the altercation. tracking the actions of officials. The On February 12 2008, with 743 page material seems to suggest the dominance views, “Cotidianul” published an article established by various local groups of “tracking”, essentially a speculation. An offenders. This is done by ridiculing official proposes a scenario that the street authorities. Thus, on the one hand, the actions were staged. The effect of this journalist reported that “over 500 em- material is the deepening and the repre- ployees of the institutions have been sentation of Craiova as a space for the checking”, and on the other hand he underworld. Without any rational evidence, designs/labels in apocalyptic language the the newspaper published in the form of a gang actions: “acts of violence that have piece of news the politician’s opinion. scarred Craiova lately”. In emphasizing On 29 April 2008, with 631 page the same ideas, are the following para- views, there is already a standard approach graphs of news. Thus, by evocation, the in- formula to news from this area: “Craiova” ventory of incidents is: “Only this year in – “underworld” – “gunshots” – “ambulance”. the county of Dolj there were 12 conflicts Moreover, the frequency of reports is between members of the underworld, visibly increased, and the tension is fueled. involving several dozen injured people, the On 30 April 2008, with 1308 views, in «victims» of these fights were also the the scene of events come in the authorities local police chiefs, Ion Constantin and under the title: “Craiova Police was awakened Georgel Enescu, obliged to resign. Over in the 12th hour”. In approximately 5700 40 families suspected of being the perpetrators words, from another incident, a reporter of violent crimes or of violations of the makes a retrospect of the events that led to rules on the weapons and ammunition the configuration of this tag. The “under- were searched”. world” has vowed revenge, “rival groups“, On the other hand, the scale of the “scandal”, “gunshots”, “bats and swords”. police action is described: “For this action These are the key terms that characterize we used BCCOA of Craiova, DPIR, the dominating evil, as opposed to the weak Gendarme Mobile unit Craiova and IPJ good, represented by the state authorities. Dolj”. “The shaking is proven by involving The words that characterize this part are the highest authorities, in the same ironic quantitative “came dozens of policemen, key: In the same action, police Quaestors gendarmes and masked policemen”, Gheorghe Popa, head of the General “stopped traffic and the access routes for Inspectorate of Romanian Police, visited the police were blocked”, “belts of police the home of Vasile Velcu Năzdrăvan, the and gendarmes”, “the II Crusade”, “Joint prefect’s advisor on issues of the Rrom patrols by police, gendarmes and community ethnic group, to whom he said: «I want police”. An order of “dismissals” is suggested. you to understand that I no longer tolerate Although it seems that he wants to em- such events in Craiova. I want peace in 206 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

MEDIA STUDIES Techniques of rendering speech credible in today’s Romanian press this town! I have other important pro- funeral of the person killed in the game of blems, than to come into this town early in poker, all three included in the same supra- the morning». In the neighborhood Faţa theme “Craiova – dangerous city”. The Luncii of Craiova police set up special three materials are of different types: a surveillance in the last weeks”. story, a news-story and an editorial and it The climax of the creation of this was viewed 6183 times, the second 4350 “language map”, for this newspaper, is and 2737, in the case of the editorial. The reached in August. Now appear in two news – projective – is built around the days, August 26 and 28, no less than five following key terms: “street”, “block”, articles. “luxury cars”, “over 2000 people”, “600 On August 26, two accounts of the policemen and gendarmes”. The story, in same event, providing contradictory data, 6159 words, is entitled “Flowers were both materials trying to give the idea of thrown over Caiac’s coffin” and reported, maximum tension. Thus, if one talks about building on the film imaginary, with the tension from the first line of attack: allusions to the famous film “Octopus”, “Shots fired in the street shooting and high from the scene at Mihai Pirvu’s funeral. tension in Craiova...”, in an article called The announced number of participants “One of the heads of Craiova underworld amounts to “over 1000 people”, and was shot dead after a game of poker”, the regarding the forces of order, the journalist other suggests the tension from the title: found out from a direct source that „«In “Craiova, a town under siege”. Regarding this moment the entire shift is on the the contradictory elements, they relate to street»”. In subtext the journalist builds the the cause of death. Thus one of the articles atmosphere of a terrifying and grotesque states that “Shot several times in the head ceremony. Every paragraph brings new and abdomen”, but in contrast, the other, arguments highlighting the state of terror, citing an official source says: “The autopsy the threat that the participants intentionally was performed and it determined that the provoke. Even in the attack, the reporter’s victim was shot with one bullet in the intention is outlined. Thus, from the first chest area; the bullet entered one side and word is underlined the deceased’s mem- came out the other side”. bership to the “Brotherhood”, and his The difference between the materials position of leader within the group. It even presented now and those in the past is the suggests the idea of a paramilitary group, accumulation of data, the frequency of using terms from the specific army such incidents, even if they themselves are vocabulary “always supervised”, “lieutenant”. isolated. Because of this attempt to find The idea of the attack is developed inside continuity in the conduct of events, to the article, by gradually building an image expedite the qualification of the locality as of mafia-type organizations. Thus, came to a “city under siege” the journalists’ attend the ceremony “leaders” from arguments are syncopated. However, the everywhere in the country and abroad. articles recorded 1957 page views, and Nick-names of some of the participants are 2001 views respectively. given, which work rather like code names. In the August 28 edition we identify The second paragraph reinforces the idea the highest number of reader and the most of playing an atmosphere of terror. articles devoted to the topic in the same Presenting the mood of the participants, edition of the publication. There are three “sad, resigned, with their heads down”, the materials on the same sub-theme, the journalist immediately doubled these terms

207 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 MEDIA STUDIES Xenia Negrea with others to restore fully the specific of dark windows speeded very closely to the the event: the death of a leader of a mafia journalists, in an attempt to intimidate group “with sunglasses and black shirts”. them. While these events were predictable, And in this paragraph the proximity to the the forces of order, who claimed that were army and terrifying behavior is em- prepared to intervene in any situation, phasized: “They abruptly announced at the missed them entirely”. Regarding the microphone: Go to the cars. We are number of the forces of order involved, the leaving”. The starting of the group coincides reporter says there were on the street about with the spread of the oxymoronic 120 policemen from the public order atmosphere of mourning terror: “blocking service and 80 gendarmes”. The story ends the street”, “had no right to photograph dubitatively, with a story from the hospital, neither the curious people now the patients where the other person involved in the from the hospital across the street, which original conflict, Catalin Mavrichie, was. had climbed the fence to see the Caiac. This paragraph is based on confidential «Cameras down», said seriously one the sources and assumptions: it is suspected guardians at Caiac’s head, while he was that Mihai Pirvu had been shot by a third being descended from the hearse”. The person involved in the conflict (as an novelty of that story is highlighting the element of novelty into the whole event), hyper-receptiveness for this subject. The then it is suspected that the victim could other citizens are involved, transformed have been saved if doctors had been into a species of human-antenna through announced in advance and, ultimately, the metonymy (person for the capture of guilt of the survivor was not yet determined. information): “Devices were quickly put The Editorial, signed by Costi away and mobile phones were closed Rogozanu, re-contextualizes, with the immediately”. They stop working, leaving intent to irony, this conflict, comparing the curious to contemplate the cortège from him from the attack to events not at all the windows, as reported by the journalist. similar from abroad: tense situation Now, in the film of the attendance, is also between Russia and Europe. In the second inserted the relationship that the organizers paragraph of the editorial, the reader’s have with the press. focus is moved on foreign affairs, on Following numerous articles and tele- himself. In the opinion of the editorialist, vised debates, it drew attention to the event what keeps the audience and the success of and not for those involved. Therefore, this event, and its cultivation in the media between those involved in the event and is the audience, is people’s interest for the media, the relations are strained and tend events reported by journalists, an interest to violence: “The journalists present at so great that the editorialist compared it Caiac’s home were cursed, spit upon and with the fascination and enthusiasm that is threatened by the close relatives of the stirred by an entertainment event, the deceased. Cameramen were prevented guidelines used by the author being hip- from filming, and reporters from two local hop music bands, Dr. Dre and 50 cent, newspapers were chased down the street, successful bands of the moment and which barely escaping the rage of the boys in address mainly teenagers. The common black. «We were cursed, we were sprayed point of two terms of comparison is, in the with water, then they chased us. We barely opinion editorialist, the interested crowd. managed to escape», said one of them. At The Editorialist builds his article on Caiac’s home, several limousines with judgments based on symptoms31, compared 208 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

