Greek Art in Motion Studies in Honour of Sir John Boardman On the Occasion of His 90Th Birthday

Greek Art in Motion Studies in honour of Sir John Boardman on the occasion of his 90th birthday

edited by Rui Morais, Delfim Leão, Diana Rodríguez Pérez

with Daniela Ferreira

Archaeopress Archaeology Archaeopress Publishing Ltd Summertown Pavilion 18-24 Middle Way Summertown Oxford OX2 7LG www.archaeopress.com

ISBN 978 1 78969 023 1 ISBN 978 1 78969 024 8 (e-Pdf)

Cover: Head of Alexander in profile. Tourmaline intaglio, 25 x 25 mm, Ashmolean (1892.1499) G.J. Chester Bequest. Photo: C. Wagner.

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This book is available direct from Archaeopress or from our website www.archaeopress.com Contents

Preface ��1 John Boardman and Greek Sculpture ��3 Olga Palagia Sanctuaries and the Hellenistic Polis: An Architectural Approach ��14 Milena Melfi ‘Even the fragments, however, merit scrutiny’: Ancient Terracottas in the Field and the Museum ��23 Lucilla Burn The Good, the Bad, and the Misleading: A Network of Names on (Mainly) Athenian Vases. ��31 Thomas Mannack

Studying Gems: Collectors and Scholars ��37 Claudia Wagner

Buildings and History ��46 P. J. Rhodes

John Boardman at 90: ‘New’ Archaeology or ‘Old’? Confessions of a Crypto-Archaeologist ��55 Paul Cartledge

Some Recent Developments in the Study of Greeks Overseas ��59 Gocha R. Tsetskhladze Sculpture

Godlike Images: Priestesses in Greek Sculpture ��69 Iphigeneia Leventi

The Nude Constantinople: Masterpieces of Greek Sculpture at Byzantium according to the Greek Anthology �� 78 Carlos A. Martins de Jesus

Ornaments or Amulets: A Peculiar Jewel on Dedicatory Statues ��85 Olympia Bobou

Architecture

Greek Emporios in Chios: The Archaeological Data from the Excavations of the Last Decades ��93 Kokona Roungou and Eleni Vouligea

Temples with a Double Cella: New Thoughts on a Little-Known Type of Temple �� 106 Ugo Fusco

i Terracotas and Metal

Images of Dionysos, Images for Dionysos: The God’s Terracottas at Cycladic Sanctuaries �� 115 Erica Angliker

An Unusual Sympotic Scene on a Silver Cup from Ancient Thrace: Questions of Iconography and Manufacture �� 127 Amalia Avramidou

Forgeries in a Museum: A New Approach to Ancient Greek Pottery ��136 Claudina Romero Mayorga

Beyond Trade: The presence of Archaic and Classical Greek Bronze Vessels in the Northern Black Sea Area �� 139 Chiara Tarditi

Greek Pottery

Makron’s Eleusinian Mysteries: Vase-Painting, Myth, and Dress in Late Archaic Greece �� 153 Anthony Mangieri

Timagoras: An Athenian Potter to be Rediscovered ��164 Christine Walter

Revisiting a Plate in the Ashmolean Museum: A New Interpretation ��174 Marianne Bergeron

The Greek Pottery of the Tagus Estuary ��185 Ana Margarida Arruda and Elisa de Sousa

Vases on Vases: An Overview of Approaches ��194 Konstantina Tsonaka

Intriguing Objects of Desire: Collecting Greek Vases, a Short History Unfolded ��204 Daniela Freitas Ferreira

Youth in an Enclosed Context: New Notes on the Attic Pottery from the Iberian Tútugi Necropolis (Granada, Galera) �� 212 Carmen Rueda and Ricardo Olmos

An Overview of Brazilian Studies on Greek Pottery: Tradition and Future Perspectives �� 226 Carolina Kesser Barcellos Dias and Camila Diogo de Souza

Coins

Sculptures and Coins: A Contextual Case Study from Side ��239 Alice Landskron

The Romanitas of Mark Antony’s Eastern Coins ��249 João Paulo Simões Valério

War and Numismatics in Greek Sicily: Two Sides of the Same Coin ��259 José Miguel Puebla Morón

ii Iconography of Poseidon in Greek Coinage ��264 María Rodríguez López

The Silver Akragatine Tetradrachms with Quadriga: A New Catalogue ��276 Viviana Lo Monaco

Gems and Glass

Why was Actaeon Punished? Reading and Seeing the Evolution of a Myth ��287 José Malheiro Magalhães

Greek Myth on Magical Gems: Survivals and Revivals ��299 Paolo Vitellozzi

From Routine to Reconstruction ��311 Susan Walker

Greek History and Archaeology

The Database of the Iberia Graeca Centre ��325 Xavier Aquilué, Paloma Cabrera and Pol Carreras

The Greeks Overseas: A Bioarchaeological Approach ��335 Tasos Zisis and Christina Papageorgopoulou

The Messenian Island of Prote and its Relation to Navigation in Greece and the Mediterranean �� 343 Stamatis A. Fritzilas

Naukratis - Yet Again ��355 Astrid Möller

The Tomb of the Roaring Lions at Veii: Its Relation to Greek Geometric and Early Orientalizing Art �� 358 Gabriele Koiner

