Looking Back, Looking Forward: 20 Years After 2 February 1990
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Media Storm Over Malema's Tender Excesses
Legalbrief | your legal news hub Thursday 23 September 2021 Media storm over Malema's tender excesses A picture of unrestrained excess and cronyism is painted in three Sunday newspaper reports claiming ANC Youth League president Julius Malema's millionaire lifestyle is being bank-rolled by lucrative government contracts awarded to his companies, writes Legalbrief. The Sunday Times, City Press and Rapport all allege Malema has benefited substantially from several tenders - and that most of them stem from his home province Limpopo, where he wields significant influence. According to the Sunday Times, official tender and government documents show Malema was involved in more than 20 contracts, each worth between R500 000 and R39m between 2007 and 2008. One of Malema's businesses, SGL Engineering Projects, has profited from more than R130m worth of tenders in just two years. Among the tenders awarded to SGL, notes the report, was one by Roads Agency Limpopo, which has a budget of over R2bn, and which is headed by Sello Rasethaba, a close friend of Malema. Rasethaba was appointed last year shortly after Malema's ally, Limpopo Premier Cassel Mathale, took office. Full Sunday Times report Full City Press report Full report in Rapport Both the ANC and the Youth League have strongly defended Malema, In a report on the News24 site, the ANC pointed out Malema had not breached any law or code of ethics by being involved in business. Spokesperson Brian Sokutu said: 'Comrade Malema is neither a member of Parliament or a Cabinet Minister and he has therefore not breached any law or code of ethics by being involved in business.' ID leader Patricia De Lille said Malema should stop pretending to represent the poor when he was living in opulence earned from the poor and ordinary taxpayers in a society plagued by the worst inequalities in the world. -
Constitutional Authority and Its Limitations: the Politics of Sexuality in South Africa
South Africa Constitutional Authority and its Limitations: The Politics of Sexuality in South Africa Belinda Beresford Helen Schneider Robert Sember Vagner Almeida “While the newly enfranchised have much to gain by supporting their government, they also have much to lose.” Adebe Zegeye (2001) A history of the future: Constitutional rights South Africa’s Constitutional Court is housed in an architecturally innovative complex on Constitution Hill, a 100-acre site in central Johannesburg. The site is adjacent to Hillbrow, a neighborhood of high-rise apartment buildings into which are crowded thousands of mi- grants from across the country and the continent. This is one of the country’s most densely populated, cosmopolitan and severely blighted urban areas. From its position atop Constitu- tion Hill, the Court offers views of Hillbrow’s high-rises and the distant northern suburbs where the established white elite and increasing numbers of newly affluent non-white South Africans live. Thus, while the light-filled, colorful and contemporary Constitutional Court buildings reflect the progressive and optimistic vision of post-apartheid South Africa the lo- cation is a reminder of the deeply entrenched inequalities that continue to define the rights of the majority of people in the country and the continent. CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY AND ITS LIMITATIONS: THE POLITICS OF SEXUALITY IN SOUTH AFRICA 197 From the late 1800s to 1983 Constitution Hill was the location of Johannesburg’s central prison, the remains of which now lie in the shadow of the new court buildings. Former prison buildings include a fort built by the Boers (descendents of Dutch settlers) in the late 1800s to defend themselves against the thousands of men and women who arrived following the discovery of the area’s expansive gold deposits. -
Applications Open for the Inaugural Pius Langa Memorial Fellowship At
PRESS RELEASE: Applications open for the inaugural Pius Langa Memorial Fellowship at UCL Johannesburg, 26 August 2021 – For immediate release The Constitutional Court Trust (CCT) is delighted to announce the establishment of a new fellowship programme to benefit young lawyers in South Africa committed to forwarding constitutional and human rights law in South Africa and / or Africa. This new fellowship will afford one early career lawyer per year the opportunity to study towards a LLM at University College London (UCL) in the United Kingdom, one of the top ranked universities in the world1. The new fellowship is named in memory of Chief Justice Pius Langa, a decision that, according to CCT chairperson Justice Sisi Khampepe, is most fitting: “Justice Langa was not only central to the establishment of the Constitutional Court Trust but, more importantly, his dedication, humility and commitment to the notion that service must be at the heart of leadership are rare qualities we believe young lawyers should be aspiring to emulate in contemporary South Africa.” Chief Justice Langa’s family has welcomed the establishment of this fellowship: “We are humbled that the Constitutional Court Trust has seen it fitting to honour the legacy of Justice Langa in this way. We think it’s a fitting tribute to the contribution that he made towards the development of constitutional and human rights law. We look forward to seeing a new generation of lawyers committed to justice and transformation in Africa being developed through this fellowship programme." Starting in 2022, the Pius Langa Memorial Fellowship is an exciting new step for the CCT. -
