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The Mexican Business Class and the Processes Of
/?s % THE MEXICAN BUSINESS CLASS AND THE PROCESSES OF GLOBALIZATION TRENDS AND COUNTER-TRENDS Alejandra Salas-Porras London School of Economics Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor in Philosphy in November of 1996 UMI Number: U615514 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615514 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 T h £ S £ S F 95 e British 1 ™£c°mmicsa.Z 121 ABSTRACT This thesis discusses the globalising processes undergone by a segment of the Mexican business class, notably: the spaces of the world economy they control; their links to social and political networks of global scope, as well as to global movements and currents of thought; and the interests, strategies, projects and perceptions which they share with their counterparts around the world. It argues that they have become one of the main and most powerful forces for the integration of the country in the global capitalist system. Globalising processes lived and promoted by the Mexican business class are contradictory in several respects: on one hand, modernisation, institutionalisation and depersonalisation of corporate structures and of the system of business representation; is hindered by business clientelism and corruption in party funding. -
A Guide to the Leadership Elections of the Institutional Revolutionary
A Guide to the Leadership Elections of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, the National Action Party, and the Democratic Revolutionary Party George W. Grayson February 19, 2002 CSIS AMERICAS PROGRAM Policy Papers on the Americas A GUIDE TO THE LEADERSHIP ELECTIONS OF THE PRI, PAN, & PRD George W. Grayson Policy Papers on the Americas Volume XIII, Study 3 February 19, 2002 CSIS Americas Program About CSIS For four decades, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has been dedicated to providing world leaders with strategic insights on—and policy solutions to—current and emerging global issues. CSIS is led by John J. Hamre, formerly deputy secretary of defense, who has been president and CEO since April 2000. It is guided by a board of trustees chaired by former senator Sam Nunn and consisting of prominent individuals from both the public and private sectors. The CSIS staff of 190 researchers and support staff focus primarily on three subject areas. First, CSIS addresses the full spectrum of new challenges to national and international security. Second, it maintains resident experts on all of the world’s major geographical regions. Third, it is committed to helping to develop new methods of governance for the global age; to this end, CSIS has programs on technology and public policy, international trade and finance, and energy. Headquartered in Washington, D.C., CSIS is private, bipartisan, and tax-exempt. CSIS does not take specific policy positions; accordingly, all views expressed herein should be understood to be solely those of the author. © 2002 by the Center for Strategic and International Studies. -
The Party System and Democratic Governance in Mexico
The Party System and Democratic Governance in Mexico José Antonio Crespo Policy Papers on the Americas Volume XV, Study 2 March 2004 About CSIS For four decades, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has been dedicated to providing world leaders with strategic insights on—and policy solutions to— current and emerging global issues. CSIS is led by John J. Hamre, former U.S. deputy secretary of defense. It is guided by a board of trustees chaired by former U.S. senator Sam Nunn and consisting of prominent individuals from both the public and private sectors. The CSIS staff of 190 researchers and support staff focus primarily on three subject areas. First, CSIS addresses the full spectrum of new challenges to national and international security. Second, it maintains resident experts on all of the world’s major geographical regions. Third, it is committed to helping to develop new methods of governance for the global age; to this end, CSIS has programs on technology and public policy, international trade and finance, and energy. Headquartered in Washington, D.C., CSIS is private, bipartisan, and tax-exempt. CSIS does not take specific policy positions; accordingly, all views expressed herein should be understood to be solely those of the author(s). CSIS Americas Program Leadership Sidney Weintraub, director, Americas Program, and William E. Simon Chair in Political Economy Viviane Vanni, coordinator, Americas Program Armand Peschard-Sverdrup, director, Mexico Project Sara Rioff, research assistant, Mexico Project Miguel Diaz, director, South America Project Elizabeth Hetzler, research associate, South America Project Andre Belelieu, research associate, Canada Project © 2004 by the Center for Strategic and International Studies. -
Proquest Dissertations
Contemporary Mexico's policy toward the Mexican diaspora in the United States Item Type text; Dissertation-Reproduction (electronic) Authors Garcia-Acevedo, Maria Rosa Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 07/10/2021 03:25:03 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282198 INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced fi-om the microfilm master. UMI fihns the text directly firom the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter &ce, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, b^inning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book. -