Perserschutt in Eretria? Pottery from a Pit in the Agora ��366 Tamara Saggini

Greeks Overseas

A Bridge to Overseas: Insight into the geomorphology, harbourworks and harbour layouts of the Archaic and Classical Greek harbours ��377 Chiara Maria Mauro

Gandharan Odalisque: Mounted Nereids on Gandharan Stone Palettes ��386 SeungJung Kim

The Attic Pottery from the Persephoneion of Locri Epizefiri between Ritual Practices and Worship �� 396 Elvia Giudice and Giada Giudice

Was Knossos a Home for Phoenician Traders? ��408 Judith Muñoz Sogas

iii Greek Divine Cures Overseas: Italian Realisations of the Greek Paradigm ��417 Lidia Ożarowska

Reception and Collecting

Wine and Blood? Dionysus, Other Gods and Heroes in a Catholic Chapel of Britiande (Lamego, Portugal) ��431 Nuno Resende

Pavlovsk Imperial Villa and its Collections: From the First Stage of Antiquities Collecting and Archaeology in Russia ��441 Anastasia Bukina and Anna Petrakova

Art and Myth

Greek Myths Abroad: A Comparative, Iconographic Study of Their Funerary Uses in Ancient Italy ��455 Valeria Riedemann Lorca

Orphica Non Grata? Underworld Palace Scenes on Apulian Red-Figure Pottery Revisited ��465 Karolina Sekita

Geryon in Tatarli ��475 Malcolm Davies

New Identifications of Heroes and Heroines on the West Pediment of the Parthenon: The Case of P, Q, and R ��480 Ioannis Mitsios

A New Sicilian Curse Corpus: A Blueprint for a Geographical and Chronological Analysis of Defixiones from Sicily ��489 Thea Sommerschield

Once Again: A Sacrificing Goddess. Demeter - What´s up with her Attribute? ��502 Maria Christidis and Heinrike Dourdoumas

iv The Tomb of the Roaring Lions at Veii: Its Relation to Greek Geometric and Early Orientalizing Art

Gabriele Koiner

The Tomb of the Roaring Lions at Veii: Its Relation to Greek Geometric and Early Orientalizing Art1

Gabriele Koiner2

The Tomb and its Lions 12 Lions were displayed in Bronze Age Aegean art7 such as on the grave goods and tomb stelae from the shaft graves8 The discovery of the Tomb of the Roaring Lions, or Tomba or on the lion gate9 at Mycenae. The lions of the Lefkandi dei Leoni Ruggenti, in 2006 at Veii, displaying monumental amphora10 follow these Aegean patterns: they represent long wall paintings, caused much surprise in archaeology.3 The and boneless beasts, nevertheless near to realism regarding paintings, dated to the years after 700 BCE, are the earliest details. The lions on Minoan and Mycenaean seals show tomb paintings in Etruria. On the wall opposite the entrance slender limbs and more pronounced proportions:11 they are to the chamber, i.e. on the main wall, three dog-like creatures heraldically arranged beside a Potnia or Potnios Theron, are walking in procession to the left, confronted by one animal attack men or animals or are being hunted. Lions in Bronze turned to the right. Above them are two rows of aquatic birds Age Greece were partly modelled after Near Eastern patterns, (Figs. 1–2). The jaws of each animal are wide open with a thick although a lion population may have lived in Greece, thus, triangular tongue protruding, obviously roaring, hence the real lions may have served as models for artists in mainland name of the tomb. Their heads and hindquarters are huge, Greece.12 There has been no lion population attested in Crete the legs thin with long claws. Their tails are up in the air, the so far, but lions may have been brought there as ‘palace tips curled up. The animals are painted in black outline, the showpiece’13 or objects for hunting. In Bronze Age Greece eyes being rendered as black dots, the tongues filled with red and Crete, lions symbolized attendants to divinities and colour. kings, with protective and deterrent character, but also game being hunted by aristocracy or simply a threat to human The animals were interpreted as lions. However, at the time civilization. of discovery they were rather taken for caricatures of lions, attributed to artists who had never seen these animals in Early Iron Age Lions – the Near Eastern Models nature.4 An analysis of their shape, though, shows that they have close comparisons to lions in Greek Late Geometric Early Iron Age societies in Greece, respectively in the and Sub-Geometric art at the transition to the Orientalizing Aegean, imported prestigious objects with lion depictions of style. They share the big heads, the widely opened jaws, the different style. A 9th century Phoenician bronze bowl from protruding tongues, the small waists but huge hindquarters the Kerameikos at Athens displays a lion type with sturdy and their thin legs with claws. This close connection has body and jaws barely open. 14 A slender lion with big mane is 5 already been noticed in archaeology. slain by a four-winged demon on a Phoenician bronze bowl

