Politics History 01-11
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Africa's Best Read
AFRICA’S BEST READ January 3 to 9 2020 Vol 36 No 1 @ mailandguardian mg.co.za Illustration: Francois Smit 2 Mail & Guardian January 3 to 9 2020 Act or witness IN BRIEF – THE NEWS YOU MIGHT HAVE MISSED Time called on Zulu king’s trust civilisation’s fall The end appears to be nigh for the Ingonyama Trust, which controls more than three million A decade ago, it seemed that the climate hectares of land in KwaZulu-Natal on behalf crisis was something to be talked about of King Goodwill Zwelithini, after the govern- in the future tense: a problem for the next ment announced it will accept the recommen- generation. dations of the presidential high-level panel on The science was settled on what was land reform to review the trust’s operations or causing the world to heat — human emis- repeal the legislation. sions of greenhouse gases. That impact Minister of Agriculture, Land Reform and had also been largely sketched out. More Rural Development Thoko Didiza announced heat, less predictable rain and a collapse the decision to accept the recommendations in the ecosystems that support life and and deal with barriers to land ownership human activities such as agriculture. on land controlled by amakhosi as part of a But politicians had failed to join the dots package of reforms concerned with rural land and take action. In 2009, international cli- tenure. mate negotiations in Copenhagen failed. She said rural land tenure was an “immedi- Other events regarded as more important ate” challenge which “must be addressed.” were happening. -
Objecting to Apartheid
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by South East Academic Libraries System (SEALS) OBJECTING TO APARTHEID: THE HISTORY OF THE END CONSCRIPTION CAMPAIGN By DAVID JONES Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS In the subject HISTORY At the UNIVERSITY OF FORT HARE SUPERVISOR: PROFESSOR GARY MINKLEY JANUARY 2013 I, David Jones, student number 200603420, hereby declare that I am fully aware of the University of Fort Hare’s policy on plagiarism and I have taken every precaution to comply with the regulations. Signature…………………………………………………………… Abstract This dissertation explores the history of the End Conscription Campaign (ECC) and evaluates its contribution to the struggle against apartheid. The ECC mobilised white opposition to apartheid by focussing on the role of the military in perpetuating white rule. By identifying conscription as the price paid by white South Africans for their continued political dominance, the ECC discovered a point of resistance within apartheid discourse around which white opposition could converge. The ECC challenged the discursive constructs of apartheid on many levels, going beyond mere criticism to the active modeling of alternatives. It played an important role in countering the intense propaganda to which all white South Africans were subject to ensure their loyalty, and in revealing the true nature of the conflict in the country. It articulated the dis-ease experienced by many who were alienated by the dominant culture of conformity, sexism, racism and homophobia. By educating, challenging and empowering white citizens to question the role of the military and, increasingly, to resist conscription it weakened the apartheid state thus adding an important component to the many pressures brought to bear on it which, in their combination, resulted in its demise. -
Abstract This Paper Explores the Under-Appreciated Role of Business
Business and the South African Transition Itumeleng Makgetla and Ian Shapiro Draft: February 20, 2016 Abstract This paper explores the under-appreciated role of business in negotiated transitions to democracy. Drawing on our interviews of key South African business leaders and political elites, we show how business played a vital role in enabling politicians to break out of the prisoners’ dilemma in which they had been trapped since the 1960s and move the country toward the democratic transition that took place in 1994. Business leaders were uniquely positioned to play this role, but it was not easy because they were internally divided and deeply implicated in Apartheid’s injustices. We explain how they overcame these challenges, how they facilitated negotiations, and how they helped keep them back on track when the going got rough. We also look at business in other transitional settings, drawing on South Africa’s experience to illuminate why business efforts to play a comparable role in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict have failed. We end by drawing out the implications of our findings for debates about democratic transitions and the role of business interests in them. Department of Political Science, P.O. Box 208301, New Haven, CT 06520-830. Phone:(203) 432-3415; Fax: (203): 432- 93-83. Email: [email protected] or [email protected] On March 21, 1960, police opened fire on a demonstration against South Africa’s pass laws in Sharpeville, fifty miles south of Johannesburg, killing 69 people. The callousness of the massacre – many victims were shot in the back while fleeing – triggered a major escalation in the conflict between the African National Congress (ANC) and the National Party (NP) government. -
The ANC Political Underground in the 1970S
The ANC Political Underground in the 1970s By Gregory Houston and Bernard8 Magubane We knew that the ANC was operating because we could hear that this person was being charged in Durban, in Cape Town, in Grahamstown, and so on. We would always hear from the papers of ANC activity. We heard about the operations in which ANC guerrillas were involved with the fascist police and soldiers in Zimbabwe, as they were trying to go back home to begin the war of liberation in South Africa. From time to time there were ANC pamphlets and journals which we used to get and we saw very little of any underground activity except by the ANC.1 This chapter is divided into two sections. In the first section the focus is on the underground political work of individuals and small groups of people based inside South Africa. We begin by looking at the activities in the early 1970s of internal underground activists in ANC networks that were initiated during the second half of the 1960s, with a focus on the Johannesburg area. This is followed by case studies of individuals who became involved in underground activities by linking up with ANC activists based inside the country or those in exile. We also focus on the activities of a few individuals who decided to take the initiative to become involved in underground political work without linking up with any of the liberation movements. These case studies are based on the life histories of a few selected people in an attempt to demonstrate some of the distinguishing characteristics of participation in internal underground activities. -
