Robert Garcia 1933–
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Separate Interests to National Agendas Hispanic-American Members of Congress in the Civil Rights Era, 1945–1977
Separate Interests to National Agendas hispanic-american members of congress in the civil rights era, 1945–1977 In June 1952 two long-running but often dissimilar paths of Hispanic-American congressional history converged, if only for a moment. At issue was the transformation of Puerto Rico from a colonial territory to a U.S. commonwealth. Under Puerto Rico’s proposed constitution, the island’s new government, the Estado Libre Asociado (Free Associated State or ELA), would be linked to the U.S. mainland by matters involving foreign affairs, but its authority to govern locally would be enhanced. Congress initially approved the concept, but quickly split over a constitutional human rights provision that had wide support among the Puerto Rican people. In the U.S. Senate, one faction sought to establish Congress’s ability to approve or reject amendments to the island’s constitution, essentially stripping Puerto Ricans of sovereignty.1 One such advocate bluntly argued that Congress essentially had the option to “give them a constitution or not give it to them.” Dennis Chavez of New Mexico, on the other hand—often that chamber’s lone proponent for boosting Hispanic civil rights—pushed back: “The Puerto Ricans did not ask us to take [their political rights]; we took them,” he said. In areas of the world where the U.S. was then working to contain the spread of communism, including in the Caribbean Basin, Chavez noted that America’s efforts would be aided by treating Puerto Ricans with more equanimity.2 Chavez’s intervention in the debate foreshadowed an important trend in this era—the increasing cooperation among advocates for Hispanic issues on a national scale. -
2015 Rapallo Award Luncheon
Columbian Lawyers Association First Judicial Department Fiftieth Annual Rapallo Award Luncheon HONORABLE JOHN A. BARONE Justice of the Supreme Court State of New York Twelfth Judicial District April 18, 2015 The Waldorf Astoria CHARLES A. RAPALLO Charles A. Rapallo, whose father, Antonio Rapallo, was an attorney, educator, and linguist, was the first jurist of Italian American descent elected to the Court of Appeals of the State of New York. He was among the first seven judges to serve on the Court when the new state Constitution was adopted in 1869 after the Constitutional Conventions of 1867 and 1868. Sworn in July 4th, 1870 at 46 years of age, he served as an Associate Judge until his death on December 28, 1887. The first volumes of New York Reports, published during Judge Rapallo’s tenure on the Court of Appeals, contain many of Judge Rapallo’s opinions embracing a wide range of subjects and displaying the resources of a powerful mind informed by reading and reflection. In the combination of qualities which qualify an individual for the Court of Appeals, Judge Rapallo had few, if any, superiors. He possessed intellectual gifts of a high order, integrity of purpose, a calm and dispassionate temper, great good sense, a solid judgement, and these, united with learning and a power of philosophical analysis, constitute him one of the outstanding judges to have served on the Court of Appeals. Judge Rapallo was one of the dedicated lawyers and jurists responsible for the formation of the Association of the Bar of the City of New York; he was elected a member of its first executive committee. -
Surrogate Champions for the Poor
6 Surrogate Champions for the Poor The poor, like all constituent groups, need strong advocates in Congress. They need legislators who will devote their time to issues related to poverty, and who will advance legislation to address poverty-relevant issues. Without these legislative champions, it is unlikely that the interests of the poor will be raised on Capitol Hill. Without this initial recognition, it is unlikely that the House will pursue policies intended to help the poor. As Williams writes, “before government can act in a manner that is responsive to the interest of individual citizens, those interest must be articulated by a representative in a decision-making body such as a legislature” (1998, 24). Therefore, this chapter identifies and discusses these “champions for the poor.” The previous three chapters reveal that some poverty-related legisla- tion is introduced in the House, and that certain legislators are more likely to offer such legislation. However, these chapters also make clear that the representation of the poor in Congress is not straightforward. To the extent that it occurs, it does not follow the classical paths of collective or dyadic representation. Put differently, the champions of the poor are not the usual suspects. In this chapter, I examine an alternate pathway of representation – surrogate representation – wherein a legislator represents constituents beyond his own district. I establish the role surrogate representatives play in giving the poor a political voice, and show that surrogate representation is central to how the poor are represented in Congress. This focus on surrogate champions shifts attention to the activity of legislators throughout their careers in the House, rather than at one moment in time. -