Forerunners in the Bronze Age and Early Iron Age 7 Marinatos 1990: man not only as Master of Animals but also as Depictions of lions were essential features in Near Eastern Master of Men; Shapland 2010: no lion population in Crete but in Greece. and Egyptian iconography, closely related to divinities and 8 Mycenae, grave circle B, shaft grave Delta: golden sword handle kingship due to the strength and hugeness of these animals.6 with two lion heads: Marinatos 1986: 172, pl. 194 below; Mycenae, grave circle A, shaft grave IV: bronze daggers with gold and silber inlays: Marinatos 1986: 172, pls. XLIX, L, LI; shaft grave V, stele: Marinatos 1986: 164, pl. 168; golden reliefs from a box: Marinatos 1 I would like to thank Alessia Argento (Villa Giulia Photo Archive), 1986: 176 pls. 220, 221 below. – Lion rhyton, shaft grave IV: Younger Sandra Gatti and Massimiliano Piemonte, Soprintendenza 1978, 286, fig. 1, no. 1. Archeologia, Belle Arti e Paesaggio per l’Area Metropolitana di Roma, 9 Mycenae, lion gate: Marinatos 1986: 160, pl. 163. la Provincia di Viterbo e l’Etruria Meridionale, for the photographs 10 Catling 1993: pls. 19-21. and permission granted, and Francesca Ceci, Sovrintendenza di 11 Although the earliest type depicts lions with huge mane and Roma Capitale, for information and publications on Veii and the sturdy body: Karytinos 2000: 128, fig. 3. – Boardman 1970: 58-59, pls. tomb. – This article is dedicated to John Boardman whose research 86, 91, 104, 114, 116, 120, 121, 138, 153, 155, 157, 159, 169, 171, 178, has covered lions both on Mycenaean and Greek seal stones as on 179, 182, 189, 191, 193, 206 (imported cylinder seal); Younger 1978; Geometric vases and in other arts. This article is meant to be but a Pini 1985; Younger 1989; Sourvinou-Inwood 1989, 247, fig. 1 (‚Mother modest contribution to the topic of Geometric lions. of the Mountains‘, Heraklion Mus. No. 141); Müller 2000; Aruz 2010. 2 Institut für Archäologie, Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, 12 The lion was hunted in Greece, most probably wild living, there Universitätsplatz 3, A-8010 Graz, Austria. was no need to import lions and keep them in corrals for aristocratic 3 Naso 2008; Boitani 2007: 700–680 BCE; Ceci 2008: 35-36, fig. 36: 700– hunts as later on in the Assyrian empire, cf. also the myths on lions 690 BCE; Boitani 2010. –The tomb was looted by tombaroli and reported in Greece. Lion bones with cutting marks were found at Tiryns: afterwards by one of them to police. It contained the ashes of a man, a Boessneck and von den Driesch 1979, 447-449; ead. 1981, 258; ead. woman and maybe a child. 1990: 110-111. 4 Naso 2008: 18-19; Harrison 2013: 1102: maybe wolves as models due 13 Shapland 2010: 277 with reference to J. G. Younger, The Iconography to a lack of lions in Italy. of Late Minoan and Mycenaean Sealstones and Finger Rings. Bristol: 5 Boitani 2007; Boitani 2010; Boitani et alii 2010. Bristol Classical Press 1988, xi (non vidi). 6 A lion hunt on a vase from Tell Arpachiyah, Tell Halaf Culture 14 Phoenician bronze bowl from the Kerameikos at Athens, late 9th (6th/5th mill.): Amiet 2001: 475, fig. 5, n. 12; Breniquet 1992: 72-75 cent. BCE: Akurgal 1980: 151, Abb. 39-40, Fig. 103: doglike lion with figs. 1, 3. small head, mouth barely opened, no tongue.

358 Gabriele Koiner – The Tomb of the Roaring Lions at Veii: Its Relation to Greek Geometric and Early Orientalizing Art

Figure 1. Western or back wall of the chamber of the Tomb of the Roaring Lions at Veii (©Soprintendenza Archeologia, Belle Arti e Paesaggio per l’Area Metropolitana di Roma, la Provincia di Viterbo e l’Etruria Meridionale, Archivio fotografico, inv. no. 237578, photo Mauro Benedetti)

Figure 2. Western or wall of the chamber of the Tomb of the Roaring Lions at Veii, Detail of Figure 1

