Opposition Party Governor Takes Office in Chihuahua." (1992)

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Opposition Party Governor Takes Office in Chihuahua.

University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository SourceMex Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) 10-7-1992 Opposition Party Governor Takes Officen I Chihuahua Carlos Navarro Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/sourcemex Recommended Citation Navarro, Carlos. "Opposition Party Governor Takes Office In Chihuahua." (1992). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/sourcemex/ 2186 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in SourceMex by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LADB Article Id: 059186 ISSN: 1054-8890 Opposition Party Governor Takes Office In Chihuahua by Carlos Navarro Category/Department: General Published: Wednesday, October 7, 1992 On the evening of Oct. 3, Francisco Barrio Terrazas was inaugurated governor of Chihuahua state during a ceremony attended by President Carlos Salinas de Gortari. Barrio, a member of the National Action Party (PAN), was the third opposition party governor to take office since the ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) took power in 1929. PAN's Ernesto Ruffo was elected governor of Baja California state two years ago. In November last year, Carlos Medina Plascencia of the PAN was appointed interim governor of Guanajuato state. Although electoral officials declared PRI candidate Ramon Aguirre the winner of gubernatorial elections, he resigned before taking office. The PRI was accused of massive fraud. (Source: Agence France-Presse, 10/03/92) -- End -- ©2011 The University of New Mexico, Latin American & Iberian Institute. All rights reserved. Page 1 of 1.

Copy Link

Recommended publications

The Mexican Business Class and the Processes Of
/?s % THE MEXICAN BUSINESS CLASS AND THE PROCESSES OF GLOBALIZATION TRENDS AND COUNTER-TRENDS Alejandra Salas-Porras London School of Economics Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor in Philosphy in November of 1996 UMI Number: U615514 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615514 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 T h £ S £ S F 95 e British 1 ™£c°mmicsa.Z 121 ABSTRACT This thesis discusses the globalising processes undergone by a segment of the Mexican business class, notably: the spaces of the world economy they control; their links to social and political networks of global scope, as well as to global movements and currents of thought; and the interests, strategies, projects and perceptions which they share with their counterparts around the world. It argues that they have become one of the main and most powerful forces for the integration of the country in the global capitalist system. Globalising processes lived and promoted by the Mexican business class are contradictory in several respects: on one hand, modernisation, institutionalisation and depersonalisation of corporate structures and of the system of business representation; is hindered by business clientelism and corruption in party funding.
[Show full text]
A Guide to the Leadership Elections of the Institutional Revolutionary
A Guide to the Leadership Elections of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, the National Action Party, and the Democratic Revolutionary Party George W. Grayson February 19, 2002 CSIS AMERICAS PROGRAM Policy Papers on the Americas A GUIDE TO THE LEADERSHIP ELECTIONS OF THE PRI, PAN, & PRD George W. Grayson Policy Papers on the Americas Volume XIII, Study 3 February 19, 2002 CSIS Americas Program About CSIS For four decades, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has been dedicated to providing world leaders with strategic insights on—and policy solutions to—current and emerging global issues. CSIS is led by John J. Hamre, formerly deputy secretary of defense, who has been president and CEO since April 2000. It is guided by a board of trustees chaired by former senator Sam Nunn and consisting of prominent individuals from both the public and private sectors. The CSIS staff of 190 researchers and support staff focus primarily on three subject areas. First, CSIS addresses the full spectrum of new challenges to national and international security. Second, it maintains resident experts on all of the world’s major geographical regions. Third, it is committed to helping to develop new methods of governance for the global age; to this end, CSIS has programs on technology and public policy, international trade and finance, and energy. Headquartered in Washington, D.C., CSIS is private, bipartisan, and tax-exempt. CSIS does not take specific policy positions; accordingly, all views expressed herein should be understood to be solely those of the author. © 2002 by the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
[Show full text]
The Carranza-Villa Split and Factionalism in the Mexican Revolution, 1913--1914
University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers Graduate School 1986 Prelude to fratricide| The Carranza-Villa split and factionalism in the Mexican Revolution, 1913--1914 Joseph Charles O'Dell The University of Montana Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation O'Dell, Joseph Charles, "Prelude to fratricide| The Carranza-Villa split and factionalism in the Mexican Revolution, 1913--1914" (1986). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 3287. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/3287 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. COPYRIGHT ACT OF 1976 THIS IS AN UNPUBLISHED MANUSCRIPT IN WHICH COPYRIGHT SUB SISTS. ANY FURTHER REPRINTING OF ITS CONTENTS MUST BE APPROVED BY THE AUTHOR. MANSFIELD LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF MONTANA DATE : 19 86 PRELUDE TO FRATRICIDE: THE CARRANZA-VILLA SPLIT AND FACTIONALISM IN THE MEXICAN REVOLUTION, 1913-1914 by Joseph Charles O'Dell, Jr. B.A., University of Montana, 1984 Presented in partial fulfillment of requirements for the degree of Master of Arts University of Montana 1986 pproved by: Examiners Dean, GraduaterTschool ^ $4 Date UMI Number: EP36375 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted.