MEDIA STUDIES Techniques of rendering speech credible in today’s Romanian press judgments and analogy and on sophistic national level. At the end of the material, logic32. He used also the diversion technique33. Costi Rogozanu qualifies his journalistic Unlike reporters who sought to gain intervention as “explanations” and con- credibility in the “reports from the scene”, cludes that this couple (the press and its the editorialist based his reasons on what audience) are struggling with “instinct”. “he saw on television”, coming among The Editorial we analyzed proves how the those who perceived events exclusively press has managed this event. The press mediated by the press. What the edito- event was built primarily on literary means: rialist remembers are the “fierce faces, analogies, allegories, speculations, going which take by force, are specialized in further away exponentially from the nucleus heists, corruption”, metonymy which he of real information. converts, with a character-adjuvant34, “a colleague” in a symbol of the entire country: 2.4 “Evenimentul zilei” “That’s real Romania”. The Editorialist Another newspaper that has does not clearly explain, although it contributed significantly to shaping the appears that it is his aim, the source for the linguistic map was “Evenimentul zilei”36 success of these materials. In the next (fig. 2), the daily newspaper with the largest paragraph, his vocabulary is increasing circulation in Romania. This provided a now by entering in the text a loud term35 wider space for the subject. Limiting to the such as “hypnosis”. The word covers, time reference we will also follow this according to editorialist, the attraction that time how the subject has been treated. In people have to “underworld”. Thinking late 2007 and early 2008, materials sophistication goes beyond, in the phrase relating to the Craiova street altercations immediately following, when he notes: are usually short news. But in this case the “Some are dumb with wonder – not elements of emotions, the bias are easy to resentment – kwhen they see how an observe. Thus, the material from October entire city is operated as dictated by a 1 2007, entitled “Battle of the Gypsy in group of gentlemen with black blouses Craiova”, beyond compliance to the struc- tight to the belly”. Again, the editorialist ture of classical news, the reporter added forgets commented that what was mediated terms such as “rivals” or “warriors” to give by a press attentive to the audience. more significance, more dramatics to the Serious words used, hyperboles, only give story, something to avoid when drafting more meaning to the picture constructed news. But public attention is attracted. If by the press. Although it seems to answer the news of October has 127 hits, the one the demands of lucidity, required by the on April 18 has 2497. An explosion in the editorialist profession, when he approaches number of readers happens when the news specific entertainment information through of August 8 is published, when “the the phrase “fans-viewers”, he goes on with number of reads” is 5453, although the the speculation with purely literary means language is much closer to objectivity, the (building allegories), seeing in the behavior space is much higher: 2820 words of the specific entertainment public, in compared to 1451 for the article in April. fact, a symptom of a human primary need On August 27, “Evenimentul zilei” of order. They, according to editorialist, made a synthetic material called “The found in the organized attitude and most dangerous cities in Romania”. The (apparently) dominating of the group, the article occupied the first place among the need for predictability and order at most read materials from the log, res-

209 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 MEDIA STUDIES Xenia Negrea pectively, with 35805 reads. Craiova is, for their argument boils down to epithet predictably, placed in the top ranking as qualifiers, on superlatives and simple the most unsafe city in Romania, a town in sentences. In the view of the journalists, which “citizens’ security is precarious the south of the country presents “maximum because of the fights occurring between danger”, and Craiova is “gunmen heaven”. the underworld gangs”. The article has The rating is not based on any scientific 10486 words, of which approximately research, and the argument is built on the 5757 are granted to Craiova. The remaining irony of one of the altercations, and on signs go to towns such as: Constanta, listing street incidents known to the Braila, Drobeta Turnu-Severin, Borşa journalists concerned. In the case of the other (Maramureş). The style used by journalists localities, the arguments are summarizing.

(Fig.2)

The article on August 28 2008, “Caiac family man, father of hard-working, fingerprinted after death”, ranks the I place rewarded students. We identify in this of the articles read on the website portrayal an attempt of the issuer to “Evenimentul Zilei” with 26724 “reads”. reverse the poles of good-bad, suggesting The attack simulates a call for calm: “The that the possible subliminal cause of this number of massive forces of order out incident was not the low level of civi- yesterday in the street have made the city lization of the victim and aggressor, but of Craiova quiet”. In fact, the material is a the impossibility of the system to contain recapitulation of events. A portrait is done, such manifestations. seemingly positive, of the victim, and The article “The underworld parades throwing in the deeply ambiguous the at Caiac’s funeral” of 29 August 2008, image already created. He is presented as a also takes I place among the most read 210 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

MEDIA STUDIES Techniques of rendering speech credible in today’s Romanian press newspaper materials made in the day, with war, and a hierarchy of para-social struc- views of 24444. Designed as a story, the tures (neighborhood gangs, organized material describes the funeral procession criminal groups) create the image of a of the victim, Mihai Pirvu. The lead, and large bellicose fight. the first paragraph marks a clear intention The article from September 1 2008, of the author to dramatize. He uses simple “Caiac’s killer, arrested in hospital pajamas”, sentences. According to Weaver’s Grammar, had 7732 views. Although the angle of this method of expression has the advan- approach and the title of the lead are tage that it highlights a subject37: “Luxury announcing a story in an ironic key, the cars. Timid policemen. Designer clothes. end of the article overturns the reading, Tattoos. Manelists. Expensive sunglasses. opening speculation of the most alarming. «Boxing» people. Individuals with thick Once argued that the forces of order know necks and full of muscles”. The reporter in detail this para-social coagulation (“19 will resume the nervous notation in the neighborhood gangs, which amount to middle of the story, when he must approximately 200 members”), the journalist emphasize the importance, the leadership chooses to leave the last word to anonymous of the victim in his social environment: sources, but from within the problematic “Some came from abroad. People he knew groups. The message from the end of the from all over the country”. In shaping the article is alarming, announcing not the painting of the participants, he uses terms extinction of the phenomenon, but an such as “discreet presence”, “parade, have extension: “It has gone too far. They are paralyzed the traffic”. Are listed, also the firing real guns. We will all get them and public figures who were present or mani- walk around on the terrace with bullet- fested their compassion. In the second part proof vests”. of material, the journalist added the On 3 February 2009, “Evenimentul premises of opposition, by bringing into zilei” published an extensive material question the officials of that part of the called “Clean up the city mafia”. It ranks Establishment which should be directly second among the most read articles, with involved in the battle to calm down the views of 28563. The article’s message is situation, but who are carrying out a “slow aimed at demonstrating the incapacity of inquiry”: the Ministry of Interior, through state organizations to cope with the phe- its then Minister Cristian David. The other nomenon. From the lead, the reader is material from the same day, “David held a informed that: “The authorities have given meeting with the chiefs of police”, is a yesterday, a frail sign”. In apparent opposition simple story, but it has 4123 views. is described the other term, the gravity of The article the following day, August the situation: “the city of Craiova was the 30, 2008, “Caiac makes victims after place where criminals had their way without death” occupies first place among the being disturbed”. In this direction, the newspaper’s conducted pole with 19425 argument that the altercations presented by views. In this material, attention is cen- the press are not isolated incidents and that tered on the system. The effect that is this behavior tends to involve the entire stresses is the national importance this country, the material is built. In appro- altercation has acquired. Extensive quotes ximately 10000 words are listed categories from Minister David are supported even of facts that led to shaping a coherent by interventions of the Prime Minister of picture: “Fraud of scale, attempted murder, Romania. Suggesting an atmosphere of bloody street battles”. Then, in extenso, are