359 Greek Art in Motion. Studies in honour of Sir John Boardman on the occasion of his 90th birthday

from Kourion; two other, similar, lions on this bowl threaten are geometricized, their rounded hind quarters, though, human beings, their tongues hanging out of the mouth.15 A reflect some realism, such as rendered on lions attacking men silver vessel from the Bernardini tomb at Palestrina features or animals on Attic gold reliefs.25 Lions killing human beings a similar shaped lion with protruding tongue, killing a man.16 were a common motif in Near Eastern,26 Phoenician27 and Phoenician artists equally drew on the Egyptian lion type, e.g. Egyptian art.28 on another bowl from the same tomb at Palestrina, rendering its characteristics: sturdy, small and well maned, but hiding its The lion as a hunter of animals or even human beings, tongue.17 The felines of the Idaean shields are modelled after depicted alone, with a lion counterpart, or in a frieze with its sturdy Late Hittite or Assyrian lions, some of them showing prey,29 was depicted on vases, especially in Attica and Boeotia. their tongues.18 Hanging out tongues are features of lions in Assyrian art of the 9th century, but are no longer found in the In Attica, the Lion Painter30 and the Workshop of Athens 894,31 7th century.19 Long tongues, hanging out between the two both LG IIB, ca. 720 BCE, produced lions with opened jaws, lower fangs, are equally characteristics of Late Hittite lions.20 horrible teeth and popping out tongue.32 The Lion Painter These examples strictly differ in their realism from Greek painted his lions in the shape of the number eight such as the Geometric lions but share the protruding tongue. lions in the tomb at Veii, maybe developed out of the motif of the hourglass.33 Boeotia brought forth the Lion Group or Greek Geometric Lions A Group, dated to LG III/SubG, 710–690 BCE, depicting lions with sharp teeth and long, curved tongues.34 Late Geometric Early Greek society soon adopted the Near Eastern, Egyptian or Attic pottery boasts lion friezes which seem to lack in even still existing Bronze Age models of lions. Greek colonies/ Boeotia.35 Both the Workshop of Athens 894 and the Boeotian trading posts in the Near East, Tell Sukas and Al Mina, were Lion Group share the curved jaws of the lions. Protoattic36 situated near Late Hittite cities like Zincirli and Karkemish, and Protocorinthian37 vessels continue to show the tongues and thus provided close contacts to Near Eastern iconography and ideas.21 Proof for the transfer of the Late Hittite lion motif to a Greek community in the Near East provides an ivory lion figurine with protruding tongue from Al Mina.22 that hark back to Bronze Age types – sphinxes, and lions attacking a warrior, an Orientalizing motif probably introduced long before.’ 25 Kunze 1931, 205, fig. 30; Ohly 1953: pl. 4.2; 48 fig. 25, pl. 13, no. A 11; Since the Bronze Age lions roamed Greece, a fact which is also Rombos 1988, 306, Table 44; 308-309, Table 45: lions attacking animals. reflected in myths in which fights against lions take place, 26 Lioness killing African boy, from Nimrud, London, BM 1954,0508.1: most famously, Heracles fighting the Nemean lion.23 Although Barnett 1957: 190, cat. O.1, frontispiece; http://www.britishmuseum. living lions may have been known to Geometric vase painters, org no. WCO23981 (27.10.2017). 27 metal workers and other craftsmen, lions were not depicted Cauldron from Palestrina: Canciani and von Hase 1979: pl. 13.2. 28 Lion holding a Nubian’s head, from Piramesse: New York, MMA as they actually looked like, but according to the graphic 1989.281.92: ca. 1279–1213 BCE, Ramses II, Egyptian blue, bone, conventions of Geometric times. A Knossian LPG crater shows gold: https://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/544066 two lions tearing a man apart:24 their bodies, legs and paws (27.10.2017); Settgast 1978: cat. 232; lions accompanying the pharao and biting enemies: Marinatos 1990: 145, fig. 4. 