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Emotions in Place: the Creation of the Suburban ‘Other’ in Early Modern London

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Emotions in Place: the Creation of the Suburban ‘Other’ in Early Modern London Emotions in Place: The Creation of the Suburban ‘Other’ in Early Modern London Jade Michelle Riddle A Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Adelaide School of Architecture and the Built Environment and the Australian Research Council’s Centre of Excellence for the History of Emotions 1100-1800 For my father. From whom I inherited my stubbornness and love of books. Without which, I would not have finished. CONTENTS Abstract ..……………………………………………………………………………………………………….………………. 4 Declaration .…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 6 Acknowledgements ..……………………………………………………………………….……………….……………. 7 List of Figures .……….………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 9 Introduction: Theoretical Frameworks, Historical Contexts and Sources ..………………………. 11 Theories of Space and Emotion ………………………………………………………………..….……….….…… 13 The Social Production of Space ……………….………………………………………….………….….… 14 Lessons from the Cultural Turn ………………..…………………………….……………….…………… 19 Emotion and Affect .………..…………………………………………………………..….…………….……. 24 The Early Modern Context: Cities and Emotion ..……………….…...………………………..……..….… 33 Urban Histories ..………………………………………………………….…………………..….……………… 34 Early Modern London …………………………………………………………………………………… 36 Cripplegate Without …………………………………………………………………………………….. 40 Emotional Early Moderns .…..………………….…………………………………………..…………….… 43 Aims, Objectives and Sources ………………………..………….…………………….….....……………………. 49 Structure ..………………………….………………………………………………………….…………………………….. 52 Shameful Suburbs: The Image of Cripplegate Without as a Source of Moral Identity in the Sixteenth Century …………………………………………………………………………………………………… 55 The Image of London ………………………..………………….……………………….……………………….….... 60 The Wall Defining City and Suburb………………………………………..………….……….…………….…… 65 Critical Change and Controlling the Metropolis ……..………………………..……..………….……….. 72 Hiding ‘Our Shame’ and Laying Blame……………………………………………….….…………………..…. 81 Sources of Moral Identity in the City …………………………………………….....………….……………… 88 Fear in Moorfields: Keeping Contagion at Bay in the Seventeenth Century………….……….. 96 Lonely Burials Next to the ‘Doge-Howse’ …………………………………………………………………… 104 Bodies Piled One on Top of Another .............................................................................. 109 Identifying Threats: External and Internal Contagion in the City………….………..…….…….. 115 ‘Run-Awayes’ Fleeing the City Through the Fields ……………………………………………………… 121 ‘Shutting Up’ and ‘Carrying Away’: Plague Orders ………………………………..……………….…… 127 Plague Pits in Cripplegate Without …………………………………….………………………………………. 133 Disgust for the Dunces of Grub Street: Anonymous Emotional Communities in the Eighteenth Century …………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 144 Grub Street and The Scriblerus Club ………………………………………………………..…………..……. 150 Pope’s Disgust for the ‘Grub Street Race’ in The Dunciad ………………………………………..… 160 Using ‘Place’ to Construct Moral Metaphor ………………….………………………………..………… 166 Respectability, Politeness and the Imitation of the Vulgar Tongue……………………………… 172 Finding Anonymity in the Metropolis …………………………………………………………………….….. 179 Emotions Stick in Place……………………………………………………………………………………………..….185 Emotion as a Tool …………..…………………………………………………………………………………..…….. 186 Representations of Space and Spaces of Representation ..…………………….…………………… 190 Knowing ‘One’s Place’ Within the City ……………………………………………………………………….. 192 Reflections and where to from here?.............................................................................. 196 Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………………………..………………… 198 ABSTRACT Following Henri Lefebvre’s suggestion that space is socially constructed and constituted, cities have been reclassified from static ‘maps’ for human activities to performed spaces that draw together human behaviour, meaning, discourse, and material conditions in their production. Cities are not simply a background for movement, but a function of cultural and emotional practice. Responding specifically to Lefebvre’s call for a ‘history of the representations of space’, this thesis interrogates the role emotion played in visual and literary representations of early modern London. Tracing the impact that these representations had on social and cultural power structures in the city, this thesis argues they could be used as ‘emotional tools’ to designate the ‘other’ within the city, both spatially and socially. Historically based (1580-1750), the project applies contemporary cultural and spatial theory to emotions research on the city. The project follows ideas and ideologies through the early modern period, tracking the changing conceptions and constructions of