211 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 MEDIA STUDIES Xenia Negrea listed situation in which the system, justice ridiculed because from excessive zeal seems complicit with this world. By during the raids, they stopped to check an suggestion, allusion is being built the idea ambulance. that “Craiova mafia” came up on top of the Romanian political hierarchy, and that 2.5 “Gardianul” also the judiciary, through two of its Another newspaper whose material Craiova institutions, Dolj Court Prosecutor we have followed is the “Guardian”38 (fig. and the Dolj Law Court are under the 3). Typological, this newspaper is influence of the offenders. In support of approaching the structure of the serious- the allegations, journalists do not bring popular press. Although its popularity lies proof, but they use judgments based on in the numerous newspaper investigations coincidences. They also published photos and debates it publishes, stylistic structures of the inauguration of a company, which were derived from practice. Materials recall, show together some of the important repeat, and reproduce. Each material re- members of the criminal community and peats similar thread of events, repeating some members of political and religious information from one material to another life. It is a remembrance of events that or within the same material or even would warrant, according to journalists, replicate the entire phrase literally. The the label on Craiova as “mafia town”. way of addressing this issue however is a The last article we selected for good illustration of the press. It doesn’t a illustrating the way in which this tag is very large circulation, or too many views, constructed is of 16 February 2009 and it but we can see the same upward curve. recorded 11764 views. Entitled “Craiova The first material we have selected armed for war”, the article opens with a was published on 2 February 2008 and is a hyperbolic image of the state of mind of story about a robbery at a currency ex- the town: “From Craiova to the farthest change office. The article recorded 178 views common in the county, Dolj citizens seem and is prepared following the requirements to be always ready for «war», their arsenal of objectivity. The reporter does not sneak- ranging from the banal kitchen knife worn in the text any sign of emotional invol- at the to until the gun illegally detained”. vement. The exaggerations only have the effect of The article on March 4 2008, entitled loss of credibility. There new examples of “Five people involved in conflict in front incidents with weapons, this time without of the Court of Appeal Craiova, sent to victims, but only games that police inter- court” is also a story told objective. The preted as examples of “criminal behavior”. number of accesses increased to 225. In the second part of the article, police are

212 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

MEDIA STUDIES Techniques of rendering speech credible in today’s Romanian press

(Fig.3)

On 22 March 2008, a new story in the Craiova smelled of gunpowder again”. same field brings 352 views. This time, the The material is much more dramatic. On title is no longer neutral. The journalist the one hand, in the first paragraph, by recourses to a title by decal: “Robbery means of narrative and detail, the incident

213 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 MEDIA STUDIES Xenia Negrea is shown. Then the reader is recalled the same edition, on the same subject, but similar events that occurred in this locality, with different geographic data: “Matters culminating with the remembrance of the settled and policeman beaten in Maramureş” resignation of the Head Commissioner. (610 visits). The article follows the evo- On 30 April 2008 the material on lution of events on April 30, the incident in Craiova recorded 1290 hits. Built on the courtyard of the County Hospital. It paraphrase, the title warns the receiver of uses reverse narration, from present to the seriousness of what is being transmitted: past. Thus, at present, the aggressors are in “Wild South. Gunshots inside the County custody. When the remembrance starts, so Hospital Craiova”. The particular kind of does the rush for expression. Thus, the news is the story. In 4681 words two simi- confrontation is now interpreted in the lar incidents are described. What intrigues caption as: “Emergency Hospital took by is that the narration is kept in indeter- storm”. But the remembrance goes further. mination and ambiguity, the information The reader learns that there is a conflict being disclosed in steps. The actors are between two families, conflict and violence inserted by terms such as “a man”, “a shown in other occasions. He thereby doctor” and only to end the reader can discovers that the medical institution has reconstruct the movie of the events, when no relevance in the title and that is simply they will reveal the identity of the a ploy to capture attention. Moreover, in aggressors, as well as the motive for the the final paragraph with the inter-title “Six incident. The aggressor receives a grade of years of fights and 1600 warriors”, the identity from the outset: “shady”. By the journalist’s desire intervenes even more fact that the issuer does not disclose the obviously to shape the interpretation so as identity of the parties concerned from the to maintain the attention of the reader. In beginning, trying to create tension by main- addition to the figure given for credibility, taining a state of confusion, we identify a the journalist qualifies police actions, sort of transparent intentio auctoris, an which, according to him, “lack firmness”. acute need of the issuer to create and The last sequence of the material brings follow a strategy of persuasion. In the end into discussion other earlier incidents in are other similar incidents which took the locality, involving people who have place in Craiova are recalled, and is nothing to do with the reported subject, recalled that, after such altercations, the just justifying the journalist’s desire to Head Commissioner resigned. create a linguistic map. On 1 May 2008, “Gardianul” published Judging by the numbers of the accessing, the article “Craiova, wild west of Romania. we could say that attention of the readers The bullies arrested appealed”. We identify was attracted. On 9 May 2008, “Gardianul” here a stylistic hesitation published because published a story involving yet another publishers desire to impose a label by title from Craiova: “Minister Cristian David paraphrase. They identified events Craiova has ordered dozens of searches in Craiova”. with the artistic movies in the years ‘50- The article had 1392 hits. Although the ‘60, about the lifestyle of people in the desire for persuasion and the emotional western American continent. In this case, involvement are not so obvious, the article they found that the common grounds were focuses on the figures to illustrate the the aggressiveness of the two lifestyles. magnitude of the action. Thus, the first The article has 775 visits, unlike another signs of lead are “over 2000 gendarmes material from the same publication and in and policemen”. This number is then 214 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

MEDIA STUDIES Techniques of rendering speech credible in today’s Romanian press supported by others, inserted in the text: “6 and Buzau, even attacking police. «Gypsy o’clock in the morning”, “40 searches” Halloween». Nightly scandals with beatings “more”, “40 people”, “90 guns”, “10 lethal and masked men”. It does not refer to weapons”, “more than 50 arms”. Craiova, but it had 1156 hits. On May 20 2008, “Gardianul” published On 26 August 2008, “Dolj Counselor the article: “Iustin Cove, son of Craiova Constantin Iancu, accused by Constantin magistrate, fined after having cursed the Dâlgoci that he ordered the destruction of cops”. The number of hits increased to 3145. Mercedes, is investigated by DIICOT. The The subject is constituted by an incident in scandal of the arson of a Craiova businessman’s which there is the same son of a Craiova car increases” gathered 1447 hits. The Judge. He also produced several incidents article presents the case of a political covered by the law and which have not official, allegedly involved in illegal been resolved. The journalist resumes in incidents. In the economy of our research, detail and objectively the story. The it works with the power of an argument to element of subjectivity and exaggeration is shape the label “city of the mafia”. in the end of the material, when he On 27 August 2008, the article “Caiac, introduced the inter-title “Covei jr. makes from Craiova, was killed by his right hand the law in Craiova”. after a game of poker”, “Gardianul” reach The newspaper’s next attempted to a record number of hits, namely 12421. improve the linguistic map it tries so shape The material describes in detail the movie and therefore have control over the in- of the events. Since the phrase “bloody formation that reaches the reader, dates reckoning” and “shady” in even the first from May 21 2008, when it publishes the words of the material, the journalist gives news: “Some of the money from the BRD details of the most intimate nature, such as: Craiova fraud was meant for Hamas”. But “In the house were at the same time, the journalist lost credibility right from the Caiac’s wife and children. They slept in first word in the lead, placing the origin of another room”. Noted for great attention to the information it presents in the phrase details, even if they do not coincide with “sources”. The article is based on speculation, those offered by other publications, “was conditionals are used abusively and there shot under the left axils, and the bullet are indeterminations throughout the material. went right through the back, hitting the As a result, the article had only 682 hits. vital organs”. An inter-title invites the reader The following three materials are to experience an almost cinematographic maintained at several hundred hits as experience, promising they will see the follows: "Young man shot following a “fight movie”, a phrase that covers a dispute in a bar of Craiova”, 27 May 2008, description of the weapons used and the is visited only 380 times; “Craiova alleged moves the two would do. The underworld members detained by Dolj ending belongs to the ritual remembrance. police after beating and robbing a man" of Thus we find out that the city has been 25 July 2008, is visited 598 times, “A studded by police and masked men. From Craiova citizen, detained for trafficking this enthusiasm of labeling, there are some weapons for the underworld”, of 16 inconsistencies and contradictions. For August 2008 recorded 674 hits. example, the flow of remembrance over- On 19 August 2008, the daily news- laps two localities, otherwise distinct: “The paper published the material “Agitators latest scandal in Craiova took place in have hassled spirits in Mogosoaia, Bucharest May this year when police fired to settle a