29 Lions and stags on Near Eastern seals: Frankfort 1939: 226 pl. 39h: 15 Phoenician metal bowl from Kourion, New York, Metropolitan Seals of peripheral regions from about 2800-1800 B.C., from Tell Museum of Art 74.51.4554: Markoe 1985, 177-178, cat. Cy8; Aruz et alii Judideih. – Late Cypriot II seal, 14th/13th cent. BCE, from Kourion, 2014: 159-160, cat. 52; https://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/ New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art 74.51.4316: Karageorghis search/243823 (28.10.2017). et alii 2000: 67-68, cat. 107; https://www.metmuseum.org/art/ 16 Canciani and von Hase 1979: 34, no. 16, pl. 13.2; Brown 1960: 29, pl. collection/search/321391 (17.10.2017). 61d. Lions of Phoenician metal bowls are more slender than Late 30 Kotyle, Athens, Coll. Vlastos: Boardman 1998: fig. 75; Pitcher, Hittite lions. Several other Orientalizing lion figures were found in London, British Museum: CVA British Museum 2: no. 39, pl. 25. the tomb; the tomb dated by Canciani und von Hase not later than 31 Bowl, Berlin: Coldstream 1998: 58-64, nos. 13, 21-2; CVA Berlin, 674 BCE. Antikensammlung 10: pl. 39.2-6. – Bowl, Würzburg, Martin-von- 17 Canciani and von Hase 1979: 38, cat. 19, pl. 16. Cf. the lion Wagner Museum: Borell 1978: no. 93, pl. 22. – Amphora, Essen, accompanying Ramses III in battle on his sepulchral temple at Folkwang Museum: Tölle 1963: 216-219, figs. 1-4; Borell 1978: 60. Medinet Habu: Marinatos 1990: 145, fig. 4. – Krater, Cambridge, Museum of Classical Archaeology: Tölle 1963: 18 Shields from the Idaean Cave: Kunze 1931: Beilage 1, pl. 6, no. 4; pl. fig. 5. – Hydria Melbourne, National Gallery: Coulié 2013: fig. 192 26 no. 10. (Analatos Painter). 19 Cf. the lion hunt of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud: Budge 1914: pl. 32 Kantharos, Athens, Coll. Vlastos: Boardman 1998: fig. 74; Amphora, XII.2; Barnett 1960: pl. 26; Reade 1983: 28 fig. 33; the lion hunt of London, British Museum 1936: Arias 1962: fig. 10. – Bowl, Athens, Ashurbanipal at Nineveh: Barnett 1960: 55, 60-62, 86, 89-95; Reade National Museum: Boardman 1998: fig. 70. – Lions attacking animals: 1983: 54-59 figs. 77-78, 80, 83-87. Only dying or dead lions let their Rombos 1988: 305-315. tongues hang out: Barnett 1960: 67-68, 70, 72-73. Cf. similar old- 33 Already noticed by Boitani 2010: 31; Boitani et alii 2010: 21. fashioned lions on glaze tiles from the Apadana of Artaxerxes II (405– 34 Amphora, Bonn Akademisches Kunstmuseum 1590: CVA 362 BCE) at Susa, Berlin, Staatliche Museen: Barnett 1960: IX. XI and Deutschland 100, Bonn, Akademisches Kunstmuseum 4: pls. 23-24; XV (lion griffin). Ruckert 1976: 83, no. BA 9; Canciani 1965: 21, no. 13; 58-62, fig. 16. 20 Late Hittite lions, from Zincirli: von Luschan 1902: 224-226, figs. – Amphora, Paris, Louvre CA 824: Canciani 1965: 19, no. 3; 64, fig. 17; 125, 127; von Luschan 1911: 364-365, fig. 265, pl. LXIV; 369-372, fig. Ruckert 1976: 88, no. BA 35.– Athens, National Museum 256: Ruckert 269, pl. LXV; Jakob-Rost 1992: 220-221, cat. 163. – From Karkemish: 1976: 100, no. HP 3; Canciani 1965: 40, no. 3; 52, fig. 6. – Amphora, Akurgal 1980: fig. 21a-b; Orthmann 1971: 40-41, pl. 32e. – From Potnia Theron, Athens, National Museum 5893: Simon 1976: 42-43, Sakçegözu: Akurgal 1980: fig. 23b. pls. 16-17; Coldstream 1998: 207-208, pl. 45d. 21 Boardman 1981: 41-59; Riis 1982; Boardman 1990. 35 Cf. n. 29 for the bowls at Berlin and Würzburg, the amphora at 22 Akurgal 1980: 103, 181, Abb. 21c, Fig. 77. Essen and the hydria at Melbourne. 23 Hdt. 7, 125 on a lion attack on transport camels of the Persian king 36 Krater, Athens: Cook 1934-35: pl. 42b; Krater, Munich, Xerxes. Antikensammlungen 6077: Coulié 2013: fig. 193. 24 Heraklion Museum: Blome 1982: 93-94, fig. 21; Coldstream 1986; 37 E.g. aryballos of the Evelyn Painter, London, British Museum Boardman 1998: 16, fig. 23.2: ‘Later, though, there are monsters 1969,1215.1: Maggiani 2000: 257, fig. 2a-b; Schefold 1993: 137, fig. 136.