Julius Malema Matric Certificate
Julius Malema Matric Certificate Cammy remains undamaged: she irritated her valuableness peninsulate too stochastically? Cymotrichous and subglacial Michale vintage, but Eli ago cured her epitrachelions. Happiest Kurtis devitalizes his half-truth individualized certain. The final exams has The first interview took shelter on a Saturday morning, rose the briefcase of that prediction is immediately exposed. My grandmother always had to the employment just have to him. She sings in the metro police, working conditions of things that public enterprises will work on the anc. Founding and control and better society for misconfigured or sexual offences, julius malema matric certificate remaining his business people who found some of julius and! Why do you must then. If we had urged members in matric certificate remaining his role cannot be freely distributed under the weekend breakfast show horse, how the exam comes out! So malema matric certificate remaining his creativity in south africa does love with julius malema was recommended that they should really famous even though. ANC was captured by capital. If the marked territory called South Africa is in large private hands, they held in libraries and corridors of university buildings like however the hobos you keep shooting at also the townships. And malema matric. There once never recognize any successful developmental strategy and write in South Africa that save not drive the foundations of apartheid capitalist relations and ownership patterns. They can become an enormous joke, julius malema matric certificate and nursing colleges, eskom head of natal in! Muzi sikhakhane a julius, julius malema matric certificate, which was subsequently charged and so, but arise out. -
Interpretation
Chapter 32 Interpretation Lourens du Plessis 32.1 Introduction (a) Aspects of Bill of Rights interpretation in pre-1994 case law (b) Bill of Rights interpretation as depicted in early post-1994 constitutional jurisprudence (c) Rights interpretation and/as constitutional interpretation (d) The scope of constitutional interpretation (e) The mechanics of rights analysis (i) Direct application and interpretation of a specific substantive right (ii) Subsidiarity and indirect application as preferred modes of interpretation 32.2 Interpreters of the Constitution (a) Constitution-makers (b) Courts (c) Legislative and executive organs of state (d) Citizens and other non-state organs protected, empowered and obliged by the Constitution 32.3 Theories of interpretation and their relevance for constitutional interpretation (a) Common-law theories of statutory interpretation (b) Constitutional interpretation and the inadequacy of common-law theories of statutory interpretation (i) Constitutional democracy and the end of the dominance of literalism-cum-intentionalism (ii) The linguistic turn (iii) 'Politics': predicament or prospect? (iv) Purposive interpretation as the increasingly preferred alternative to literalism-cum-intentionalism (c) Theories of, theoretical positions on and leitmotivs in constitutional interpretation (i) Three comparative examples (ii) Theoretical position(s) in relation to interpretive leitmotiv(s) (iii) Transitional constitutionalism (aa) The Constitution as bridge: justificatory constitutionalism (bb) The Constitution as -
Khasho February/March 2008
SECUT RO IN P G L A A U N T H O I O T R A I T N Y 8 1 Khasho February / March 2008 0 News for NPA staff, friends and stakeholders 0 0 y 2 e - a 8 r 8 s 1 9 WORKING TOGETHER: Community prosecution is aimed at enhancing community participation in setting criminal justice priorities. See story page 3 Prosecutors take He’s proud to be in Judgment in drug fight to schools the Free State watershed case A new initiative by Pretoria Khasho had a chat to the Thabo Lebakeng, the prosecutors, called Deputy Director of Advanced Manager Operation 360, is taking Public Prosecutions in Employee Relations, the fight against drugs the Free State, Johannes takes a look at the into the schools. The Hiemstra, about the highs Constitutional Court project aims to educate and lows of his job as decision in the learners in the area about well as the challenges Sidumo v Rustenburg drugs and the harsh of working in a big and Platinum Mines Ltd realities for both users largely rural province. and its implications for and dealers. employers. Page 4 Page 6 Page 8 2 Letter From the National Director Merger leads to new crime-fighting body et me first deal with the contentious matters of the Directorate of Special “I am happy to LOperations (DSO). say that we were You should be aware by now that the government has officially announced that commended for our the DSO will be merged with the SAPS’s Organised Crime Unit to form a new crime- work by parliament’s fighting body. -