215 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 MEDIA STUDIES Xenia Negrea dispute with pitchforks and axes which and the aggression against them is re- broke out between members of two produced several times, by repeating the families from the village of Seaca de same group of words: “Reporters were Padure”. After this article, the number of spit, cursed and threatened”. On the other accesses entered on a descending slope. hand, the forces of order are evaluated The article in the next day, “Mavrichie, quantitatively as follows: “Hundreds of killer of Caiac, was heard on a hospital policemen and gendarmes”, and some bed” recorded 3722 hits and repeats much lines below, in the sequence next to the of the information published so far on the article, the “hundreds” become “two case. Only two other articles recorded in hundred”. In the same material is repeated May over two thousand hits and they are the story of the shooting, the inability of editorials published the same day, 29 the forces of order to cope with the si- August 2008. One of them, “Who wants to tuation is denounced, and an attempt by blow up Craiova?” was viewed 2622 times, the authorities not to solve the case is and is written by Alecu Racoviceanu, a suggested. “Gardianul” covers Craiova until member of the editorial college, the forum May 22 2009, when the article, “Catalin with the highest degree of responsibility in Mavrichie, accused of killing Caiac, was the establishment of the newspaper. The sentenced to 25 years in prison”, recorded editorialist absolves the press of responsi- 617 visits. bility, suggesting the idea that everything is a diversion. Moreover, he is the one that 3. Conclusions stresses the role of television in this over- In carrying out this study we started fueling this case. This, when in the same from the main theories in the specialty edition, three reporters signed a material literature that define credibility and per- from the series of alarmist articles – “The suasion and we tried to check the way they militia”. While underlining the fact that operate at the level of the Romanian press. “the agitators” are “kids with hot heads”, Its model is equivalent to the French Racoviceanu takes over and strengthens model, which accepts a high degree of the reporters’ stories, stories built on the subjectivity, of emotional involvement of idea of solidarity and brotherhood and the journalist in selecting and processing opens a series of speculations by asking information. However, as noted before by rhetorically “Who has the interest that there the important researchers of the phenomenon be television images of new violence?” By of Romanian journalism, in this space this speculation, he opens a new stage in journalism has a greater freedom in the use the perpetuation and reconfiguration of of means of expression and argumentative this déjà fait language map. techniques. After we have presented the The other material article in this main ways to build credibility and per- edition is called, for evocative purposes, suasion, we chose three of the most important “The Militia” and it attracted 4537 visitors. daily newspapers, in terms of visibility and On a fairly large area, approximately 12 popularity, and we watched how they have 000 words, reporters evoke the thread of managed a press issue: street conflicts in events. The starting point is that, at the Craiova. The analysis led us to several funeral, the journalists were attacked by the conclusions: participants to the procession, and police 1. In managing this issue, the only rational did not intervene. The term “journalists” is evidence that journalists brought were articulated, suggesting by it a generalization their own observations on the scene, 216 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

MEDIA STUDIES Techniques of rendering speech credible in today’s Romanian press

eye witness reports and press releases 5 Catherine Kerbrat-Orecchioni, L’Ėnonciation. of the officials; De la subjectivitė dans le langage, Armand Colin, Paris, 1999, quatrième édition, p. 94 2. The journalists’ speech uses exclusively 6 dramatic evidence, emotional, and not Daniel Dayan, Elihu Katz, Media Events, the rational ones; Harvard University Press, Cambridge, 1992, in Mihai Coman, Introducere în sistemul mass- 3. When the subject was not placed in a media, Polirom Publishing House, Iaşi, 2007, simple story, the journalists’ stylistic col. “Media” series “Collegium”, Third edition arsenal of persuasion involved: meto- revised and advised nymy, allusion, analogy, ambiguity, 7 The “agenda” model that states the fact that repetition, enumeration, dubitative speech; the press, by values, hierarchies, meanings that 4. The role of the press shifted the em- it promotes influences public thinking. phasis on information, on the inter- Hierarchy implies that it puts on the priority list pretation. This was revealed not only a certain event at the expense of another. This at the level of the editorials, but also at time (and in many cases), the television made the level of stories and reports; the agenda not only of the public but also of the media by giving value of news to a certain 5. Once the mechanism of pack jour- category of events nalism set in motion with the help of 8 We use this term, used to assess receptor in television, the main argumentative support radio and television, because, in his study, we for building the linguistic map was the followed the metering of access and written quantitative one: increased numbers of press on the Internet. As the graphs prepared by journalists who have approached this the Romanian Audit Bureau of circulations subject; the number of articles related (www.brat.ro), all circulations of the daily to this theme increased, from edition newspapers follow an upward curve of about to edition or in the same editions; the ten years. On the other hand, however, the number of newspapers which gave number of accesses increased for the pages of those newspapers on the internet. space for more then one article on this 9 Formula was proposed by Melvin De Fleur. issue increased; Under it, the media functions as a social 6. The more titles and leads were ex- behavior triggered by "programmed" through pressive, the more grew the number of campaigns that organize and determine viewers to the website, outlining the changes in behavior receptor. Cf Melvin De portrait of the journalist as a unifying Fleur, Sandra Ball-Rokeach, Theories of Mass persuasive agent. Communication, Longman, New York, 1982 10 Sorin Preda, Tehnici de redactare înpresa Notes scrisă, Polirom Publishing House, Iaşi, 2006, 1 Col. “Media” series “Collegium”, pp 48-51 In our analysis we found the online editions 11 of newspapers cited Cf. Umberto Eco, Tratat de semiotică 2 We use in this article the terminology by generală, Ed Enciclopedică Scientific Publishing, Charles U. Larson, Persuasiunea. Receptare şi Bucharest, 1982, Translated by Anca Giurescu responsabilitate, Polirom Publishing House, and Cezar Radu, afterword and notes by Radu Caesar, p. 354. Iaşi, 2003, Col. “Collegium” series “Public 12 Relations and Advertising”, translated by. Cf. See Catherine Kerbrat-Orecchioni La Odette Arhip. He defines the persuasive agent connotation, Presse Universitaires de Lyon, as the one practicing persuasion and the patient 1977 and L’Implicite, Armand Colin Editeur, Paris, 1986 is persuaded (cf. p. 16) 13 3 „Cotidianul”, 26 aug. 2008 See Larson, op. cit., p. 123 14 4 idem Idem, 2 febr. 2008 15 Ibidem, 12 febr. 2008 16 „Gardianul”, 29 august 2008

217 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 MEDIA STUDIES Xenia Negrea