In South Africa's Transition
The role of business IN SOUTH AFRICA’S TRANSITION to democracy About the Centre for Mediation in Africa The goal of the CMA is to help make mediation efforts throughout Africa more effective. We do so by offering academic and practical courses in mediation, researching new and current best practices, and offering support to organisations and governments involved in mediation processes. The Centre is hosted by the Department of Political Sciences, in the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, at the University of Pretoria. About the International Labour Organisation The International Labour Organization is a United Nations agency whose mandate is to advance social and economic justice through setting international labour standards. Founded in October 1919 under the League of Nations, it is the first and oldest specialised agency of the UN. Acknowledgements This report would not have been possible without the support of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) and the Department of Political Sciences, in the Faculty of Humanities, at the University of Pretoria. We are grateful to the 17 interviewees who made time available to answer our questions thoughtfully, and agreed to participate in our digital archive. The team from the CMA contributed to this research in a number of ways, including through transcribing and analysing interviews, engaging with the scholarship, and participating enthusiastically in team workshops towards the development of this report. Authored by Cori Wielenga, Quraysha Sooliman and Harry Gouvelis Research assistance offered by M. Holtzhausen, N. Kasselman, A. Shangare, N. Ndhlovu and S. Igba Edited by Sanet Oberholzer Design by Media Chef Published February 2021 © The content of this publication is protected by copyright. -
Global and Local Narratives of the South African General Elections
DESPERATELY SEEKING DEPTH: Global and local narratives of the South African general elections on television news, 1994 – 2014 By Bernadine Jones Town Cape Thesis presentedof for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY at the Centre for Film and Media Studies UNIVERSITY OF CAPE TOWN UniversityAugust 2017 1 The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgement of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Published by the University of Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author. University of Cape Town Declaration of own work and publications This thesis is my own work, conducted in Cape Town, South Africa between January 2014 and August 2017. I confirm that I have been granted permission by the University of Cape Town’s Doctoral Degrees Board to include the following publication(s) in my PhD thesis: Jones, B. 2016. Television news and the digital environment: a triadic multimodal approach for analysing moving image media, in African Journalism Studies 37(2): 116-137 2 Acknowledgements What respectable body of work would be complete without expressing ones gratitude to those who have helped carry the author – mind, soul, and sometimes body – through the wilderness of research and analysis? It stands to reason then that I convey my utmost appreciation for my two supervisors, Drs Martha Evans and Wallace Chuma, for guiding me along this path with infinite patience, wisdom, and maddening attention to detail without which I would flounder. -
Corruption and Reform in Democratic South Africa
CORRUPTION AND REFORM IN DEMOCRATIC SOUTH AFRICA Marianne Irene Camerer A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Political Studies at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Durban, March 2009 ABSTRACT This thesis evaluates the effectiveness of public sector anti-corruption reform efforts in democratic South Africa. These reforms are contextualized within the international theory, literature and policy debate that has emerged over the past decade on the control of corruption within the context of democratic governance. To evaluate the effectiveness of anti-corruption reforms the thesis first covers a number of broad themes including: conceptions, causes and consequences of corruption; main theoretical approaches underpinning anti-corruption reforms; and methodologies to evaluate the effectiveness and seriousness of anti-corruption efforts. Specifically focusing on South Africa, the thesis looks at the nature and extent of corruption both pre and post 1994; recent legislative, institutional, and policy interventions to control public sector corruption; and, as an illustrative case study of grand corruption, an in-depth analysis of the government’s handling of allegations of corruption in the Strategic Defense Procurement Package or “arms deal.” The findings of the thesis are mixed: I argue that democracy is a necessary albeit insufficient condition for effectively fighting corruption. Although South Africa has an impressive array of institutions, laws and policies to counter public sector corruption, the most important ingredient for successful reforms, namely an indication of sustained political will, is not yet fully in evidence. The government’s mishandling of allegations of corruption in the arms deal is a case in point, suggesting chronic weaknesses on the part of institutions such as parliament to safeguard the public interest. -
Are South African Print Newspaper Narratives Reframed for Internet News Portals Or Not?