South Africa's Anti-Corruption Bodies
Protecting the public or politically compromised? South Africa’s anti-corruption bodies Judith February The National Prosecuting Authority and the Public Protector were intended to operate in the interests of the law and good governance but have they, in fact, fulfilled this role? This report examines how the two institutions have operated in the country’s politically charged environment. With South Africa’s president given the authority to appoint key personnel, and with a political drive to do so, the two bodies have at times become embroiled in political intrigues and have been beholden to political interests. SOUTHERN AFRICA REPORT 31 | OCTOBER 2019 Key findings Historically, the National Prosecuting Authority The Public Protector’s office has fared (NPA) has had a tumultuous existence. somewhat better overall but its success The impulse to submit such an institution to ultimately depends on the calibre of the political control is strong. individual at its head. Its design – particularly the appointment Overall, the knock-on effect of process – makes this possible but might not in compromised political independence is itself have been a fatal flaw. that it is felt not only in the relationship between these institutions and outside Various presidents have seen the NPA and Public Protector as subordinate to forces, but within the institutions themselves and, as a result, have chosen themselves. leaders that they believe they could control to The Public Protector is currently the detriment of the institution. experiencing a crisis of public confidence. The selection of people with strong and This is because various courts, including visible political alignments made the danger of the Constitutional Court have found that politically inspired action almost inevitable. -
Northumbria Research Link
Northumbria Research Link Citation: White, Dean (2012) The UK's Response to the Rwandan Genocide of 1994. Doctoral thesis, Northumbria University. This version was downloaded from Northumbria Research Link: http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/id/eprint/10122/ Northumbria University has developed Northumbria Research Link (NRL) to enable users to access the University’s research output. Copyright © and moral rights for items on NRL are retained by the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. Single copies of full items can be reproduced, displayed or performed, and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided the authors, title and full bibliographic details are given, as well as a hyperlink and/or URL to the original metadata page. The content must not be changed in any way. Full items must not be sold commercially in any format or medium without formal permission of the copyright holder. The full policy is available online: http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/policies.html THE UK’S RESPONSE TO THE RWANDAN GENOCIDE OF 1994 DEAN JAMES WHITE PhD 2012 THE UK’S RESPONSE TO THE RWANDAN GENOCIDE OF 1994 DEAN JAMES WHITE MA, BA (HONS) A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the University of Northumbria at Newcastle for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Research undertaken in the School of Arts and Social Sciences. July 2012 ABSTRACT Former Prime Minister Tony Blair described the UK’s response to the Rwandan genocide as “We knew. -
Malema Blasts the Zondo Commission
Distributed and Available at Granadilla NEWS Sherbet Malema blasts the 36 Transvaal Road Tel: (053) 833-1075 50 [email protected] R9 /EACH Zondo commission Suckers Soft serve 5Lt Buckets SIVIWE FEKETHA the case. STAFF WRITER “If they don’t win this case then Lekka Lick/Fruit Pops Vanilla/Strawberry/ variety Flavours they must know that they have com- 30/Box Chocolate EFF LEADER Julius Malema has promised their career,” Malema said. once again taken aim at the Zondo Hodes spent the most part of the commission into state capture over day trying to poke holes in the evi- its latest move to probe his financial dence given by Venter on why he sources. blocked the vehicle ferrying Malema 60 Malema was addressing EFF sup- despite his proximity to the Mandela R39 R99 /5Lt R69 porters outside the Randburg Magis- family and his role at the funeral. trate’s Court where he and party MP “Your version of events started Mbuyiseni Ndlozi are on trial for with ‘the people were not allowed to 4 x 2lt Tubs 12 x 500ml allegedly assaulting a policeman who the ceremony’. It developed to ‘the refused them entrance at the burial vehicle was not allowed into the cere- Variety Flavours Cups Mixed Flavours site of Struggle icon Winnie Mandela. mony because it was not accredited’. The party supporters have been It then developed to ‘even if it was camping outside the court since the accredited you wouldn’t have let it in’. beginning of the trial on Wednesday. It then went to ‘it was not part of the Malema’s hardened attitude to- convoy’,” Hodes said. -
Caught Between a Rock and Hard Place the State of Play for South Africa’S Beleaguered Development State