17 Idem, 27 august 2008 text, in “The Mechanics of Allusion”, no. 5, p. 18 Larson, pp. 25-26 109. 19 Larson, op. cit., p. 26 31 Larson, p. 218 20 Larson, op. cit., p. 149 32 Idem, p. 37 21 Weaver defines “charismatic terms” as 33 Ibidem, p. 36 “words with a considerable expressiveness 34 See Algirdas Julien Greimas, Despre sens. whose referees are impossible to discover. Eseuri semiotice, Editura Univers, Bucharest, Their meaning seems inexplicable unless we 1975, translated and prefaced Text Maria accept assumptions of deriving the sense from Carpov. an imperative of collective will that they mean 35 Gianni Vattimo, “Dialectica, difference, something” (in Larson, p. 152) weak thinking” in Gianni Vattimo - Pier Aldo 22 Unifying persuasive agents address people Rovatti (coord.), Gândirea slabă, Pontica who already share their views. The unifying Publishing House, Constanta, 1998, Col. agent is more idealistic – they can be plethoric "Italian Library, Translated by Stefania Mincu without risk that audience feel offended. He 36 www.evz.ro. can appeal to feelings, being less objective than 37 “Simple sentences usually express a the one which faces an audience putting judgement or a completely singular aspect, they everything into question. Unifying agent must have at least one subject or a noun and a focuses on his “there” and “when” - past and word or a dynamic verb. These properties future – when things were great or when they emphasize the subject in relation to a verb and will be ideal. Opinion is that everything will be object: see causes acting to achieve a result or better in the future, by comparison, especially effect” (in Larson, op. Cit., P. 139) with this. Although a few aspects related to 38 www.gardianul.ro. unifying agent stimulate intellect, many others call for emotional background. Words and images provided by him are exactly what listeners are convinced they would have said if they were in the place of the speaker. Unifying agent is thus a kind of sound panel of the group, providing them with clues, but not the details of the message. The public collaborates to create a message, participate actively encouraging or yelling in chorus or repeating stereotyped phrases to emphasize words.

(Larson, op. cit., p. 152)

23 „Cotidianul”, 12 February 2008

24 „Evenimentul zilei”, 1 October 2007

25 Idem, 29 August 2008

26 Cf. Kenneth Burke, A Grammar of Motives,

Berkeley; Los Angeles; London; University of

California Presse, 1969

27 www.cotidianul.ro

28 “Evenimentul zilei”, 3 February 2009

29 Idem, 29 august 2008

30 According to Ben-Porot, the process of a reader's actualization of an allusion involves: recognition of marker; identification of evoked text; modification of the initial local interpretation of passage; activation of evoked

218 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

MEDIA STUDIES

The Main Music Radio Formats in Romania Today

Davian VLAD

Abstract: The music radio formats most frequently found on the Romanian (and international) market nowadays are Contemporary Hit Radio (CHR) and Adult Contemporary (A/C), with all their variations. They both deal with the contemporary music, one oriented more on the hits (CHR is also known as Contemporary Hits, Current Hits or Top 40), the other one on adult, “serious” music which sometimes cannot make it to the charts because it is preferred mostly by a limited, more musically educated audience. The conclusion is that the Romanian radio market has its specific trends/developments, although there are strong similarities to what can be found in other European countries and, lesser, USA (where the rock- oriented stations are highly popular). Keywords: radio, music, format, audience, market.

The Process of Choosing the activities which do not allow us to stare at Right Format a screen (monitor) – e.g. while driving or working – can assure a safe future for lthough the world-wide fast and “Marconi’s wonder”. Nevertheless, the furious spreading of cinema and ongoing fast changes of habits and con- A especially television led to a cerns in the modern world forces the radio continuous decrease of persons listening stations world-wide to adopt a more (more or less on daily basis) to the radio versatile strategy, in order to seize larger programmes, the end of radio as we know market shares and to gain more and more it has not happened and there are strong P1 listeners (constant listeners) to the hints that it will not take place in the near detriment of the competition. That is why, future. The new means of distributing in the last decades, the radio stations have radio products (Internet, satellite, cellular been trying to focus on a niche, so phones), the permanent need of getting nowadays the majority of the radio stations information rapidly and the human are specialized and they aim to at least

219 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 MEDIA STUDIES Davian Vlad preserve their current audience. This a certain image/ perception of the station specialization is achieved by adopting the (the listener should recognize at once the right format for a certain niche and it is a specific sound of the radio station). The process of market research, proper designing process consists of three phases: design and deployment, as well as an efficient (defining the tasks and the methodology of management of feedback. Thus, you should the research); field work (data input and find out which research tools and methods processing); interpretation (data analyzing can you use for your radio station. This and implementation). complex process of research, interpretation and implementation of a format (as re- presented in the figure below) must lead to

Figure no. 1; Source: Deutsche Welle & Steiner Media

The objective of this complex and why the radio stations attempt to come on costly process is the identification of the the market with the most successful right format for a radio station and of the strategies for news programmes and music. niche which should be targeted. But it is not all about news and music: the The most frequent answer to the radio formats bring with them different question “Why do you listen to the radio?” is moods, and the listener will choose the “For news and music”. That is the reason station in accordance to their desires (preferred

220 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

MEDIA STUDIES The Main Music Radio Formats in Romania Today moods). Though the format generally consists stations of today, and it is located at the of structure + content + presentation, we basis of a format (figure no.2). can easily notice that music (as a mood setter) is the one which makes the difference between the (commercial mostly) radio

Programme Layout

Programming

Image

Presentation

Content

Layout Music

Format Research Marketing

Figure no. 2

The public (state) radios have a different population). As their meaning is to cater status, due to their specific mission (they for all the interests and tastes, the public are meant not only to inform and entertain, radios should be analyzed separately, though. but also to educate), but they have to We can also notice easily that this conceive a certain coherent music strategy specialization of the commercial radio (format), too. Usually, the most used stations is not as strict today as it once was music radio format by the European public (1960’s – 1970’s, in the USA especially). stations is Soft/Mix Adult Contemporary The formats intersected slightly or not (Soft/Mix A/C), as the mission of a public even a bit in that period of time (figure radio station cannot permit a strict specia- no.3), but the trend today is the certain lization (this kind of stations broadcast formats to overlap each other and hybrid also classical music, jazz, traditional music formats to take shape (as shown in the and so on, because it must meet the ex- figure no.4). This tendency can be explained pectations of a variety of groups of

221 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 MEDIA STUDIES Davian Vlad by the fact that the fine lines between music genres themselves overlapped as well.

Figure no. 3; Source: Deutsche Welle & Steiner Media

Oldies

70’s, ’80’s Classic Rock Classic Hits Easy Soft

Listening A/C A/C Rock A/C Rhythmic NAC Oldies Urban Rhythmic Hot A/C AOR A/C A/C Adult CHR Modern A/C Urban/Black Dance/ Rhythmic CHR Top 40

Figure no. 4; Source: Deutsche Welle & Steiner Media

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MEDIA STUDIES The Main Music Radio Formats in Romania Today

