DOCSLIB.ORG

Ed Koch & the Spirit of the Times

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Ed Koch & the Spirit of the Times 1941-1944, edited by Lucjan Dobrowszycki, a the dry factuality and restraint with which it was record of the destruction of a major Jewish commu- written. And the memory survives, we may be sure, nity in eastern Europe compiled by some of its among people who remember and mourn without members, a record all the more moving because of so much as issuing a press release. ❑ Jim Sleeper Ed Koch & the Spirit of the Times It's not a bad idea to remember that there are New be saying much; one can quibble about statistics Yorkers politically to the right of Ed Koch, a fact and abuses of power; but the fact remains. often obscured by the mayor's own penchant for The cost to the civic discourse is tremendous. flailing his erstwhile liberal allies. Watching him Koch's wisecracks only temporarily defuse racist savage Bella Abzug, you could forget that he really fear by stroking it, draining the political nervous isn't the Lester Maddox that Jody Powell thought system of resiliency in the long run. Koch might he was. Koch is more complex than that, in ways counter that the city's white ethnic and middle- we'd do well to understand. class nerves were so far gone by the time he took Watch him, for example, fielding questions at a office in 1978 that only his vaudeville holds the community meeting of politically conservative Or- body politic together at all, coupled as it is with his thodox Jews who oppose his affirmative-action poli- traditional reformer's probity in appointing capa- cies, his support for gay rights, and, sotto voce, his ble judges and administrators who are generally stinginess with patronage. A man is complaining more liberal than he. Typically, Koch refused to about new hiring standards designed to increase grant official holiday status to Martin Luther female and Hispanic representation in police ranks. King's birthday, except as a $23-million trade-off "Mr. Koch, why do you lower height requirements against municipal union give-backs at the bargain- just to include these people? We need policemen ing table, while giving away that much every who are big and tall and command respect. " month or two to developers and corporations taking The speaker is barely finished before the mayor advantage of his tax "incentives." Yet he has raises his eyebrows in mock astonishment and conscientiously hired back most of the minority amusement and quips, "Have you ever seen a five- workers laid of during the 1975 fiscal crisis. foot-four Puerto Rican with a gun?" The audience Koch has been accused, with some justice, of roars appreciatively as aides wince; happily for sowing the wind that left the city reaping the them, the media aren't present, sparing liberal whirlwind of ghoulish applause for Bernhard New Yorkers the curious spectacle of a mayor Goetz. "Ed Koch is Bernie Goetz," said a political using racism to defend affirmative action. consultant recently, also with some justice. Koch Of such shabby paradoxes is Ed Koch's mayor- danced in and out of Goetz's cheerleading line in a alty built. By assuring frightened "outer-borough" shameless series of flip-flops that aped the public's ethnics that he shares with them a tissue of visceral reactions to the contradictory disclosures. But understanding, Koch has won their grudging ac- while history won't absolve him of some respon- quiescence in one of the more socially liberal, sibility for the gathering storm, he remains trium- corruption-free, and, yes, even racially integrated phant in its midst. It may even be that such administrations in the city's history. That may not triumphs have devastated his opposition far more 269 than the opposition's self-destruction has assured even liberals and their clients. His most well-known his triumph in September. campaign pitch in 1977 wasn't the death penalty— For the truth is that Koch's public discourse Herman Badillo was and is for capital punishment appeals to a broader spectrum of voters than his too—but, "After eight years of charisma, and four critics admit. Minorities were as vocal as whites in years of the clubhouse, why not try competence?" the early returns for Goetz. And most of the city's He is generally thought to have lived up to it. minority residents accept the paradigm of individ- Koch came blinking into the sunlight of postwar ual responsibility for success that the mayor