360 Gabriele Koiner – The Tomb of the Roaring Lions at Veii: Its Relation to Greek Geometric and Early Orientalizing Art

standing out of the lions’ mouths, thus still adhering to the Lyre-player Group or to the Late Hittite type with protruding Late Hittite or 9th century Assyrian lion type. tongue.51

Metal reliefs,38 e. g. Attic gold reliefs, Boeotian fibulae or The motif of the Geometric lion, however, was transported tripod legs may have influenced vase painters.39 Several by Greek, maybe Euboean, artists to the western colony gold reliefs and a kantharos in Copenhagen, all depicting of Pithekoussai,52 where tomb no. 1000 of the San Montana lion friezes, were found in the same tomb at the Kerameikos necropolis yielded a vessel with a Geometric lion depiction.53 cemetery at Athens, thus attesting a very close connection of Mostly, it is believed that Boeotian tradition was prevalent at metal working and vase painting.40 Boeotian fibulae41 show Pithekoussai though Attic ceramics is attested there as well.54 lions with similar eight-shaped bodies and triangular tongues as in the Veii tomb. They also share the curved jaws with Such vessels may have served as models for local painters the lions produced by the Attic Workshop of Athens 894 and such as the Narce Painter. 55 He worked at Veii and is said to the Boeotian Lion Group. Even bronze figurines depict lions be the maker of a vessel in the Tomb of the Roaring Lions dating to the Late Geometric Period.42 depicting a lion.56 Accordingly, it was proposed that he was the painter creating the wall paintings in the tomb.57 However, Attic, Boeotian and Protocorinthian vase painters were the analysis of his lions and birds contradicts this hypothesis, influenced by the Late Hittite43 and 9th century Assyrian lion as they differ in shape and details. Popping out tongues are type, to a certain extent also represented by Phoenician lion visible with the lion on the vessel of Pithekoussai tomb no. depictions.44 Characteristic of both is the long tongue hanging 1000 and on the lions by the Narce Painter, on the other hand, out of the mouth.45 Neither Late Bronze Age nor 7th century their tongues are much thinner and lack the triangular shape Assyrian lions show their tongues.46 of the lions in the tomb. Their opened mouth is nearly circular, full of teeth, whereas the tomb lions have almost straight jaws On Attic and Boeotian vases, the tongue is placed in the middle equipped only with the fangs. The birds in the tomb, similar of the opened mouth, standing out horizontally or curved to the lions, were drawn in black or red outline, and some downwards, in contrast to the sagging tongue on Late Hittite birds were rendered with a checkerboard.58 Likewise, the birds and Assyrian lions which lies on the lower jaw. On vases, the of the Narce Painter have a long, downwards curved tail, quite tongue is rather thin, painted often like a line, but, as on different from the rather compact bodies of the tomb birds. an Attic Late Geometric II stand,47 may have the triangular Therefore, the lions and birds must have been worked by a shape as with the lions in the Veii tomb. In Crete, the tongue different artist, but also by one who relied on Greek or Greek is sometimes visible on lion protomes in ceramics48 and on inspired models or had been trained in a Greek workshop. bronze shields.49 Lions on or as Oriental artefacts were known in Etruria in the Lions in Pithekoussai and Etruria late 8th century, e.g. the bronze lion head situla, probably imported from Assyria, at the Villa Giulia Museum.59 Equally, Lion images belonged to the pictorial repertoire of grave the Barberini cauldron is said to be from the Near East.60 equipment in the Pithekoussai necropoleis. The tomb Within the first quarter of the 7th century, the lion became Pithekoussai no. 325, containing the remains of two children very popular in Etruscan art. Lions were worked on gold and the famous scarab of Pharaoh Bocchoris (718/17 – 712 BCE), yielded a bronze handle with a lion figure.50 Several seals from tombs at Pithekoussai show lions belonging to the 51 Lions on seals: Buchner and Ridgway 1993: 52-53, no. 4, fig. 34 with goddess on its back; p. 53: claws as in Geometric art, hatched manes; 648-650, no. 11 tomb no. 662; 649-650 no. 11, pl. 187, CLXXXIV: girl with 38 Ohly 1953: pl. 4.2; 48, fig. 25, pl. 13; the metaphoric meaning of seal of the Lyre-Player Group with lion and bird on its back; Buchner lions: Kunze 1931: 204-205; Hampe 1952: 31-32. and Boardman 1966: 11, 14 figs. 17-18. – Buchner and Ridgway 1993: 39 Cf. Matthäus 2003 for the metal reliefs as models for vase painting. 11, tomb no. 647, no. 15, fig. 17: tomb of a child with seal on its breast 40 Ohly 1953: 17, pl. 18 (kantharos); pl. 4.2 (gold relief A 11); pl. 12.4 showing a lion with long claws, mane, opened mouth and protruding (gold relief A 20); Boardman 1998: Abb. 69; Coulié 2013: fig. 65. tongue. 41 Hampe 1952: fig. 14a; Ohly 1953: fig. 14. 52 Seals of the Lyre-player Group, their probable North Syrian or 42 Samos group, Samos, Museum B 190: Schweitzer 1969: fig. 186. – Cilician provenance and the transfer of motifs from East to West by Group Ortiz Collection: Ortiz 1996: cat. 83. – Lion on a cauldron handle Euboean colonists: Boardman 1981: 195-197; for the transfer of Near from Olympia, Br 11340: Willemsen 1957: pl. 54. – Two lions on a Eastern motifs and ideas from Pithekoussai and Kyme to Etruria: 234- cauldron leg from Olympia, B 1730: Willemsen 1957: pl. 63. 235. – Vases from Pithekoussai and Kyme bringing Geometric style to 43 Payne 1931: 67-68. Etruria: Knauß and Gebauer 2015: 83-84. 44 Such as the one on the bowl from the Tomba Bernardini from 53 Boitani 2010: 32, fig. 11; Neri 2010: 201, no. III.2.5; Boitani et alii Palestrina, supra n. 15. 2010: fig. 5. 45 Lion hunt from Sakçegözü, lion with lifted paw as in Attic art: 54 Attic Geometric LG IIB vessel in Pithekoussai tomb no. 129: Akurgal 1980: fig. 23b. – Lions from the gate at Zincirli: Jakob-Rost Coldstream 1998: 84. 1992: 220-221, cat. 163. – Lion from Tell Halaf: Brown 1960: 4, 11, pl. 55 Further lions on an olla at Budapest: CVA Budapest, Musée des 61a. – Akurgal 1980: 177. Beaux-Arts 2: pl. 2; Boitani 2010: fig. 12. – Another vessel from the 46 But note Neo-Babylonian and Persian lions: supra n. 17. neccropolis of Casal del Fosso, tomb no. 821: Boitani 2010: fig. 13. 47 Athens, Kerameikos Museum 407: Boardman 1998: fig. 66. 56 Boitani 2010: 32, fig. 12; Boitani et alii 2010: 22, fig. 5. 48 Kunze 1931: pl. 52a-b; Blome 1982: pl. 18.1; 102-103, fig. 24 (lion 57 Ambrosini 2013: 947, fig. 52.6. helmet on a mitra from Olympia). – Cf. a lion hunt on a sherd from 58 Cf. the partridges on an Euboean krater from Pithekoussai: Buchner Chios: Coldstream 1986 believes to see a tongue. and Ridgway 1993: 698-699, pls. 238-239, CCVII-CCVIII. 49 Kunze 1931: Beilage 1, pl. 6, no. 4; pl. 26, no. 10; lions attacking 59 From Veii, Casale del Fosso, tomb 876: Brown 1960: pl. 6b; Sciacca animals: 169-175; lions attacking men, according to Kunze an 2003, with many comparisons; Turfa 2012, 273-274. Assyrian influence Egyptian motif: 204-208; Blome: 1982, 18-21, figs. 6-7. in Etruria: Kilian 1977: 70-71, 98. 50 Buchner and Ridgway 1993: 381, no. 11, pl. 123, CLVII. 60 Akurgal 1961: 66-70, figs. 35, 41-42.