The Romanian Present Radio with more dance oriented or rhythmic Market style). The music radio formats most fre- Contemporary Hit Radio (CHR) quently found on the Romanian (and is a music format focused on playing international) market nowadays are Con- current and recurrent highly popular temporary Hit Radio (CHR) and Adult songs as reflected in the music charts Contemporary (A/C), with all their variations. (no matter the music genres). It is a They both deal with the contemporary format targeting mainly teen and young music, one oriented more on the hits (CHR audience (up to 34 years old). The is also known as Contemporary Hits, subcategories of this music radio format Current Hits or Top 40), the other one on (not all to be found on the Romanian adult, “serious” music which sometimes radio market) are: CHR/dance, CHR/ cannot make it to the charts because it is rhythmic, Adult CHR (a hybrid of Con- preferred mostly by a limited, more musi- temporary Hits Radio and the Hot AC cally educated audience. format), CHR/pop (also known as As its name suggests, the Adult Mainstream CHR) and CHR/rock. Con- Contemporary (A/C) radio format is temporary Hit Radio is very popular in intended for a more adult audience Romania, too, and the most important (from 25 to 45 years old). A/C radio stations to use this format are Kiss FM, stations play usually mainstream music Radio 21, Radio ZU and Pro FM. They with varying degrees of rock influence, play mainly current hits (on heavy rotation), excluding the cutting edge music, such recurrent hits (medium rotation) and, as hard rock or hip hop. The sub- rarely, gold hits. The Nielsen airplay categories of A/C (some of them not charts show that CHR radios manage to present in Romania) are: Mainstream rotate intensively the brand-new songs Adult Contemporary (mixes current hits (up to 10 times a day), songs which and recurrents without the dance or may or may not become hits or be Urban hits), Hot Adult Contemporary included by other radio stations in their (play more currents and less re-currents play-lists. We must emphasize that there is than Mainstream A/C), Soft A/C (mostly necessary at least 6 weeks of heavy recurrent songs mixed with some soft rotation for a song to reach the hit currents), Urban Adult Contemporary phase. After further 10-12 weeks, the (urban dance music mixed with R&B, song should reach the end of its current Rap and Contemporary Hits), Adult life cycle; it becomes then a recurrent Alternative or Adult Album Rock, also song, entering a phase in which it will known as “Triple A”(adult alternative be moderately rotated by the CHR radio pop/rock), 80’s A/C (mainstream 80’s stations. music and some compatible late 70’s The most recent rating poll made by and early 90’s), Modern A/C (main- IMAS – Marketing şi Sondaje SA and stream pop-rock and some alternative Mercury Research SRL between January or modern rock songs, but not hard- 12 and April 12 2009 shows clearly that edged), New Adult Contemporary (jazz A/C and CHR music formats are the most and New Age jazz), Christian A/C popular in Romania nowadays. This is the (adult contemporary music with an em- situation at the national level (urban and phasis on religious themes) and Rhythmic rural): Adult Contemporary (mainstream A/C

223 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 MEDIA STUDIES Davian Vlad

Daily Reach (000) Market Share (%)

TOTAL 10682.2 100 Radio 21 1200.9 6.8 Radio Antena Satelor 789.5 7.8 Radio Europa FM 1864.9 12.4 Radio InfoPro 343.8 2.4 Radio Kiss FM 1829.6 10.9 Radio Magic FM 201.5 1.1 Radio Naţional FM 46.7 0.2 Radio Pro FM 862.3 5.2 Radio România Actualităţi 2447.7 17.2 Radio România Cultural 83.1 0.5 Radio România Regional 2055.3 14.6 RFI România 46.5 0.1 Radio ZU 1119.3 6.3 Alt post 2139.4 14.4

We notice that A/C radios (public (AOR), such as City FM, and Adult radios included) have 42.8 market share, Album Alternative (AAA) stations, such CHR/ Top 40 radios have 29.2 market as Radio Guerilla, have no significant share and 80’/ Classic Hits stations (Europa market share in Romania. We must also FM, Magic FM) have 13.5 (considering emphasize that Radio Oltenia Craiova the frequent overlapping between genres, (part of Radio Romania Regional – the figures might skip from one cate- Romanian Radio Broadcasting Corporation gory to the other, but this is, in our – RDR), a public station which adopted opinion, the most accurate image of the a Soft A/C music format, has a stunning Romanian radio market today). We can 45.7 market share in its region (Oltenia), also notice that Album Oriented Rock according to the same rating poll.This is the situation at the urban level:

Daily Reach (000) Market Share (%) TOTAL 6163.9 100 Radio 21 824 7.7 Radio Antena Satelor 212 3.6 Radio Europa FM 1296 15 Radio InfoPro 187.5 2.1 Radio Kiss FM 1293.3 12.6 Radio Magic FM 165.3 1.6 Radio Naţional FM 34 0.4 Radio Pro FM 542.7 5.3 Radio România Actualităţi 1317.4 16.6 Radio România Cultural 63.9 0.6 Radio România Regional 621.1 7.4 RFI România 38.8 0.2 Radio ZU 907.8 8.6 Alt post 1497.8 18.1

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MEDIA STUDIES The Main Music Radio Formats in Romania Today

At this level, CHR/Top 40 radios have A/C and CHR/Top 40 (with all their sub- an increased market share (34.2), the A/C categories). The rock-oriented radio stations stations drop to a 30.9 market share, while are not very popular with the Romanian 80’/ Classic Hits stations gain 16.6 market listeners. Thus, we can say that the Ro- share. The rock oriented radio stations have manian radio market has its specific no significant audience at the urban level, too. trends/developments, although there are In conclusion, although the Oldies/ strong similarities to what can be found in Classic Hits radios are present in Romania other European countries and, lesser, USA and have a significant public here, the (where the rock-oriented stations are highly most important music radio formats are popular).

225 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 New Books & Ideas

Vasile Boari - un vizionar european care stau la baza actualei dezvoltări social- politice, Europa a fost şi continuă să fie în Aurel Piţurcă centrul dezvoltării universale, o lume contradictorie şi controversată. Licenţiat în filozofie în 1972 şi doctor În cadrul acestor ample preocupări de în aceiaşi ştiinţă în 1978, decan al analiză a noii construcţii europene, a Facultăţii de Ştiinţe Politice şi Admi- spiritualităţii sale politice şi morale, dar nistrative din cadrul Universităţii Babeş mai ales a evidenţierii identităţii sale, se Bolyai, în perioada 1995-2002 director înscrie şi actualul volum al prof. Univ. Dr. fondator al revistelor EAST şi EUROPOLIS, Vasile Boari, Noua Europă în căutarea director al Centrului de Analiză Politică al identităţii. Ca orice nouă entitate politică, aceleiaşi universităţi, prof. univ. Dr. Vasile Uniunea Europenă trebuie să-şi creeze şi Boari este un nume cunoscut şi respectat să-şi stabilească propria sa identitate. Tema de comunitatea ştiinţifică şi academică identităţii U.E. nu este nouă, dezbaterile de românească, autor a numeroase volume, idei pe marginea acestei probleme au studii şi eseuri de filozofie politică şi apărut încă din momentul punerii bazelor morală sau de filzofia culturii şi a moralei primei construcţii europene. Identitatea dintre care amintim Dialectica raportului este un concept de bază şi referinţă în conştiinţă morală-conştiinţă politică, O ştiinţele socio-umane, produsul conştiinţei perspectivă filozofică (1987), Filozofia şi colectivităţii, cel ce individualizează, parti- condiţia morală a cetăţii (1991), Noua Europă cularizează o colectivitate, o entitate poli- în căutarea identităţii (Risoprint, 2009). tică de alta, îi conferă substanţa, origi- Europa a constituit şi constituie şi as- nalitatea, îi dă un suflet al său. Deşi volumul tăzi subiectul unor ample dezbateri şi de faţă elaborat de d-l Vasile Boari, Noua meditaţii politice, economice, culturale, mo- Europă în căutarea identităţii, este constituit rale, etice sau chiar teologice. Asupra pro- din trei eseuri, având iniţial destinaţii blematicilor sale s-au aplecat oameni diferite, cum însăşi autorul precizează, el politici şi de cultură, teologi, analişti ai este o lucrare unitară aceasta fiind dată de teoriei şi practicii politice, guvernanţi, tema comună abordată de-Europa şi cu strategi militari. În toate perioadele şi precădere de Uniunea Europeană. epocile istorice, Europa s-a aflat în centrul În studiul său, Vasile Boari realizează preocupărilor şi dezbaterilor celor investiţi o analiză profundă şi detaliată a proble- cu elaborarea şi realizarea destinelor sale. maticii identităţii, evidenţiind diversitatea De tensiunile şi framântările sale, de abordărilor, pornind de la tradiţionalişti stabilitatea şi echilibrul său, a depins starea care în definirea Europei pun accent pe şi evoluţia umanităţii. Deşi a fost genera- factori primari; geografici, istorici, culturali, toarea a celor două mari conflagraţii spiritali sau a constructiviştilor care afirmă mondiale, aceiaşi Europă a fost şi leagănul că identitatea Uniunii Europene este în culturii şi civilizaţiei universale. De pe curs de realizare datorită, în principal, meleagurile sale au pornit marile desco- factorilor politici, ei neexcluzând partici- periri geografice, s-a născut revoluţia in- parea la acest proces şi a altor factori dustrială şi noile tehnologii, tot de aici s-au precum ar fi cei economici, culturali, spi- creat marile teorii şi elaboratele doctrinare rituali şi chiar religioşi. In abordarea iden- clasice şi neoclasice (liberalismul, conser- tităţii Europei, prof.univ.dr. Vasile Boari vatorismul, socialismul, neoliberalismul şi are în vedere şi impunerea unei definiţii neoconservatorismul sau democraţia), teorii din perspectiva axiologică, făcând apel la 226 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