sin- Greenwich Village with others in flight from every- cerely if abstractly holds out to all New Yorkers, thing stunting in their outer-borough immigrant regardless of race. They know Koch went South in family past. Eagerly he and his new friends merged the late 1960s to fight for that paradigm against their own struggles to break free with the period's the Lester Maddoxes of the world. And when the larger struggle for civil liberties. The Village was social agenda shifted from civil rights to economic the ideal crucible: rents could be covered by part- redistribution, he wasn't alone in digging in his time work, the remaining hours given over to the heels on the ground of individual responsibility. pursuit of some art or political possibility. Modest Accept the parameters and constraints of capitalist prosperity came almost despite themselves. And as urban development, and you're led inexorably to the proud liberalism of their time in the sun opened his conclusions; the dirty little secret on the left is paths to professional advancement, they marched that not a few minority New Yorkers have followed to Montgomery and summered on Fire Island. him. Ed Koch became the Village Voice's lawyer. He Local government is limited, Koch has con- joined a Reform Democratic club and gave street- vinced them; as Charles Morris has written, a city corner speeches to defeat former Tammany boss antipoverty program makes about as much sense as Carmine DeSapio in a 1962 race for local party a municipal space program, and there is a differ- leader. Many remember him as affable, open, at ence between cleaning the streets and siting a times almost diffident. And yet whatever was best public housing project in a middle-class neighbor- in the promise and vision of the Village movements hood. With just a few gestures borrowed from of those years seems to have eluded him. Before he Boston's conciliatory mayor, Ray Flynn, Koch could get the bruised, grasping mentality of the could have more minority support and more liberal hard-pressed Bronx and Newark hat-check clerk white backing than he wants. He won't bother, and out of his system, he decided to return to it, he'll win anyway. catering to those he'd left behind and who'd moved up a bit themselves. In 1973 Koch, the liberal PEOPLE HAVE OFTEN REMARKED that Koch is the Manhattan congressman, tried to float a mayoral beneficiary of a liberal-left hubris in John Lind- candidacy by marching with the most demagogic say's mayoralty that botched the last real opportu- opponents of the now successful public housing in nity to renegotiate the urban social compact. New Forest Hills. Shaken like other New Yorkers of his York Times editor Roger Starr has written that generation by crime, the welfare- and poverty- Lindsay and followers were comfortable only with program battles, the white Canarsie school boycott, those who had so little money that they needed and minority demands for community control of more of it just to survive, or with those who had so the schools, he denounced elitism in liberal social much that they needed to give it away. The broad engineering, nowhere more evident than in the mass in the middle, including hard hats who Forest Hills plan itself. clubbed antiwar demonstrators, homeowners pro- But Koch overplayed his courtship of the outer- testing new public housing, and schoolteachers borough burghers while a mediator appointed by terrified of community control, were . well, Lindsay, one Mario Cuomo, soothed and cajoled grubby and uninspiring. frightened fellow homeowners back to civilized Ed Koch has made himself that broad middle's discourse. Cuomo is not without his deceits, but he avenger, but he did not acquire that honor without has generally played to the decency of those New sojourning awhile in Lindsay's "silk-stocking" con- Yorkers who can do without divisive hysterics. His gressional district and, indeed, in his congressional compromise plan was adopted; Koch's mayoral bid seat. Unlike Philadelphia's Frank Rizzo and Bos- fizzled. ton's Louise Day Hicks, Koch did not come roaring Since even the most modest liberal redistributive out of the bowels of Bunkerville. His complex compromises are often extracted disproportion- odyssey is the secret of his success at translating ately from the struggling middle class, they are fiscal constraints into a New York idiom that cows ultimately no more successful than demagoguery. 