361 Greek Art in Motion. Studies in honour of Sir John Boardman on the occasion of his 90th birthday

jewellery from Vulci, Cerveteri and Palestrina,,61 in bronze62 on Greek Geometric funeral vases. In Etruria, most striking and ivory,63 and rendered on ceramic vessels by the Gru comparisons to the birds of our tomb are the ducks in the Painter,64 the Heptachord Painter65 and others,66 later on slightly later Tomba delle Anatre or Tomb of the Ducks at painted in the Tomba Campana67 at Veii, in the Tomba dei Veii.74 Bird figures, though, are not novelties in Geometric Leoni Dipinti68 at Cerveteri, all representing the Orientalizing Etruria and do not root only in Greek influence. Many of them Late Hittite type with tongues hanging out, a feature also were common grave goods in Villanova tombs already. applied much later on leopards in the Tomba dei Leopardi69 at Tarquinia and even later on vessels in Hellenistic Spain.70 Lions, in contrast to birds, – apart from mythical bird monsters such as the harpies – are known for the suddenness Lions and Ducks – Rulership and Death and ferocity of their attacks. Consequently, the lions on Greek vases and metal reliefs are said to be a metaphor of the Lions and birds are animals of gods and goddesses of nature, suddenness and cruelty of death.75 In the Iliad, the heroes are life and death and thus also companions in the tomb.71 This compared with the strong, savage and murderous animal.76 idea originated in the Near East and was probably absorbed Both aspects may be true: The tomb belonged to an aristocrat by Greeks and Etruscans. Lions on Attic, Boeotian and who had earned merits in battle or in civil life and had Etruscan vases and on Greek seals are often accompanied suddenly met his death. by stars, commonly interpreted as fillers, though, in the Near East, the star and the lion were the symbols of Ishtar, Beyond that, lions may have been the symbolic animal of the goddess of love, life, war and death.72 We may suppose Greek Geometric and perhaps also Etruscan kingship, rooting that the star’s symbolic meaning was known in Greece and in a long tradition in Hittite, Egyptian, but maybe also Etruria. Birds were believed to be mediators between earth Mycenaen royalty.77 Thus, Etruscan elites may have imported and the netherworld and to be symbols of the journey to this not only Near Eastern objects and pictures, but also adopted realm.73 This impression is supported by the birds covering the ideas inherent. the space above the lions. Equally, they are a common feature Several child tombs at Pithekoussai yielded seals with lions.78 Furthermore, tomb 1000 of Pithekoussai with its lion vessel 61 Lions with protruding tongue in Etruscan jewellery: Knauß and belonged to a child, and a child was maybe buried in the Tomb Gebauer 2015: 45-46, fig. 3.2; 351, cat. 49 (fibula from Vulci, 675–650 BCE); 78-80, fig. 3.62; 353, cat. 81 (golden case for seals from Vulci, of the Roaring lions. It seems that the motif of the lion was 675–650 BCE); 79-80, fig. 3.63; 351, cat. 57 (fibula, 675–650 BCE); 75- deliberately chosen also for children and perhaps not only 76, fig. 3.55, cat. 68 (bracelet with lion heads from Vulci, 700–650 reflected the cruel aspect of an early death, but also had a BCE). – Fibula from the Tomba Regolini-Galassi at Cerveteri: von Hase protective meaning, guarding the deceased child safely on its 2000: 135, comparing to the lions of the Tomba dei Leoni dipinti at last journey.79 Cerveteri, 660–640 BCE. 62 Cauldron from Cerveteri, Musei Vaticani: Brown 1960: pl. IX, cf. also the lion protomes pl. VIIIa-c (unknown origin and Cerveteri). Monumental Wall Paintings and Greek Art as Mediator of 63 Palestrina, Tomba Bernardini: Canciani and von Hase 1979: pl. 49, Orientalizing Motifs no. 60 (bronze lion heads); pl. 60.8 (handle with heraldically arranged ivory lions). – Palestrina, Tomba Barberini, ivory group: Brown 1960: The paintings point to artists and patrons who were familiar pl. Ia; Clark 2007: 37-39, cat. 113. 64 Martelli 1987: fig. 33: amphora at the Museo Archeologico at with Greek iconography and also with eschatological concepts Cerveteri: 700–675 BCE. circulating in Late Geometric and Early Orientalizing Greece, 65 Cerveteri, Banditaccia necropolis, Tumulo del Colonello (VI), brought to Etruria through trade, exchange, gifts, dedications amphora, 700–680 BCE, Rome, Villa Giulia Museum (autopsy August 2017). – Biconical Krater, Cerveteri, Museo Archeologico: Martelli 1987: pl. 37. – Amphora Würzburg, Martin-von-Wagner Museum: 74 Steingräber 1986: 374, no. 175, pls. 181-182; Rizzo 1989: 103-107, pl. Martelli 1987: pl. 38; Knauß and Gebauer 2015: 73, fig. 3.52. 