New Books & Ideas un set de valori în care regăsim statul de Creator de şcoală politică universitară drept, libertatea, democraţia, responsabili- Vasile Boari este preocupat de a da Noii tatea, toleranţa, factori specifici noii Europe o identitate fundamentată pe Suflet, construcţii europene. aceasta fiind, de fapt, esenţa noii identităţi Interesat de o analiză pertinentă şi europene. Aceasta este o preocupare mai detaliată, autorul pune în discuţie stadiul veche, ea regăsindu-se în însăşi gândirea realizării identităţii europene, mecanismele fondatorilor Uniunii Europene, Robert şi factorii care contribuie la realizarea sa. Schuman şi Jacques Dolores, cel din urmă În acest sens, d-l Vasile Boari face o tre- fiind şi creatorul sintagmei “un suflet pentu cere în revistă a diferitelor păreri şi ati- Europa”. tudini pornind de la cele care consideră că Extrem de valoros pentru un demers deşi Uniunea Europeană este o realitate a teoretic este raportarea şi definirea iden- contemporaneităţii, aceasta nu dispune de tităţii din perspectiva istorică, politică, o identitate proprie, clară, evidentă adu- economică inclusiv spiritual-religioasă. Ca când ca argument lipsa unei Constituţii un element de noutate şi originalitate al comune sau poziţia celor care apreciază că studiului analizat îl constituie conferirea Noua Europă, s-ar afla într-un proces de religiei, în speţă, creştinismului a unui rol creare a identităţii, dar că acesta cere timp, determinant în configurarea şi ieşirea din proces ce nu ar trebui să fie grăbit, ci lăsat criza identităţii europene, întrucât aceasta să se înfăptuiască în mod natural. ”poate garanta valori supreme, norme ne- Nu lipsite de inportanţă sunt şi opiniile condiţionate, precum şsi cele mai profunde celor care susţin că Uniunea Europeană ar şi înalte idealuri. Religia poate întări coe- beneficia de propria sa identitate asigurată ziunea unei societăţi, poate stimula soli- de factorii politici. În opoziţie cu aceste daritatea oamenilor şi loialitatea faţă de păreri este însă autorul prezentului studiu comunitate. Religia poate oferi chiar ba- care opinează pentru ideea că, de fapt, ne- zele protestului şi rezistenţa împotriva am afla în situaţia unei crize a identităţii condiţiilor injuste”1. europene, aducând ca argument criza Conferirea rolului determinant cresti- morală şi spirituală ce ar caracteriza noul nismului în edificarea noii identităţi euro- edificiu european. pene este argumentată prin rolul capital pe Un alt palier deosebit de important al care acesta l-a jucat în făurirea istoriei sale, studiului îl constituie relaţia dintre iden- în forjarea spiritualităţii şi identităţii titate europeană şi cetăţenia europeană sau bătrânului continent. Acelaşi crestinism identitatea naţională şi cea europeană. este singurul în măsură ce poate oferi Referindu-se la primul aspect, profesorul “pacea şi democraţia, toleranţa şi dra- Boari consideră că cetăţenia europeană gostea, valori care nu pot lipsi în identi- este o componentă esenţială a noii iden- tatea Noii Europe”2. tităţi, cea care asigură ataşamentul uman În realizarea identităţii europene, dl. faţă de ea, o umanizează, îi dă substanţă, Boari are în vedere şi alţi factori ca cei suflet. Relaţia dintre identitate europeană economici care asigură fundamentul material şi cea naţională este văzută de autor ca al noului edificiu politic şi juridic şi care ceva nou. Astfel, identitatea europeană prin tratatele sale dau temeiul legal şi ad- transcede formele tradiţionale naţionale, ministativ fără de care Uniunea Europeană deşi aceasta din urmă este încă puternic nu ar fi o realitate politică, dar mai ales cel prezentată atât ca manifestare cât şi ca spiritual din el detaşându-se prin impor- sinbolistică. tanţă creştinismul, fapt ce face ca astăzi să

227 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 New Books & Ideas se vorbească de o “Europă post-crestină” şi unul cu importante variante praxio- sau de ”cristofobie”. logice, fapt ce sporeşte şi mai mult valoarea Valoarea lucrării este sporită şi de şi importanţa sa ştiintifică şi practică. analiza rolului jucat de Tratatele Europene care au avut o contribuţie remarcabilă la 1 Vasile Boari, Noua Europă în căutarea crearea Uniunii Europene şi a noii sale identităţii, Editura Risoprint, Cluj-Napoca, 2009, identităţii. Referindu-se la acest aspect, p.114. 2 autorul precizează: ”Nici o altă Construcţie n- Ibidem, p.116. 3 Ibidem, p186. a avut vreodată atât de multe tratate şi 4 reglementări, dar niciodată în istorie nu s- Ibidem, p.191. 5 Ibidem, p.192. a pomenit ca un continent întreg, primul în

întregime creştin să renunţe cu atâta Economia barbară şi actuala criză nonşalanţă la propria-i identitate, cum a 3 mondială fost Europă” . Fiind o construcţie politică, gândită şi înfăptuită de elitele politice eu- Mihai Ovidiu Cercel ropene, din perspectiva identităţii, Uniunea Europeană este o construcţie politică, Într-o incitantă lucrare, L’Économie întemeiată pe valorile democraţiei. Pentru barbare1, se atrage atenţia că omenirea se dl. Boari, aceasta fapt nu este însă sufi- află deja, în plan financiar şi uman, la cient, cu siguranţă – spune el – “marea limita unei fracturi ce va însemna o po- bătălie în viitor, va fi nu pentru identitatea sibila catastrofă planetară, generată de o politică, ci pentru identitatea spirituală, 4 dezvoltare materială disproporţionată şi, în pentru Sufletul Europei” . paralel, de o degradare profundă a fiinţei Ideea de bază, mesajul principal care umane, însemnată de teamă, stres, lipsa se desprinde din cele trei eseuri reunite, moralului şi a speranţei, violenţă, consum precizate chiar de autor este aceea că de subproduse culturale, etc. ”Noua Europă, Europa celor 27, repre- O societate, susţine autorul acestei zintă o nouă construcţie identitară care cărţi, în loc să se preocupe de asigurarea este însă departe de a fi cristalizată, înche- bunăstării individului, participă la compro- gată, definitivă. Dimpotrivă, Uniunea miterea acestuia prin multiple mijloace, Europeană se află într-o fază de căutare a 5 pierzându-şi raţiunea de a fi, în timp ce identităţii sale” . ordinea politică şi publică dezvoltă pro- Volumul dl. prof.dr. Vasile Boari, Noua priul sistem evolutiv. Europă în căutarea identităţii, de o Economia barbară şi globalizarea deosebită valoare şi consistenţă teoretică, acesteia agresează orice tip de organizare cu problematici noi şi rezolvări originale politică, ca şi cetăţenii, în numele unei aşa ce vine să completeze sursele bibliografice zise prosperităţi asiguratoare de confort ale ştiinţelor politice şi nu poate lipsi din personal şi social, a libertăţii şi a demnităţii studiul celor care sunt preocupaţi de cvasi-tutelare. Globalizarea de tip american edificarea Noii Europe şi de descifrarea noilor aplatizează, de regulă, culturile şi tradiţiile sale tendinţe şi direcţii de dezvoltare. naţionale, propunând forma, comportamente Ea se înscrie totodată în eforturile şi produse cu impact imediat în rândul generale de cunoaştere a noului edificiu populaţiei, ignorându-se accepţiunea: „destinul politic şi de impunere a identităţii sale. Terrei reprezintă destinul omului!” Aceasta face ca prezentul studiu să nu fie numai un simplu demers teoretic-explicativ ci 228 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009