270 In 1977 Koch was back, marketing the death agency's awards of subsidies to developers and penalty to voters more burdened and frightened contracts to "community" groups, and he has been than before, but still the earnest, sensible liberal to slow to correct systemic abuses of those subsidies a Village and broader constituency that had itself and contracts. begun to change. As Manhattan rents rose, the When all is said and done, however, 70 percent lockstep descended; artists and visionaries were of the city's budget is mandated for expenditures working full-time with the words and symbols that from welfare to debt service that are utterly beyond consolidate corporate power. Reformers now dab- the mayor's control.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • “From the Cracks in the Sidewalks of NYC”: The
    “From the Cracks in the Sidewalks of N.Y.C.”: The Embodied Production of Urban Decline, Survival, and Renewal in New York’s Fiscal-Crisis-Era Streets, 1977-1983 by Elizabeth Healy Matassa B.A. in Italian and French Studies, May 2003, University of Delaware M.A. in Geography, May 2006, Louisiana State University A Dissertation submitted to The Faculty of The Columbian College of Arts and Sciences of The George Washington University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy January 31, 2014 Dissertation directed by Suleiman Osman Associate Professor of American Studies The Columbian College of Arts and Sciences of the George Washington University certifies that Elizabeth Healy Matassa has passed the Final Examination for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy as of August 21, 2013. This is the final and approved form of the dissertation. “From the Cracks in the Sidewalks of N.Y.C.”: The Embodied Production of Decline, Survival, and Renewal in New York’s Fiscal-Crisis-Era Streets, 1977-1983 Elizabeth Healy Matassa Dissertation Research Committee: Suleiman Osman, Associate Professor of American Studies, Dissertation Director Elaine Peña, Associate Professor of American Studies, Committee Member Elizabeth Chacko, Associate Professor of Geography and International Affairs, Committee Member ii ©Copyright 2013 by Elizabeth Healy Matassa All rights reserved iii Dedication The author wishes to dedicate this dissertation to the five boroughs. From Woodlawn to the Rockaways: this one’s for you. iv Abstract of Dissertation “From the Cracks in the Sidewalks of N.Y.C.”: The Embodied Production of Urban Decline, Survival, and Renewal in New York’s Fiscal-Crisis-Era Streets, 1977-1983 This dissertation argues that New York City’s 1970s fiscal crisis was not only an economic crisis, but was also a spatial and embodied one.
    [Show full text]
  • Separate Interests to National Agendas Hispanic-American Members of Congress in the Civil Rights Era, 1945–1977
    Separate Interests to National Agendas hispanic-american members of congress in the civil rights era, 1945–1977 In June 1952 two long-running but often dissimilar paths of Hispanic-American congressional history converged, if only for a moment. At issue was the transformation of Puerto Rico from a colonial territory to a U.S. commonwealth. Under Puerto Rico’s proposed constitution, the island’s new government, the Estado Libre Asociado (Free Associated State or ELA), would be linked to the U.S. mainland by matters involving foreign affairs, but its authority to govern locally would be enhanced. Congress initially approved the concept, but quickly split over a constitutional human rights provision that had wide support among the Puerto Rican people. In the U.S. Senate, one faction sought to establish Congress’s ability to approve or reject amendments to the island’s constitution, essentially stripping Puerto Ricans of sovereignty.1 One such advocate bluntly argued that Congress essentially had the option to “give them a constitution or not give it to them.” Dennis Chavez of New Mexico, on the other hand—often that chamber’s lone proponent for boosting Hispanic civil rights—pushed back: “The Puerto Ricans did not ask us to take [their political rights]; we took them,” he said. In areas of the world where the U.S. was then working to contain the spread of communism, including in the Caribbean Basin, Chavez noted that America’s efforts would be aided by treating Puerto Ricans with more equanimity.2 Chavez’s intervention in the debate foreshadowed an important trend in this era—the increasing cooperation among advocates for Hispanic issues on a national scale.