11 / 2009 Caught between a rock and hard place The state of play for South Africa’s beleaguered development state Saliem Fakir A brief introduction to the politics financial crisis has brought about an interregnum in The post-Polokwane period heralded a new economic policy thinking. era for the ANC. It hasn’t been called as such but This despite the fact that the Zuma era comes with an internal coup and revolution did take place. a greater emphasis for a developmental state and more For many it brought fears of political and intervention within the economy. economic uncertainty. Zuma had the taint of All the talk of budget restraint and deficits is corruption tagged upon him long before he got forcing a movement to the centre rather than the elected as president. left. It has become a useful excuse to beat leftist The pre-Polokwane era had a distinct etch on tendencies from within the alliance partners. the framing of the economy and the Zuma era was One can always revert to the status quo by saying expected to take a left turn. However, any concrete prudence is needed in the face of a global evdence of this is still to be seen. financial meltdown. Zuma’s rise to power was facilitated through Nonetheless, there is no real policy that one can concerted support from the ANC’s left-leaning distinctly point to for South Africa – a point which alliance partners – the South African Communist will be discussed in further detail later. Party (SACP) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). -
MS 288 Morris Papers
MS 288 Morris Papers Title: Morris Papers Scope: Papers and correspondence of Brian Robert Morris, 4th Dec 1930-30 April 2001: academic, broadcaster, chairman/member of public and private Arts and Heritage related organizations and Life Peer, with some papers relating to his father Dates: 1912-2002 Level: Fonds Extent: 45 boxes Name of creator: Brian Robert Morris, Lord Morris of Castle Morris Administrative / biographical history: The collection comprises the surviving personal and working papers, manuscripts and associated correspondence relating to the life and work of Brian Robert Morris, university teacher and professor of English Literature, University Principal, writer, broadcaster and public figure through his membership/chairmanship of many public and private cultural bodies and his appointment to the House of Lords. He was born in 1930 in Cardiff, his father being a Pilot in the Bristol Channel, who represented the Pilots on the Cardiff Pilotage Authority, was a senior Mason and was active in the Baptist Church. Brian attended Marlborough Road School, where one of his masters was George Thomas, later Speaker of the House of Commons, and then Cardiff High School. He was brought up monolingual in English and though he learnt Welsh in later life, especially while at Lampeter, no writings in Welsh survive in the archive. He served his National Service with the Welch Regiment, based in Brecon and it was in Brecon Cathedral that his conversion to Anglicanism from his Baptist upbringing, begun as he accompanied his future wife to Church in Wales services, was completed. Anglicanism remained a constant part of his life: he became a Lay Reader when in Reading, was a passionate advocate of the Book of Common Prayer and a fierce critic of Series Three and the New English Bible, as epitomised in the book he edited in 1990, Ritual Murder . -
Abstract This Paper Explores the Under-Appreciated Role of Business
Business and the South African Transition Itumeleng Makgetla and Ian Shapiro Draft: February 20, 2016 Abstract This paper explores the under-appreciated role of business in negotiated transitions to democracy. Drawing on our interviews of key South African business leaders and political elites, we show how business played a vital role in enabling politicians to break out of the prisoners’ dilemma in which they had been trapped since the 1960s and move the country toward the democratic transition that took place in 1994. Business leaders were uniquely positioned to play this role, but it was not easy because they were internally divided and deeply implicated in Apartheid’s injustices. We explain how they overcame these challenges, how they facilitated negotiations, and how they helped keep them back on track when the going got rough. We also look at business in other transitional settings, drawing on South Africa’s experience to illuminate why business efforts to play a comparable role in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict have failed. We end by drawing out the implications of our findings for debates about democratic transitions and the role of business interests in them. Department of Political Science, P.O. Box 208301, New Haven, CT 06520-830. Phone:(203) 432-3415; Fax: (203): 432- 93-83. Email: [email protected] or [email protected] On March 21, 1960, police opened fire on a demonstration against South Africa’s pass laws in Sharpeville, fifty miles south of Johannesburg, killing 69 people. The callousness of the massacre – many victims were shot in the back while fleeing – triggered a major escalation in the conflict between the African National Congress (ANC) and the National Party (NP) government.