Wayne Hays Charles Carney James Stant
_ SWING CONGRESSMEN ON S. 1868 AND R.R. 8005 ON SANCTIO..NS AGAINST RHODESIA June 20, 1973 Member District Area _OiH-I-e------ - ------- Wayne Hays 18th Ru.ral and small town industrial area, including Steubenville Charles Carney 19th Steel towns of Youngstown and Warren James Stanton 20th Part of Cleveland and west ILLINOIS Frank Annunzio 11th Part of Chicago Morgan Murphy 2nd Far south side of Chicago Samuel Young 10th North shore suburbs of Chicago Ed Derwinski 4th Part of Chicago John Kluczynski 5th Chicago area Robert McClory 13th Chicago area Kenneth Gray 24th Chicago area George Shipley 22nd Chicago area Tom Railsback 19th Between Chicago and Omaha, including Democratic Rock Island and Republi can rural area MICHIGAN Guy Vander Jagt 9th Industrial Democratic Muskegon in Republican western. Michigan Martha Griffiths 17th Northwest white collar, Protestant Detroit William Broomfield 19th Northwest white-collar suburbs of Detroit Philip Ruppe llyh Upper Peninsula plus resort area of Lower Peninsula Gary Brown 3rd Outstate Michigan, including Kala mazoo and Battle Creek INDIANA Ray Madden 1st Northwestern Ind., inclr.~ing indust rial Gary and suburb J. Edward Roush 4th Fort Wayne, industrial town MISSOURI Bill Burlison 10th Southeast corner of state William Randall 4th Kansas City and Suburbs plus Demo cratic rural counties WISCONSIJ.II William Steiger 6th Small industrial cities north of Milwaukee MINNESOTA Joseph Karth 4th St. Paul and Northern Suburbs KANSAS William Roy 2nd Northeast corner of state, dominated by Topeka PENNSYLVANIA -
Libertarian Forum June, 1973
A Monthly Newsletter THE Joseph R. Peden, Pubiisher Murray N. Rothbard, Editor VOLUME V, NO. 6 JUNE, 1973 US-ISSN0047-4517 T MAYOR IRCUS, At the time of writing, New York's wild and woolly mayoral charismatic figure. His lengthy reign is remembered with no affection by extravaganza has just lurched to a new stage: the holding of the primary New Yorkers, and furthermore he was whipped badly in his attempt at a election. It is of no small importance to the meaning and the comeback in the Democratic mayoral primary four years ago. The gall of undercurrents of this election that the voting was held on a Monday, June Nelson Rockefeller was compounded by his decision to install this 3 - for the first time in livhgcmemory violating the New York and the dilapidated Democrat-Liberal not as a Democrat but as a Republican- American tradition of holding all elections on a Tuesday. It is very Liberal - despite his lengthy record of opposition to the Republican possible that the underwhelming size of the vote (only 25% of those Party. The Liberal Party, a one-man fiefdom under the iron control of the eligible in the Democratic primary) was partially due to the strange and powerful, aging Alex Rose, head of the Hatters Union, was delighted to go disorienting displacement from Tuesday to Monday. In a fighting speech along with the scheme. After all, with the imminent departure of the attacking the massive Establishment conspiracy against him (more universally reviled John Lindsay, Alex was about to lose his accustomed later), Rep. -
Executive Intelligence Review, Volume 16, Number 35, September 1, 1989
ar-a.ltn In 1922 Is America still the land of "liberty and justice for all"? Or, are we heading into a totalitarian police state, like Nazi Germany or Soviet Russ. ia? Read this book, and learn the truth about what happened to justice in the United States. U.S.A. vs. Lyndon LaRouche, et al. "I SHOULD GET A CIGAR .. " bragged the judge after railroading . through. the frameup and conviction of presidential candidate Lyndon LaRouche. Judge Albert V. Bryan was the judge who finally accomplished what a federal government "Get LaRouche" Strike Force had been attempting to do since 1983. That task force swung into motion using the resources of the FBI, CIA, IRS, and private agencies, at the instigation of Henry Kissinger, who bragged in the summer of 1984 that "we'll take care of LaRouche after the elections." The first federal case against LaRouche and his associates, held in Boston before Federal Judge Robert Keeton, backfired on the government. A mistrial was declared, and the jury said they would have acquitted everyone on al/ charges. But in Alexandria federal court, the "rocket docket" did the job. Judge Bryan hand-picked the jury in less than two hours, excluded all evidence of government harassment, and rushed the defense so rapidly that convictions' were brought in on all counts in less than two months from the indictment. LaRouche was sent to jail for 15 years, on January 27,1989", a political prisoner. The conviction and impris onment have provoked protests of outrage from around the world. In this book, you'll see why. -
HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES-Friday, May 6, 1977 the House Met at 11 O'clock A.M