    [Show full text]
  • Fall 2005 $2.50
    American Jewish Historical Society Fall 2005 $2.50 PRESIDENTIAL DINNER 'CRADLED IN JUDEA' EXHIBITION CHANUKAH AMERICAN STYLE BOSTON OPENS 350TH ANNIVERSARY EXHIBIT FROM THE ARCHIVES: NEW YORK SECTION, NCJW NEW JEWISH BASEBALL DISCOVERIES TO OUR DONORS The American Jewish Historical Society gratefully STEVEN PLOTNICK HENRY FRIESS JACK OLSHANSKY ARNOLD J. RABINOR KARL FRISCH KATHE OPPENHEIMER acknowledges the generosity of our members and TOBY & JEROME RAPPOPORT ROBERTA FRISSELL JOAN & STEVE ORNSTEIN donors. Our mission to collect, preserve and disseminate JEFF ROBINS PHILLIP FYMAN REYNOLD PARIS ROBERT N. ROSEN DR. MICHAEL GILLMAN MITCHELL PEARL the record of the American Jewish experience would LIEF ROSENBLATT RABBI STEVEN GLAZER MICHAEL PERETZ be impossible without your commitment and support. DORIS ROSENTHAL MILTON GLICKSMAN HAROLD PERLMUTTER WALTER ROTH GARY GLUCKOW PHILLIP ZINMAN FOUNDATION ELLEN R. SARNOFF MARC GOLD EVY PICKER $100,000+ FARLA & HARVEY CHET JOAN & STUART SCHAPIRO SHEILA GOLDBERG BETSY & KEN PLEVAN RUTH & SIDNEY LAPIDUS KRENTZMAN THE SCHWARTZ FAMILY JEROME D. GOLDFISHER JACK PREISS SANDRA C. & KENNETH D. LAPIDUS FAMILY FUND FOUNDATION ANDREA GOLDKLANG ELLIOTT PRESS MALAMED NORMAN LISS EVAN SEGAL JOHN GOLDKRAND JAMES N. PRITZKER JOSEPH S. & DIANE H. ARTHUR OBERMAYER SUSAN & BENJAMIN SHAPELL HOWARD K. GOLDSTEIN EDWARD H RABIN STEINBERG ZITA ROSENTHAL DOUGLAS SHIFFMAN JILL GOODMAN ARTHUR RADACK CHARITABLE TRUST H. A. SCHUPF LEONARD SIMON DAVID GORDIS NANCY GALE RAPHAEL $50,000+ ARTHUR SEGEL HENRY SMITH LINDA GORENS-LEVEY LAUREN RAPPORT JOAN & TED CUTLER ROSALIE & JIM SHANE TAWANI FOUNDATION GOTTESTEIN FAMILY FOUNDATION JULIE RATNER THE TRUSTEES VALYA & ROBERT SHAPIRO MEL TEITELBAUM LEONARD GREENBERG ALAN REDNER UNDER THE WILL OF STANLEY & MARY ANN SNIDER MARC A.
    [Show full text]
  • Robert Garcia 1933–
    H former members 1977–2012 H Robert Garcia 1933– UNITED STATES REPRESENTATIVE REPUBLICAN-LIBERAL FROM NEW YORK 1978 DEMOCRAT FROM NEW YORK 1978–1990 veteran of New York state politics for over a decade, faced Republican candidate Paul Spitaleri as well as two Robert Garcia succeeded Herman Badillo in 1978 lesser-known challengers from the Liberal and Conservative to represent a South Bronx district in the U.S. Parties. Garcia prevailed handily with 74 percent of the House.A Eventually the chairman of two subcommittees, vote in the four-way contest.5 Since Garcia never had Garcia focused on federal programs to attract businesses to the full support of the regular Democratic organization, he blighted urban areas. Garcia’s signal piece of legislation— faced a stiff primary challenge in 1966 from A. C. Acevedo, designating federal “enterprise zones” to promote job growth whom he defeated by roughly 70 votes out of the nearly in depressed inner cities—highlighted a promising House 3,000 cast.6 Garcia’s base of support drew on local labor career that ended abruptly when Garcia became enmeshed unions as well as on the Adlai E. Stevenson Independent in the Wedtech scandal through his association with a Reform Democratic Club. In the state assembly, Garcia defense contractor in his district. earned a reputation as an advocate for housing issues, Robert Garcia was born January 9, 1933, in Bronx, sponsoring a bill, later signed into law, that gave the New New York, to immigrants. His Puerto Rican father, Rafael York City buildings department the power to subpoena Garcia, worked in a sugar mill before moving to New York recalcitrant slumlords.7 City, where he founded an Assembly of God church in In early 1967, Garcia entered a special election to an aging storefront.1 Garcia attended the local public represent portions of the South Bronx and Harlem in the schools, graduating from Haaren High School in 1950, New York state senate.