[Show full text]
PANCHO VILLA's ARMY in REVOLUTIONARY MEXICO By
Triumph of the Vanquished: Pancho Villa's Army in Revolutionary Mexico Item Type text; Electronic Dissertation Authors Klingemann, John Eusebio Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 24/09/2021 11:49:29 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/193696 TRIUMPH OF THE VANQUISHED: PANCHO VILLA’S ARMY IN REVOLUTIONARY MEXICO by JOHN EUSEBIO KLINGEMANN _____________________ A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY In the Graduate College THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA 2008 2 THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA GRADUATE COLLEGE As members of the Dissertation Committee, we certify that we have read the dissertation prepared by John Eusebio Klingemann entitled Triumph of the Vanquished: Pancho Villa’s Army in Revolutionary Mexico and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy ____________________________________________________________Date: 11/03/08 Oscar Martínez ____________________________________________________________Date: 11/03/08 Kevin Gosner ____________________________________________________________Date: 11/03/08 Katherine Morrissey ___________________________________________________________Date:
[Show full text]
The Party System and Democratic Governance in Mexico
The Party System and Democratic Governance in Mexico José Antonio Crespo Policy Papers on the Americas Volume XV, Study 2 March 2004 About CSIS For four decades, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has been dedicated to providing world leaders with strategic insights on—and policy solutions to— current and emerging global issues. CSIS is led by John J. Hamre, former U.S. deputy secretary of defense. It is guided by a board of trustees chaired by former U.S. senator Sam Nunn and consisting of prominent individuals from both the public and private sectors. The CSIS staff of 190 researchers and support staff focus primarily on three subject areas. First, CSIS addresses the full spectrum of new challenges to national and international security. Second, it maintains resident experts on all of the world’s major geographical regions. Third, it is committed to helping to develop new methods of governance for the global age; to this end, CSIS has programs on technology and public policy, international trade and finance, and energy. Headquartered in Washington, D.C., CSIS is private, bipartisan, and tax-exempt. CSIS does not take specific policy positions; accordingly, all views expressed herein should be understood to be solely those of the author(s). CSIS Americas Program Leadership Sidney Weintraub, director, Americas Program, and William E. Simon Chair in Political Economy Viviane Vanni, coordinator, Americas Program Armand Peschard-Sverdrup, director, Mexico Project Sara Rioff, research assistant, Mexico Project Miguel Diaz, director, South America Project Elizabeth Hetzler, research associate, South America Project Andre Belelieu, research associate, Canada Project © 2004 by the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
[Show full text]
Proquest Dissertations
The geography of interests: Urban regime theory and the construction of a bi-national urban regime in the United States/Mexico border region (1980-1999) Item Type text; Dissertation-Reproduction (electronic) Authors Llera Pacheco, Francisco Javier Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 07/10/2021 06:44:19 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/289102 INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction Is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event ttiat the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overiaps. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy.