13884 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE May 6, 1977 It is admirable in both its ambition and its exemplary news and public affairs pro careers for themselves within New execution, quietly and effectively going be graming geared to the special needs of York's garment industry. yond stereotypes to tap the fascinating re women in the tri-State area. Channel 2 Weekday mornings, WCB~TV's pro sources of real people ... the closeups prove "Eye On," which this year won a New vocative interview program with Jeanne fascinating. and the subsequent talk is in York area Emmy award for "outstand Parr sparks lively discussions on topics formative. ing documentary series," each week of particular interest to women. Ms. Kay Gardella of the New York Daily focuses on a critical issue or newsmaking Parr, who was one of this country's first News found Ms. Myerson- personality affecting residents of New women news correspondents, has tackled A splendid on-camera performer, and the York, New Jersey, and Connecticut. such controversial themes as the right of women she chooses as subjects are articulate Whether it be an investigative report on women to enter the priesthood, alco and capable of pinpointing their needs, emo women ex-offenders caught in the re holism among women, menopause, and tions and problems-it is an excellent series. volving door of criminal justice or a pro women in sports and journalism. Writing in the New York Post, Bob file of my colleague Congresswoman Liz This kind of enlightened broadcasting Williams praised Ms. Myerson's approach HOLTZMAN, "Eye On" maintains the high philosophy is a reflection of WCBS-TV's to the women on the evening and daily standards of · electronic journalism continuing commitment and responsi broadcasts of "A Woman Is . -
The Law As King and the King As Law: Is a President Immune from Criminal Prosecution Before Impeachment? Eric M
Maurice A. Deane School of Law at Hofstra University Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law Hofstra Law Faculty Scholarship 1992 The Law as King and the King as Law: Is a President Immune from Criminal Prosecution Before Impeachment? Eric M. Freedman Maurice A. Deane School of Law at Hofstra University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/faculty_scholarship Recommended Citation Eric M. Freedman, The Law as King and the King as Law: Is a President Immune from Criminal Prosecution Before Impeachment?, 20 Hastings Const. L.Q. 7 (1992) Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.hofstra.edu/faculty_scholarship/449 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hofstra Law Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons at Hofstra Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Law as King and the King as Law: Is a President Immune from Criminal Prosecution Before Impeachment? By ERIC M. FREEDMAN* Table of Contents Introduction ................................................... 8 I. The Original Intents ................................. 15 II. The Historical Practice ............................... 22 A. The Federal Executive Branch ......................... 22 B. The Federal Judicial and Legislative Branches .......... 24 1. The Federal Judicial Branch ....................... 25 2. The Federal Legislative Branch ..................... 30 C. Federal Prosecution of State and Local Officials ......... 33 D. State-Level Practice ................................... 37 III. Theoretical Considerations ........................... 39 A. The Dual Nature of the Impeachment Clause .......... 41 B. The Rule of Law ...................................... 46 1. Civil Immunity .................................... 46 * Assistant Professor of Law, Hofstra University School of Law. J.D. 1979, B.A. -
White Collar Crime
WHITE COLLAR CRIME Robert J. Anello* & Miriam L. Glaser** INTRODUCTION A mention of New York City, the seat of the Second Circuit, invariably evokes thoughts of finance. The home of Wall Street and the World Trade Center, Manhattan is also home to many of the country’s major banks, hedge funds, and stock exchanges; the Securities & Exchange Commission has a branch office in New York, as do the Federal Reserve Bank, the Commodity Futures Trading Commission, and the Antitrust Division of the Department of Justice. Even the Court of International Trade is located in Manhattan. Unsurprisingly then, New York City has also played host to some of the most important white collar criminal prosecutions in the nation. As the federal appellate court with jurisdiction over this financial center, the Second Circuit has ruled on many critical issues related to white collar crime. Distinctive in its understanding of business practice, its readiness to identify and oppose legislative encroachment into the realm of the judiciary, and in the high value it places upon legal history and stare decisis, the Second Circuit’s sophisticated jurisprudence has influenced courts nationwide. This Article will address six different areas of white collar law and procedure: (1) fraud, (2) the Racketeer Influenced & Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO), (3) conspiracy, (4) public corruption, (5) white collar practice, and (6) sentencing. Many of the cases profiled in this Article have driven legal and cultural developments far beyond the federal courts, including the cases of Leona Helmsley, one of New York’s most prominent real estate moguls; the “Mafia Commission,” a take-down of the bosses of the Five Families of La Cosa Nostra; and Abscam, a massive sting operation created by the federal government to expose corrupt officials. -