    [Show full text]
  • Robert Weiner
    Robert Weiner Bob Weiner knows the ins and outs of Washington as a credentialed White House and Congress national columnist with more than 700 pieces in major papers and 6 years as a senior White House staffer and 16 years on Capitol Hill. Bob’s been the spokesman for Drug Czar and Four Star General Barry McCaffrey, was spokesman for the House Government Operations Committee and the House Select committee on Narcotics, was Chief of Staff for the House Aging Committee and Chairman Claude Pepper of Florida, spokesman for the House Government Operations Committee's Chairman John Conyers (D-MI) and for Congressman Charles Rangel (D-NY). He also was Legislative Assistant to Ed Koch of New York and a political aide to Senator Ted Kennedy (D-MA). In addition, Bob directed the Daily Press Briefing Room at both the 2012 and 2008 Democratic National Conventions where President Obama was nominated. Since he left the White House in 2001, Bob heads up a public affairs and issue strategies company, Robert Weiner Associates, and a foundation for young journalists to have policy impact, Solutions for Change. He is a regular issues analyst on Main Street Radio Network with 200 stations, Westwood One, and XM and has appeared on Bill Maher, CNN Crossfire, Today, Good Morning America, and the CBS, NBC, and ABC evening news -- in addition to our show. He is widely published in columns he writes on national issues in major papers throughout the country including The Washington Post, Miami Herald, Christian Science Monitor, New York Daily News, Baltimore Sun, Cleveland Plain Dealer,Atlanta Constitution, New York Post, Washington Times, Sacramento Bee, Palm Beach Post, Michigan Chronicle, Salt Lake Tribune, and Minneapolis Star Tribune.
    [Show full text]
  • Libertarian Forum June, 1973
    A Monthly Newsletter THE Joseph R. Peden, Pubiisher Murray N. Rothbard, Editor VOLUME V, NO. 6 JUNE, 1973 US-ISSN0047-4517 T MAYOR IRCUS, At the time of writing, New York's wild and woolly mayoral charismatic figure. His lengthy reign is remembered with no affection by extravaganza has just lurched to a new stage: the holding of the primary New Yorkers, and furthermore he was whipped badly in his attempt at a election. It is of no small importance to the meaning and the comeback in the Democratic mayoral primary four years ago. The gall of undercurrents of this election that the voting was held on a Monday, June Nelson Rockefeller was compounded by his decision to install this 3 - for the first time in livhgcmemory violating the New York and the dilapidated Democrat-Liberal not as a Democrat but as a Republican- American tradition of holding all elections on a Tuesday. It is very Liberal - despite his lengthy record of opposition to the Republican possible that the underwhelming size of the vote (only 25% of those Party. The Liberal Party, a one-man fiefdom under the iron control of the eligible in the Democratic primary) was partially due to the strange and powerful, aging Alex Rose, head of the Hatters Union, was delighted to go disorienting displacement from Tuesday to Monday. In a fighting speech along with the scheme. After all, with the imminent departure of the attacking the massive Establishment conspiracy against him (more universally reviled John Lindsay, Alex was about to lose his accustomed later), Rep.
    [Show full text]
  • John J. Marchi Papers
    John J. Marchi Papers PM-1 Volume: 65 linear feet • Biographical Note • Chronology • Scope and Content • Series Descriptions • Box & Folder List Biographical Note John J. Marchi, the son of Louis and Alina Marchi, was born on May 20, 1921, in Staten Island, New York. He graduated from Manhattan College with first honors in 1942, later receiving a Juris Doctor from St. John’s University School of Law and Doctor of Judicial Science from Brooklyn Law School in 1953. He engaged in the general practice of law with offices on Staten Island and has lectured extensively to Italian jurists at the request of the State Department. Marchi served in the Coast Guard and Navy during World War II and was on combat duty in the Atlantic and Pacific theatres of war. Marchi also served as a Commander in the Active Reserve after the war, retiring from the service in 1982. John J. Marchi was first elected to the New York State Senate in the 1956 General Election. As a Senator, he quickly rose to influential Senate positions through the chairmanship of many standing and joint committees, including Chairman of the Senate Standing Committee on the City of New York. In 1966, he was elected as a Delegate to the Constitutional Convention and chaired the Senate Judiciary Subcommittee on Constitutional Issues. That same year, Senator Marchi was named Chairman of the New York State Joint Legislative Committee on Interstate Cooperation, the oldest joint legislative committee in the Legislature. Other senior state government leadership positions followed, and this focus on state government relations and the City of New York permeated Senator Marchi’s career for the next few decades.