[Show full text]
A Guide to the 2004 Mexican State Elections
A Guide to the 2004 Mexican State Elections George W. Grayson July 2004 Western Hemisphere Election Study Series About CSIS For four decades, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has been dedicated to providing world leaders with strategic insights on—and policy solutions to—current and emerging global issues. CSIS is led by John J. Hamre, former U.S. deputy secretary of defense. It is guided by a board of trustees chaired by former U.S. senator Sam Nunn and consisting of prominent individuals from both the public and private sectors. The CSIS staff of 190 researchers and support staff focus primarily on three subject areas. First, CSIS addresses the full spectrum of new challenges to national and international security. Second, it maintains resident experts on all of the world’s major geographical regions. Third, it is committed to helping to develop new methods of governance for the global age; to this end, CSIS has programs on technology and public policy, international trade and finance, and energy. Headquartered in Washington, D.C., CSIS is private, bipartisan, and tax-exempt. CSIS does not take specific policy positions; accordingly, all views expressed herein should be understood to be solely those of the author. CSIS Americas Program Leadership Sidney Weintraub, director, Americas Program, and William E. Simon Chair in Political Economy Viviane Vanni, coordinator, Americas Program Armand Peschard-Sverdrup, director, Mexico Project Sara Rioff, research assistant, Mexico Project Miguel Diaz, director, South America Project Elizabeth Hetzler, research associate, South America Project Andre Belelieu, research associate, Canada Project © 2004 by the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
[Show full text]
Mexico 2017 Human Rights Report
MEXICO 2017 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Mexico, which has 32 states, is a multiparty federal republic with an elected president and bicameral legislature. In 2012 President Enrique Pena Nieto of the Institutional Revolutionary Party won election to a single six-year term in elections observers considered free and fair. Citizens elected members of the Senate in 2012 and members of the Chamber of Deputies in 2015. Observers considered the June 2016 gubernatorial elections free and fair. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control over the security forces. The most significant human rights issues included involvement by police, military, and other state officials, sometimes in coordination with criminal organizations, in unlawful killings, disappearances, and torture; harsh and life-threatening prison conditions in some prisons; arbitrary arrests and detentions; intimidation and corruption of judges; violence against journalists by government and organized criminal groups; violence against migrants by government officers and organized criminal groups; corruption; lethal violence and sexual assault against institutionalized persons with disabilities; lethal violence against members of the indigenous population and against lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex persons; and lethal violence against priests by criminal organizations. Impunity for human rights abuses remained a problem, with extremely low rates of prosecution for all forms of crimes. Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from: a. Arbitrary Deprivation of Life and Other Unlawful or Politically Motivated Killings There were reports the government or its agents committed arbitrary or unlawful killings, often with impunity. Organized criminal groups also were implicated in numerous killings, acting with impunity and at times in league with corrupt federal, state, local, and security officials.
[Show full text]
CRWS Paper, May 2021.Docx
Berkeley Center for Right-Wing Studies Working Paper Series TUMOR: The (Dis)organization of the Right-Wing Opposition against Mexico’s ‘Fourth Transformation’ by Julián Castro-Rea, University of Alberta, Canada, and Gerardo Centeno García, University of Ottawa, Canada Presented at the 2021 Joint Conference on Right-Wing Studies and Research on Male Supremacism May 10-14, 2021 TUMOR: The (Dis)organization of the Right-Wing Opposition against Mexico’s ‘Fourth Transformation’ Julián Castro-Rea University of Alberta, Canada [email protected] Gerardo Centeno García University of Ottawa, Canada [email protected] Abstract Mexico’s current government, led by president Andrés Manuel López Obrador (December 2018-November 2024), launched a program of major overhaul of the country’s governance named “The Fourth Transformation (4T)”. While the reform agenda is largely supported by the masses, these measures have met a strong, multifaceted and relentless reaction from the social and political interests being affected, couched in a right-wing discourse. This opposition, carried out either by individual actors or by coalitions of organized interests, has been sarcastically dubbed TUMOR (“Todos unidos contra Morena”, All United against Morena, the party in power) by 4T supporters. This article aims at mapping and analyzing the right-wing movement of resistance to the 4T, identifying its main individual and collective actors, their strategies and their international allies. It tests the hypothesis suggested in Kevin Middlebrook’s theory about conservatism and the right in Latin America: when economically and socially privileged actors feel deprived of political power to protect their interests, they resort to whatever means and strategy is at their disposal to regain the lost influence.