1, 63c, fig. 41; Leighton 2005; Ceci 2008: 36-37, fig. 37: 680–70 BCE. – 66 Kotyle showing ‘quadrupedi’ with claws and mouth shut, from the Locally produced vessels with Greek Geometric inspired decoration Tomb of Bocchoris, Monterozzi necropolis, Tarquinia, 700–675 BCE: in Rome, Villa Giulia Museum (autopsy 2017), from the necropolis Tanci and Tortoioli 2002, 123-124, fig. 123, no. 214, RC 1940. of the Osteria, Poggio Mengarelli: krater of the Bottega dei Primi 67 Steingräber 1986: 374-376, no. 176; Rizzo 1989: 109-111, fig. 55, pl. Crateri, 750–725 BCE, no. 19 in the show case; biconical urn, Bottega II; Leighton 2005. del Biconico di Vulci, 725–700 BCE, no. 1 in the show case. 68 Steingräber 1986: 261, no. 6, pl. 187; Rizzo 1989: 117, figs. 68-69; 75 Hampe 1952: 19-20, 31-33; Ohly 1953: 73-82, esp. 74; Canciani 1965: Sannibale 2013: 122-123, fig. 6.30. 52, n. 135; passage from life to death, lions as ‘bestie paurose e 69 Steingräber 1986: 319, no. 81, pl. 105; Rizzo 1989: 143, fig. 97, pl. feroci’ living in the netherworld: Boitani 2010: 33; von Hase 2000: XXXIV. – Cf. Steingräber 1986: pls. 23-24 (Tomba dei Baccanti), pl. 68 141: ‘Begriffen wird der Löwe im Frühgriechischen als ein mit (Tomba del Fiore di Loto), pl. 86 (Tomba dei Giocolieri), pl. 97 (Tomba dämonischen Kräften ausgestattetes Wesen der Todessphäre, und delle Leonesse). wir zweifeln nicht daran, daß es im Etruskischen ganz ähnlich war.’; 70 Kalathos (sombrero de copa), from Cabecico del Tesoro, Verdolay, Nagy 2013: 1017-1018, fig. 56.1: ‘There is no narrative; the creatures Murcia, AM 199: Koch and Willinghöfer 1998: 316, cat. 199. The lion represent living aspects of nature in an environment of death. They shows surprising similarities to Geometric lions in its head, thin legs, are perhaps meant to be apotropaic, or just symbolic of life.’ claws, curled tail and stars (!), dated to 200–150 BCE. – Cf. an oinochoe 76 Two lions kill a bull: Hom. Il. 18, 579-586; lions and human beings from La Alcudia, Elche with Orientalizing griffins and a winged figure: as foes: Hom. Il. 22, 262. Koch and Willinghöfer 1998: 263, cat. 39. 77 Jäckel 2006: 129 (Mycenae with reference to the lion skin of 71 Cf. Boeotian LG amphora with Potnia Theron, Athens, National Agamemnon as symbol of Mycenean kingship: Hom. Il. 10, 3, 23- Museum 5893, ca. 680 BCE: Simon 1976: 42-43, pls. 16-17. 24); Younger 1992: 182-188 pls. 69-70. – The lion accompanying the 72 Compare the seal with Ishtar standing on a lion, a star above her, Egyptian king to battle: Jäckel 2006: 127; Marinatos 1990: 145 fig. 4. London, BM 1835,0510.2, Sargon II., 720–700 BCE: Frankfort 1939: 191, 78 Buchner and Ridgway 1993: tomb 662, 648-650, no. 11, pl. 187, pl. 35a; cf. ivory seal from Mykonos, lion with protruding tongue, CLXXXIV; tomb 647, 11, no. 15, figs. 17-18. lying above a star: Boardman 1970: 135, pl. 213. 79 von Hase 2000: 141; Crummy 2010: 37 (bears as symbols of death, 73 For the meaning of aquatic birds as guides to the netherworld: resurrection and protectors of infants on their way to the Boitani 2010: 33. netherworld), 80 (lions as protectors and animals of Dionysos).

362 Gabriele Koiner – The Tomb of the Roaring Lions at Veii: Its Relation to Greek Geometric and Early Orientalizing Art

and other means. It represents the first Etruscan monumental Bibliography wall painting with motifs and styles inspired by Greek art, thus being a reflection of lost Early Greek monumental paintings.80 Maggiani, A. 2000. Aspetti del linguaggio figurativo tardo- Such paintings could have decorated walls inside buildings81 orientalizzante a Tarquinia: dalla metafora al simbolo. but also facades of houses or temples, both in Greece and In F. Prayon and W. Röllig (ed.) Der Orient und Etrurien: Etruria. Geometric house models82 and Etruscan house urns83 Akten des Kolloquiums zum Phänomen des ‘Orientalisierens’ reflect such lost paintings. im westlichen Mittelmeerraum (10.-6. Jh. v. Chr.) Tübingen, 12.- 13. Juni 1997: 253-262. Pisa: Istituti Editoriali e Poligrafici Finally, the wall paintings in the tomb attest Greek art as Internazionali. mediator of Near Eastern motifs prior to the broad stream of Akurgal, E. 1961. Die Kunst Anatoliens von Homer bis Alexander. 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