    [Show full text]
  • 10717 Hon. Charles B. Rangel Hon. Bob Goodlatte Hon
    July 8, 2011 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS, Vol. 157, Pt. 8 10717 to the families of soldiers who commit suicide surprise that Mr. Miranda would later take The VPPA was passed by Congress in the while serving abroad. I strongly support that such large strides toward the road of success. wake of Judge Robert Bork’s 1987 Supreme change, and I applaud President Obama for His claim to fame comes from writing and Court nomination battle, during which a local taking this important step. starring as Usnavi in the Broadway musical In Washington, DC, newspaper obtained a list of The men and women who commit suicide the Heights, which opened on Broadway at video tapes the Bork family rented from its while serving our country on active duty over- the Richard Rodgers Theater in 2008. This neighborhood video tape rental store. This dis- seas are casualties of war, and I strongly be- phenomenal musical composer has won the closure caused bipartisan outrage, which re- lieve that they should be remembered as Tony Award as composer and lyricist. With his sulted in the enactment of the VPPA. such. Those soldiers suffer the unseen creativity and determination he was able to The commercial video distribution landscape wounds of war, which, though often ignored, take an idea and catapult it into success. He has changed dramatically since 1988. Back can be devastating. Their sacrifice for our Na- took a risk and believed in his dream as well then, the primary consumer consumption of tion should be honored and celebrated, and as himself. We can all learn from this fine ex- commercial video content occurred through their surviving families and friends should ample and believe in ourselves, especially the sale or rental of prerecorded video cas- know that we appreciate their loved ones’ when no one else will.
    [Show full text]
  • December, 1968 Prospects of the New Administration the Slow Unfolding
    WASHINGTON NOTES ON ArnICA December, 1968 Ie Prospects of the New Administration The slow unfolding of the Nixon administration still has not revealed very much about what American policy towards Africa is likely to be. Members of the Africa Bureau in the state Department predict that there really won't be too many changes. Because Africa has largely been ignored in recent years by the outgoing administration, it is difficult to tell whether the predicted absence of change is good or bad. In sifting through a number of policy statements, articles and speeches by President-elect Richard Nixon, there does appear to be a definite commitment to­ wards non-intervention, especially on a unilateral basis. He also seems to show an awareness of the implications of the tendencies towards international racial polarization. For instance, he has said that the U.S. and the U.S.S.R. must not be seen to be ganging up on China because of the implications of racism. On the other hand, his commitment to strengthening the NATO Alliance and American relationships with Europe seems to indicate that American policy towards Africa under Nixon might be subservient to the interests of the metropolitan powers in Europe. Our bases in the Azores continue to distort our policy towards Portugal with respect to Angola and Moz&nbique. The appointment of Henry Kissinger to the White House on national security matters is interesting because one of his strong interests is supposed to be long range planning. If this is so, southern Africa may receive more attention than it does now under the current practices of "crisisu planning.
    [Show full text]
  • HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES-Friday, May 6, 1977 the House Met at 11 O'clock A.M
    13884 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE May 6, 1977 It is admirable in both its ambition and its exemplary news and public affairs pro­ careers for themselves within New execution, quietly and effectively going be­ graming geared to the special needs of York's garment industry. yond stereotypes to tap the fascinating re­ women in the tri-State area. Channel 2 Weekday mornings, WCB~TV's pro­ sources of real people ... the closeups prove "Eye On," which this year won a New vocative interview program with Jeanne fascinating. and the subsequent talk is in­ York area Emmy award for "outstand­ Parr sparks lively discussions on topics formative. ing documentary series," each week of particular interest to women. Ms. Kay Gardella of the New York Daily focuses on a critical issue or newsmaking Parr, who was one of this country's first News found Ms. Myerson- personality affecting residents of New women news correspondents, has tackled A splendid on-camera performer, and the York, New Jersey, and Connecticut. such controversial themes as the right of women she chooses as subjects are articulate Whether it be an investigative report on women to enter the priesthood, alco­ and capable of pinpointing their needs, emo­ women ex-offenders caught in the re­ holism among women, menopause, and tions and problems-it is an excellent series. volving door of criminal justice or a pro­ women in sports and journalism. Writing in the New York Post, Bob file of my colleague Congresswoman Liz This kind of enlightened broadcasting Williams praised Ms. Myerson's approach HOLTZMAN, "Eye On" maintains the high philosophy is a reflection of WCBS-TV's to the women on the evening and daily standards of · electronic journalism continuing commitment and responsi­ broadcasts of "A Woman Is .