The 15 Most Corrupt Members of Congress Featuring
CREW’S MOST THE 15 MOST CORRUPT MEMBERS OF CONGRESS FEATURING A Project of TABLE OF CONTENTS ______________________________________________________________________________ Executive Summary.........................................................................................................................1 Methodology....................................................................................................................................2 The Violators A. Members of the House.............................................................................................3 I. Vern Buchanan (R-FL) ...............................................................................4 II. Ken Calvert (R-CA).....................................................................................9 III. Nathan Deal (R-GA)..................................................................................18 IV. Jesse Jackson, Jr. (D-IL)............................................................................24 V. Jerry Lewis (R-CA)...................................................................................27 VI. Alan Mollohan (D-WV).............................................................................44 VII. John Murtha (D-PA)..................................................................................64 VIII. Charles Rangel (D-NY).............................................................................94 IX. Laura Richardson (D-CA).......................................................................110 X. Pete Visclosky -
19-04-HR Haldeman Political File
Richard Nixon Presidential Library Contested Materials Collection Folder List Box Number Folder Number Document Date No Date Subject Document Type Document Description 19 4 Campaign Other Document From: Harry S. Dent RE: Profiles on each state regarding the primary results for elections. 71 pgs. Monday, March 21, 2011 Page 1 of 1 - Democratic Primary - May 5 111E Y~'ilIIE HUUSE GOP Convention - July 17 Primary Results -- --~ -~ ------- NAME party anncd fiJ cd bi.lc!<ground GOVERNORIS RACE George Wallace D 2/26 x beat inc Albert Brewer in runoff former Gov.; 68 PRES cando A. C. Shelton IND 6/6 former St. Sen. Dr. Peter Ca:;;hin NDPA endorsed by the Negro Democratic party in Aiabama NO SENATE RACE CONGRESSIONAL 1st - Jack Edwards INC R x x B. H. Mathis D x x 2nd - B ill Dickenson INC R x x A Ibert Winfield D x x 3rd -G eorge Andrews INC D x x 4th - Bi11 Nichols INC D x x . G len Andrews R 5th -W alter Flowers INC D x x 6th - John Buchanan INC R x x Jack Schmarkey D x x defeated T ito Howard in primary 7th - To m Bevill INC D x x defeated M rs. Frank Stewart in prim 8th - Bob Jones INC D x x ALASKA Filing Date - June 1 Primary - August 25 Primary Re sults NAME party anned filed bacl,ground GOVERNOR1S RACE Keith Miller INC R 4/22 appt to fill Hickel term William Egan D former . Governor SENATE RACE Theodore Stevens INC R 3/21 appt to fill Bartlett term St. -
Ed Koch & the Spirit of the Times
1941-1944, edited by Lucjan Dobrowszycki, a the dry factuality and restraint with which it was record of the destruction of a major Jewish commu- written. And the memory survives, we may be sure, nity in eastern Europe compiled by some of its among people who remember and mourn without members, a record all the more moving because of so much as issuing a press release. ❑ Jim Sleeper Ed Koch & the Spirit of the Times It's not a bad idea to remember that there are New be saying much; one can quibble about statistics Yorkers politically to the right of Ed Koch, a fact and abuses of power; but the fact remains. often obscured by the mayor's own penchant for The cost to the civic discourse is tremendous. flailing his erstwhile liberal allies. Watching him Koch's wisecracks only temporarily defuse racist savage Bella Abzug, you could forget that he really fear by stroking it, draining the political nervous isn't the Lester Maddox that Jody Powell thought system of resiliency in the long run. Koch might he was. Koch is more complex than that, in ways counter that the city's white ethnic and middle- we'd do well to understand. class nerves were so far gone by the time he took Watch him, for example, fielding questions at a office in 1978 that only his vaudeville holds the community meeting of politically conservative Or- body politic together at all, coupled as it is with his thodox Jews who oppose his affirmative-action poli- traditional reformer's probity in appointing capa- cies, his support for gay rights, and, sotto voce, his ble judges and administrators who are generally stinginess with patronage.