Stellenbosch Papers in Linguistics Plus, Vol. 49, 2016, 167-197 doi: 10.5842/49-0-685 Are South African print newspaper narratives reframed for Internet news portals or not? Ilse Feinauer Department of Afrikaans and Dutch, Stellenbosch University, South Africa E-mail: [email protected] Abstract This paper deals with the translation of newspaper texts from Afrikaans/English newspapers for Afrikaans/English Internet news portals. In this paper I discuss to what extent newspaper reports, selected for translation and subsequent publication on the Internet, undergo a reframing process and how these reports are edited, rewritten, reshaped and repackaged (transformed) for a new cultural context (Bielsa and Bassnett 2009). This study has a sociological and cultural perspective in that it deals with Baker’s (2006) narrative frame model in detecting which narrative frames can be identified in the translation of these texts from South African newspapers for a more global readership. Baker sees framing as an active strategy that implies agency through which translators consciously participate in the construction of reality within a specific socio-cultural group. The way in which and the reasons why the news teams for the Internet news portals (re)direct or reframe the perspective of reality as constituted within South African print newspapers is the main research topic. Keywords: news translation, transediting, narrative frame model, print newspapers, e-news platforms, ideology 1. Introduction This paper deals with the transcreation, or rather transediting, of news texts from print newspapers for News24 and Nuus24/Netwerk24, respectively English and Afrikaans multilevel digital platforms. News24 was established 12 years ago as the main Internet news platform for Media24, which is a division of Naspers, one of the oldest South African Afrikaans- and Afrikaner-oriented publishers of magazines and newspapers. -
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City INDEX Press Created by City Press PEOPLE editorial in P6 - 16 partnership with Anglo American Project editor: Gayle Edmunds Commissioning editor: Nicki Gules Designer: PLACES Jan Morgenrood Sub-editor: P17 - 27 Laila Steele Contributors: S’thembile Cele Jade Davenport Msindisi Fengu Maya Fisher-French Christina Kennedy Lucas Ledwaba Tebogo Letsie Rudi Louw Isabella Maake Zinhle Mapumulo PARTNERSHIPS Siyanda Mayeza Lubabalo Ngcukana P28 - 38 Leon Sadiki Poloko Tau Dewald van Rensburg Sizwe Sama Yende Additional photos: Mukurukuru Media, Liza Coetzee and Anglo American archives For more PROSPECTS information about bespoke P39 - 51 editorial projects, contact Gayle Edmunds (managing editor) on gedmunds@ citypress.co.za or call 011 713 9154 2 ANGLO AMERICAN 100 YEARS Mondli Makhanya A century OF SHARED STORIES popular pamphlet distributed career towards conflagration after that in mass democratic The leadership historic meeting, but a door was opened movement circles in the and staff of and seeds of trust planted. That 1980s carried a graphic engagement was to play a major role in cartoon that demonstrated Anglo American the detente that eventually led to our the influence of Anglo now reflects democratic breakthrough. AAmerican on the lives of South Africans. After 1994, Anglo American, as a focused It showed how a worker would wake up ‘‘ South Africa. mining giant, led the conquest of global in the morning and eat a breakfast Interventions in markets following government’s decision to containing ingredients supplied by an allow South African companies to list Anglo American-controlled company, get education, health, abroad. into a car, taxi or bus that contained entrepreneurship Anglo American has played partner to components made by a firm in which the government, labour and civil society in corporation had interests’ and work for a and social housing building an inclusive, transformed and company with links to 44 Main Street. -
GETTING to CODESA: an Analysis on Why Multiparty Negotiations In