    [Show full text]
  • HOUSE of REPRESENTATIVES-Monday, March 1, 1976
    4786 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE March 1, 1976 Robert B. Hallock II Ronald L. Endsley stoned officers in the grade of lieutenant William H. Bourland William J. Thrall Joseph E. Blanchard Gary C. Rowland (junior grade) : Joseph A. Walker, Jr. William E. Thibault Merritt H. Aurich IV John L. Congdon David L. Robinson Mark E. Charbonneau Norman K. McBride Robert E. Drake, Jr. Steven B. Spencer Richard W. Tate Charles R. Mumford Bernard P. O'Brien, Kenneth R. Grover Robert G. Winter Douglas S. Neeb John C. Luther David M. Donaldson Jr. David L. Walts Grover C. Brecken- Harrison F. Deitrick Jerry W. Degan Paul J. Howard ridge Harry A. Vaughn Gaetano Martini 'I'imothy C. Healey James D. Jones Joseph J. Fontana Edward N. Spencer CONFIRMATION Kirk A. Smith James E. Andrews Terry L. Lott Douglas R. Halsey Francis J. Sambor William H. Bourland James D. Manclark William E. Hensley Executive nomination confirmed by the Michael M. Matune, Joseph A. Walker, Jr. Barry E. Erickson Robert A. Taylor Senate March 1, 1976: Jr. Norman K. McBride William A. Dickerson Jon A. Thulin John J. Giglio Kenneth R. Grover .AMERICAN REVOLUTION BICENTENNIAL III Ronald L. Endsley ADMINISTRATION Glenn A. Gipson William J. Thrall James H. Williams Gary C. Rowland Richard W. Fish William E. Thibault Edward G. Webb John L. Congdon Jean McKee, of New York, to be Deputy Dennis A. Sande Robert E. Drake, Jr. Lawrence H. Walter Richard W. Tate Administrator of the American Revolution Dennis E. Oldacres Robert G. Winter Alexandre Legault John C. Luther Bicentennial Administration. Frederick L.
    [Show full text]
  • W. Averell Harriman Papers a Finding Aid to the Collection in the Library of Congress
    W. Averell Harriman Papers A Finding Aid to the Collection in the Library of Congress Manuscript Division, Library of Congress Washington, D.C. 2016 Contact information: http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.mss/mss.contact Catalog Record: https://lccn.loc.gov/mm85061911 Additional search options available at: https://hdl.loc.gov/loc.mss/eadmss.ms003012 Prepared by Allan Teichroew with the assistance of Haley Barnett, Connie L. Cartledge, Paul Colton, Marie Friendly, Patrick Holyfield, Allyson H. Jackson, Patrick Kerwin, Mary A. Lacy, Sherralyn McCoy, John R. Monagle, Susie H. Moody, Sheri Shepherd, and Thelma Queen Revised by Connie L. Cartledge with the assistance of Karen Stuart, 1999 Revised by Michael Folkerts, 2016 Finding aid encoded by Library of Congress Manuscript Division, 2003 Revised 2016 October Collection Summary Title: W. Averell Harriman Papers Span Dates: 1869-2008 Bulk Dates: (bulk 1895-1986) ID No.: MSS61911 Creator: Harriman, W. Averell (William Averell), 1891-1986 Extent: 346,760 items Extent: 1,041 containers plus 11 classified and 75 oversize Extent: 529.9 linear feet Extent: 54 microfilm reels Language: Collection material in English Location: Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. LC Catalog record: https://lccn.loc.gov/mm85061911 Summary: Diplomat, entrepreneur, philanthropist, and politician. Correspondence, memoranda, family papers, business records, diplomatic accounts, speeches, statements and writings, photographs, and other papers documenting Harriman's career in business, finance, politics, and public service, particularly during the Franklin Roosevelt, Truman, Kennedy, Johnson, and Carter presidential administrations. Online Content: A digital copy of the Alaska expedition album is available is available on the Library of Congress Web site at http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.mss/eadmss.amrvm03.
    [Show full text]