New Books & Ideas

Sunt voci care susţin că globalizarea zează multiple exemple: cazul Greciei exportată din SUA se constituie, de multă Antice, a Romei, când, după secole de vreme, într-un proiect tendenţios de de- prosperitate au intrat într-un declin pro- molare a marilor valori europene, indiene, fund, al Chinei Imperiale, al Egiptului sud-americane, ce nu se regăsesc pe noul faraonilor. continent încărcat de o tinereţe ireductibilă Creşterea amplă şi diferenţiată a eco- şi, drept consecinţă, nivelarea acestora, nomiei atrage după sine şi o realizare a poate chiar dispariţia lor în timp este certă. puterii între state, o altfel de orientare în Fenomen ambiguu, globalizarea şi politica mondială. Există un principiu de economia barbară se transformă într-o bază al relaţiilor internaţionale care susţine limită a libertăţii omului, înstrăinându-l de că, pe măsură ce puterea unui stat creşte, propriile valori, cunoscându-se faptul că acesta, în mod implicit va cunoaşte o „singurele limite pe care o libertate le schimbare de sistem. John Harsany atrăgea întâlneşte se regăsesc în libertate”, spunea atenţia că, o posibilă explicaţie a acestor Sartre. permutări politice şi economice trebuie să Interesele economice au determinat se facă “în termenii echilibrului puterii întotdeauna evoluţia politicii naţionale şi între diferitele grupuri sociale care fac internaţionale, constrângând şi influenţând presiuni pentru aranjamentele cele mai acţiunea umană şi comportamentul social. favorabile propriilor interese (incluzînd Variabilele economice sunt purtătoare de posibilele interese altruiste)”2. Aşadar, o efecte puternice asupra puterii şi a societate cu un ridicat grad de prosperitate echilibrului acesteia în relaţiile internaţio- economică, poate produce restructurări nale ce modifică, în unele situaţii, bene- serioase, atît în palierul politic naţional, cît ficiile şi costurile schimbărilor sociale şi şi internaţional, dar şi şocuri grave în politice. societatea mondială şi în natura ei siste- De fapt, orice schimbare în plan matică, şocuri care generează crize finan- economic creează stimuli şi obstacole într- ciare de proporţii cum este cea prezentă în o societate care îţi modifică regimul ori acest an, criză asemănătoare unei maladii apartenenţa la un sistem politic. Promi- contagioase de proporţii. Specialiştii sunt siunea câştigurilor degajă energii uriaşe şi de părere că actuala criză este una a determinări consistente în expansiunea mondializării, în sensul unei reţele ample pieţelor, a implementării de societăţi şi or- de electricitate care se scurt-circuitizează ganizaţii nonguvernamentale, de sisteme pe diverse trasee, fie din cauză de informatice şi tehnologii avansate. În suprasolicitare, fie că sistemul nu permite aceste condiţii, la mentalităţi şi bunăstare acces egal la consum. Andrew Haldane, nouă, noi constrângeri, căci orice schim- specialist în problema riscurilor la Banca bare şi dezvoltare restructurează mărimea Angliei propune, prin comparaţie, că şi distribuirea costurilor, precum şi asu- distrugerea spaţiilor şi a speciilor ne duce marea unor obligaţii, uneori împovărătoare. cu gândul la criza financiară şi că Creşterea economică şi a surplusului omenirea trebuie să reacţioneze imediat în economic, mondializarea tehnologiilor, acu- faţa acestui fenomen. mulările uriaşe de capital creează ine- Alţii consideră că aceeaşi cauză a fost galităţi grave şi schimbări politice semni- generată pe sol american, exportată în ficative, ajungându-se la un punct sensibil toată lumea, dar ea are şi un caracter indi- şi periculos în evoluţia societăţilor cu o gen, fiind şi morală, într-o bună măsură, dezvoltare spectaculoasă. Istoria ne furni-

229 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009 New Books & Ideas pentru că întotdeauna interdependenţa se competitivităţii, reformarea Euro în faţa poate constitui într-un factor de risc. bancnotei verzi sunt doar câteva remedii Paul Krugman, laureat al Premiului prognosticate de specialişti pentru ieşirea Nobel pentru economie, în 2008 susţine că din această criză mondială devastatoare. economia depresiei s-a accentuat în ultima perioadă, iar limitarea resurselor şi fluc- 1 Philippe Saint Marc, L’économonie barbare, tuaţiile dintre cerere şi ofertă au procreat Editions Frison-Roche, Paris, 1994. Marea Depresie care relevă o recapita- 2 Robert Gilpin, Război şi schimbare în politica lizare rapidă a băncilor, cît şi un anumit mondială, Ed. Scrisul Românesc, Craiova, control exercitat de stat, identificat într-o 2000, pag. 204 naţionalizare temporară.

În noile circumstanţe, mondializarea fericită, ca şi prosperitatea viciului, sin- tagma propusă de Daniel Cohen, ce se referă la consumul exagerat al unor popu- laţii, sunt cauzele care au dus la o stran- gulare a intersecţiilor schimburilor econo- mice, căci 85% din state se află în rece- siune evidentă. S-a edificat o altfel de civilizaţie, în numele unui ideal, a păcii şi a înţelegerii, ce s-a dovedit a fi nerealistă până la urmă. Banii obţinuţi uşor, sistemul asimetric al remunerării, imperfecţiunile sistemului lo- cativ, confortul individual şi consumul exagerat ce produce efecte precum un drog sunt cauzele reale ce au generat un risc excesiv în plan economic şi financiar, în majoritatea statelor prospere. Andrew Clark şi Claudia Senik evidenţiază faptul că, în Franţa, bunăstarea a produs o bogăţie certă unora, care, în cele din urmă, s-a disipat foarte repede, în condiţiile în care, în ultimii ani, consumatorii francezi sunt de două – trei ori mai bogaţi ca pă- rinţii lor, dar, tot de-atâtea ori, mai ne- fericiţi ca predecesorii lor. Se poate afirma că ne aflăm într-o nouă vârstă a economiei depresiei, ce a generat o criză de proporţii în majoritatea ţărilor lumii şi nu există încă un remediu universal, un miracol, trebuind să fim conştienţi că niciodată nu ţi se oferă „o masă gratuită”. Reformarea radicală a siste- mului financiar, recapitalizarea, intervenţia statului, restructurarea deficitului, echilibrul 230 Revista de Ştiinţe Politice. Revue des Sciences Politiques • Nr. 21-22 • 2009