GETTING TO CODESA AN ANALYSIS ON WHY MULTIPARTY NEGOTIATIONS IN SOUTH AFRICA BEGAN, 1984-1991 BY ZWELETHU JOLOBE Town Cape Thesis Presentedof for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY In the Department of Political Studies UniversityUNIVERSITY OF CAPE TOWN MAY 2014 Supervisor: Professor Annette Seegers The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgementTown of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Cape Published by the University ofof Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author. University Declaration I declare that this thesis is my own unaided work, both in concept and execution, and that apart from the normal guidance from my supervisor, I have received no assistance. It is being submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, at the University of Cape Town. Neither the substance nor any part of the thesis has been submitted in the past, or is being submitted for a degree at this University or at any other university. Zwelethu Jolobe May 2014 ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the pre-negotiation stage of the negotiation process in South Africa leading to the first plenary session of the Convention for a Democratic of South Africa on 20 December 1991. The pre-negotiation stage was that period in the South African conflict when negotiated solutions were considered, and negotiation towards a political settlement was adopted as an option by the major parties, namely the National Party South African government and the African National Congress. -
Anton Kannemeyer: Very Very Good, 2011, Acrylic on Canvas, 63 by 687⁄8 Inches; at Jack Shainman
EXHIBITION REVIEWS JANUARY 2012 Anton Kannemeyer: Very Very Good, 2011, acrylic on canvas, 63 by 687⁄8 inches; at Jack Shainman. ANTON KANNEMEYER big red lips and googly eyes. In The Sleep small, tidy collages laden with emotional JACK SHAINMAN of Reason Produces Monsters, a small contradiction. Here Kannemeyer juxta- When, in 1992, Anton Kannemeyer work on paper, Tintin dreams in bed, while poses news clippings about violent events and Conrad Botes began publishing the minstrel has materialized, naked and with gleaming ads and his own very beau- Bitterkomix—the underground comic shocked-looking, on an animal rug. Tables tiful, less comical, drawings of politicians books written mainly in their native lan- are turned in the 63-inch-square canvas or heroes. In these, formal orderliness guage, Afrikaans—they had a clear target Some Kind of Boo-Boo, in which three belies a content of economic and social for their biting satire, for apartheid had minstrel doctors diagnose Tintin, who lies breakdown, much as in the larger works not yet entirely fallen in South Africa. sweating on a gurney. In Very Very Good, cheery colors sublimate violence of a Bitterkomix was a huge hit—revelatory, a white artist (Kannemeyer’s self-portrait, more psychological nature. I imagine even liberating for many young South I was told) critiques a distressed-looking Kannemeyer’s work would be tough to Africans. Then rainbow democracy was minstrel-like student, assuring him in a live with, its message the darker for all the born, and truth and reconciliation warily speech bubble that really, he does like the pretty packaging. -
Carl Niehaus Against the World by Rebecca Davis • 12 February 2021
SOLDIER OF MISFORTUNE Carl Niehaus against the world By Rebecca Davis • 12 February 2021 Carl Niehaus. (Photo: Gallo Images / Sunday Times / Jackie Clausen) This week, Carl Niehaus led a group of supporters to former president Jacob Zuma's home. But within the ANC, Niehaus's days may be numbered — as signs are there that leadership is finally losing patience with the party's number one grifter. Carl Niehaus was born on Christmas Day, like Jesus Christ. It's a comparison which, in all probability, he has entertained more than once in his 61 years of life. In his own mind, it is clear that Niehaus considers himself a martyr to a higher cause. To South Africa's white lefties in particular, he is an embarrassment. For journalists, he is low-hanging fruit. Niehaus has popped up throughout South Africa's post-apartheid history in the manner of an increasingly ethically depleted Forrest Gump. Here he is as the MP, here he is as the spokesperson, here he is as the ambassador, here he is as the businessman, here he is as the former soldier. For every shift in the wind, there is a new Carl, with a back story newly retro-fitted to his new role. But there are signs that even Teflon Carl may be running out of road. ANC Secretary-General Ace Magashule has publicly expressed unhappiness with the factionalism Niehaus foments. Niehaus has been effectively suspended from Luthuli House. Within the ANC, he is facing a raft of disciplinary charges including the agonising allegation that he brings "ridicule" on to the ruling party.