Opposition Party Governor Takes Office in Chihuahua." (1992)
University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository SourceMex Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) 10-7-1992 Opposition Party Governor Takes Officen I Chihuahua Carlos Navarro Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/sourcemex Recommended Citation Navarro, Carlos. "Opposition Party Governor Takes Office In Chihuahua." (1992). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/sourcemex/ 2186 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in SourceMex by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LADB Article Id: 059186 ISSN: 1054-8890 Opposition Party Governor Takes Office In Chihuahua by Carlos Navarro Category/Department: General Published: Wednesday, October 7, 1992 On the evening of Oct. 3, Francisco Barrio Terrazas was inaugurated governor of Chihuahua state during a ceremony attended by President Carlos Salinas de Gortari. Barrio, a member of the National Action Party (PAN), was the third opposition party governor to take office since the ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) took power in 1929. PAN's Ernesto Ruffo was elected governor of Baja California state two years ago. In November last year, Carlos Medina Plascencia of the PAN was appointed interim governor of Guanajuato state. Although electoral officials declared PRI candidate Ramon Aguirre the winner of gubernatorial elections, he resigned before taking office. The PRI was accused of massive fraud. (Source: Agence France-Presse, 10/03/92) -- End -- ©2011 The University of New Mexico, Latin American & Iberian Institute. All rights reserved. Page 1 of 1. -
KAHN-DISSERTATION-2017.Pdf (3.491Mb)
ELUSIVE ALLIANCES: LOCAL GOVERNMENTS, TRANSNATIONAL CAPITAL, AND REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN POST-REFORM MEXICO by Theodore A. Kahn A dissertation submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Baltimore, Maryland April, 2017 © 2017 Theodore A. Kahn All Rights Reserved Abstract This dissertation seeks to explain the economic performance of Mexican states during and after the implementation of political and economic reforms by the central government beginning in the 1980s. Existing studies have addressed this question through statistical and econometric analysis that identify proximate growth determinants. By contrast, I focus on how distinct state-level institutions for managing relations among government, business, and labor emerged out of Mexico’s market reforms, democratization, and policy decentralization. These divergent institutions reflected differences in the pre-existing organization of social groups, in particular organized business. Through a paired comparison of two states in central Mexico, Puebla and Querétaro, I show how the active participation of large, modernizing national and transnational manufacturing firms in Querétaro’s local business associations beginning in the 1960s imbued local business with a developmentalist orientation. In Puebla, the lack of incorporation of large firms meant that local business associations continued to be dominated by an insular local business elite with a strong, conservative political identity. Faced with these differences, local politicians pursued divergent strategies in response to reforms at the national level. Governors in Querétaro constructed institutions for cooperation with organized business and labor, which included regular, economy- wide policy coordination; the inclusion of technocratic business leaders in top posts in the state bureaucracy; and informal norms of conciliation and compromise. -
The Privatization of Public Goods in Ciudad Juárez
PUBLIC POLICY IN URBAN DEVELOPMENT: THE PRIVATIZATION OF PUBLIC GOODS IN CIUDAD JUÁREZ Lourdes Ampudia Rueda Visiting Scholar, Baker Institute Mexico Center; Research Professor, Institute of Social Sciences and Administration, Universidad Autónoma de Ciudad Juárez April 2019 © 2019 by Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy This material may be quoted or reproduced without prior permission, provided appropriate credit is given to the author and Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy. Wherever feasible, papers are reviewed by outside experts before they are released. However, the research and views expressed in this paper are those of the individual researcher(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of the Baker Institute. Lourdes Ampudia Rueda “Public Policy in Urban Development: The Privatization of Public Goods in Ciudad Juárez” https://doi.org/10.25613/ayg5-qp17 Public Policy in Urban Development Introduction Recently, there has been a lot of discussion about an important issue—the privatization of public goods by indirect means. This is also referred to as the transfer of collective assets, the usufruct1 of those goods, or the profits from them to private actors through the creation and implementation of public policies that favor individuals. In Mexico, this privatization has been associated with far-reaching, fundamental changes in the country’s approach to public policy. One of these key changes is the fact that the economic elite have been increasingly open in their participation in public policy and administration since the 1980s. They have gotten involved in public decision-making processes, thereby expanding their influence on the government’s actions, often in favor of their own private interests.