spatialised otherness within the city. The thesis questions how spatial boundaries are produced through and with emotion and how emotional communities form and define themselves in relation to urban space. Importantly, it interrogates how the emotionally charged imaginings of urban environments impacted on their histories, identities and communities. The project sits at the intersection between cultural studies and the history of emotions and is informed by urban history. However, it is not another urban history of London; rather it aims to re-imagine the vast body of work on the city in the early modern period in order to understand how emotion is entangled with the city and its people. The work focuses primarily on the suburb of Cripplegate Without, an area just north of the London Wall, however it also takes into account the wider cultural and social contexts of the city during the period. Building 4 on Sara Ahmed’s concept of ‘emotional stickiness’, a way of explaining how emotion could become ‘stuck’ to objects and subjects, the thesis posits a further question: why does emotion stick there? The thesis argues that the notion of otherness in early modern London was not a static concept. The boundaries of what was considered ‘other’ could, and did, shift over time, both spatially within the city and socially within London society. The negotiation of these boundaries was linked with the concepts of emotion and place within the city. 5 DECLARATION I certify that this work contains no material which has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma in my name, in any university or other tertiary institution and, to the best of my knowledge and belief, contains no material previously published or written by another person, except where due reference has been made in the text. In addition, I certify that no part of this work will, in the future, be used in a submission in my name, for any other degree or diploma in any university or other tertiary institution without the prior approval of the University of Adelaide and where applicable, any partner institution responsible for the joint-award of this degree. I give permission for the digital version of my thesis to be made available on the web, via the University’s digital research repository, the Library Search and also through web search engines, unless permission has been granted by the University to restrict access for a period of time. I acknowledge the support I have received for my research through the provision of an Australian Government Research Training Program Scholarship. Jade Riddle November 2018 6 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Katie Barclay, thank you for having faith in me when it felt as if very few did. I have said it before, and I will repeat it now: I simply would not have continued had I not met you. Words will never express my gratitude for the work you have done. The work contained within these pages would have been a shadow of what they are, had I not received the generous support of the ARC Centre of Excellence for the History of Emotions. This generosity has been both financial and scholarly in nature. In particular, I want to thank the centre for the incredibly supportive environment in which they undertake their work. It is no small thing to achieve an environment where a postgraduate student feels confident and comfortable working alongside some of the world’s best. It is a testament to Pip Maddern’s original vision for the centre. Those involved with the centre’s work should be incredibly proud of the training they are providing to the next generation of scholars. 7 FIGURES Figure 1: Agas (or Woodcut) Map, Depicting Cripplegate Without c.1561 ………………..……… 42 Figure 2: London as depicted by Matthew Paris c.1252 ……………………………………………………. 66 Figure 3: Drawing of London c.1300, Added to Geoffrey of Monmouth’s History of the King’s of Britain …………………………………………………………………………………………..………………. 68 Figure 4: Braun and Hogenberg’s Map View of London ………………………………………….………… 70 Figure 5: Agas (or Woodcut) Map, Depicting Cripplegate Without c.1561 ………..……………… 71 Figure 6: ‘Old Houses in Grub Street’, 1831 …………………………..……………………………………..…. 77 Figure 7: Oligby and Morgan Map, 1677 Showing the ‘Places of the Plague’ …………………... 98 Figure 8: Rod for Runawayes, 1603 ………………………………………………………………………………... 126 Figure 9: Crums of Comfort, 1671 ………………………………………………………………………………….. 137 Figure 10: Cripplegate Churchyard. Panel in Boradsheet of John Seller, 1665 ………………… 138 Figure 11: Agas (or Woodcut) Map, Depicting St Giles Parish Church c.1561 …………………. 139 Figure 12: ‘The Pestelence 1665’ The View of St Giles Without Cripplegate with Figures Burying Bodies in the Aftermath of the Plague, Pepys’ Diary ………………………….. 140 Figure 13: The Distrest Poet, 1741 …………………………………………………………………………………. 158 Figure 14: Haberdashers Square, 1761 ………………………………………………………………………….. 159 8 9 INTRODUCTION
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