[Show full text]
Mexican Immigration and Border Strategy During the Revolution, 1910Â•Fi1920
New Mexico Historical Review Volume 57 Number 3 Article 5 7-1-1982 Mexican Immigration and Border Strategy During the Revolution, 1910–1920 Douglas W. Richmond Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/nmhr Recommended Citation Richmond, Douglas W.. "Mexican Immigration and Border Strategy During the Revolution, 1910–1920." New Mexico Historical Review 57, 3 (1982). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/nmhr/vol57/iss3/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in New Mexico Historical Review by an authorized editor of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected], [email protected]. MEXICAN IMMIGRATION AND BORDER STRATEGY DURING THE REVOLUTION, 1910-1920 DOUGLAS W. RICHMOND' AFTER DEFEATING a variety ofrivals by 1915, Venustiano Carranza established a nationalist government that confronted Woodrow Wil son and the United States. Many ofthe resulting conflicts originated along the U.S.-Mexican border because life in that area became violent. The uncertain status of Mexican braceros and immigrants became important issues for both governments, especially when Carranza decided to remedy the plight of Mexican immigrants and to' organize them as his allies. Political strategies and the economies of both countries depended upon successful resolution of these border disputes. Mexico's most important political change, the Revolution of1910 to 1920, naturally dominated these years. Beginningwith the efforts of Ricardo and Enrique Flores Mag6n to organize armed resistance and working class solidarity against the governments of Porfirio 0,' .' Diaz and Francisco Madero, anarchosyndicalism became one of the radical manifestations ofa social revolution affecting the border after 1910.
[Show full text]
Proquest Dissertations
Contemporary Mexico's policy toward the Mexican diaspora in the United States Item Type text; Dissertation-Reproduction (electronic) Authors Garcia-Acevedo, Maria Rosa Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 07/10/2021 03:25:03 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282198 INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced fi-om the microfilm master. UMI fihns the text directly firom the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter &ce, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, b^inning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book.
[Show full text]
KAHN-DISSERTATION-2017.Pdf (3.491Mb)
ELUSIVE ALLIANCES: LOCAL GOVERNMENTS, TRANSNATIONAL CAPITAL, AND REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN POST-REFORM MEXICO by Theodore A. Kahn A dissertation submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Baltimore, Maryland April, 2017 © 2017 Theodore A. Kahn All Rights Reserved Abstract This dissertation seeks to explain the economic performance of Mexican states during and after the implementation of political and economic reforms by the central government beginning in the 1980s. Existing studies have addressed this question through statistical and econometric analysis that identify proximate growth determinants. By contrast, I focus on how distinct state-level institutions for managing relations among government, business, and labor emerged out of Mexico’s market reforms, democratization, and policy decentralization. These divergent institutions reflected differences in the pre-existing organization of social groups, in particular organized business. Through a paired comparison of two states in central Mexico, Puebla and Querétaro, I show how the active participation of large, modernizing national and transnational manufacturing firms in Querétaro’s local business associations beginning in the 1960s imbued local business with a developmentalist orientation. In Puebla, the lack of incorporation of large firms meant that local business associations continued to be dominated by an insular local business elite with a strong, conservative political identity. Faced with these differences, local politicians pursued divergent strategies in response to reforms at the national level. Governors in Querétaro constructed institutions for cooperation with organized business and labor, which included regular, economy- wide policy coordination; the inclusion of technocratic business leaders in top posts in the state bureaucracy; and informal norms of conciliation and compromise.
[Show full text]