Andro Linklater's Why Spencer Perceval Had To
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Appendix – Prime Ministers of the Nineteenth Century
Appendix – Prime Ministers of the Nineteenth Century Total Age at first Dates of time as Name Party appointment Ministries Premier 1. William Pitt, born Tory 24 years, 19 Dec. 1783–14 18 years, 28 May 1759, died 205 days March 1801, 343 days 23 Jan. 1806, 10 May 1804–23 unmarried. Jan. 1806 2. Henry Addington, Tory 43 years, 17 March 3 years, 1st Viscount Sidmouth, 291 days 1801–10 54 days born 30 May 1757, May 1804 died 15 Feb. 1844, married (1) Ursula Hammond, 17 Sep. 1781 (2) Mary Anne Townsend, 1823, 4 sons, 4 daughters 3. William Grenville, 1st Whig 46 years, 11 Feb. 1806–25 1 year, Baron Grenville, born 110 days March 1807 42 days 24 Oct. 1759, died 12 Jan. 1834, married Anne Pitt, 18 Jun. 1792, no children 4. William Cavendish- Whig, 44 years, 2 April 1783–18 3 years, Bentinck, 3rd Duke of then Tory 353 days Dec. 1783, 82 days Portland, born 14 April 31 March 1807–4 1738, died 30 Oct; 1809, Oct. 1809 married Lady Dorothy Cavendish, 8 Nov. 1766, 4 sons, 2 daughters 5. Spencer Perceval, born Tory 46 years, 4 Oct. 1809–11 2 years, 1 Nov. 1762, died 11 May 338 days May 1812 221 days 1812, married Jane Spencer-Wilson, 10 Aug. 1790, 6 sons, 6 daughters Continued 339 340 Appendix Appendix: Continued Total Age at first Dates of time as Name Party appointment Ministries Premier 6. Robert Banks Tory 42 years, 8 Jun. 1812–9 14 years, Jenkinson, 2nd Earl 1 day April 1827 305 days of Liverpool, born 7 Jun. -
Home Guard: the Forces to Meet the Expected French Invasions / 1
The Napoleon Series Home Guard: 1805 HOME GUARD: THE FORCES TO MEET THE EXPECTED FRENCH INVASION / 1 SEPTEMBER 1805 The Peace of Amiens lasted 14 months, until Britain declared war on France on 18 May 1803. Napoleon turned his attention to invading England, saying: "All my thoughts are directed towards England. I want only for a favourable wind to plant the Imperial Eagle on the Tower of London." He started to assemble an expeditionary force at Boulogne. The invasion scare started in the middle of 1803. In the next six months, the British government's call for volunteers to resist an invasion was met with a massive response; within a few weeks 280,000 men had volunteered, and the government was unprepared for this numbers of volunteers. The Invasion Scare lasted for roughly two years. Britain’s ‘Home Guard’ of an earlier era watched the coast of France nervously as the Emperor Napoleon assembled a vast armed camp centred on Boulogne, and named them the ‘Army of England’. On 26 August 1805, in response to dramatically changing political events in the east, the Emperor Napoleon ordered Marechal Berthier to send the newly-christened Grande Armèe on a line of march eastwards, ultimately towards Ulm, Vienna and the foggy hills of Austerlitz. Some 180,000 French troops left Boulogne. The Invasion Scare was over. The British Army to repel such an invasion, had it come, was as follows. Many of the General Officers were tasked with commanding the numerous Militia and Volunteer units, and seemingly often held multiple commands. This article, drawn from wide variety of articles and not all of a common date, presents as close a picture as can be discovered of the organisation and location of the regulars, militia and volunteers in the week Napoleon turned east. -
A Companion to Nineteenth- Century Britain
A COMPANION TO NINETEENTH- CENTURY BRITAIN Edited by Chris Williams A Companion to Nineteenth-Century Britain A COMPANION TO NINETEENTH- CENTURY BRITAIN Edited by Chris Williams © 2004 by Blackwell Publishing Ltd 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148-5020, USA 108, Cowley Road, Oxford OX4 1JF, UK 550 Swanston Street, Carlton South, Melbourne, Victoria 3053, Australia The right of Chris Williams to be identified as the Author of the Editorial Material in this Work has been asserted in accordance with the UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, except as permitted by the UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, without the prior permission of the publisher. First published 2004 by Blackwell Publishing Ltd Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A companion to nineteenth-century Britain / edited by Chris Williams. p. cm. – (Blackwell companions to British history) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-631-22579-X (alk. paper) 1. Great Britain – History – 19th century – Handbooks, manuals, etc. 2. Great Britain – Civilization – 19th century – Handbooks, manuals, etc. I. Williams, Chris, 1963– II. Title. III. Series. DA530.C76 2004 941.081 – dc22 2003021511 A catalogue record for this title is available from the British Library. Set in 10 on 12 pt Galliard by SNP Best-set Typesetter Ltd., Hong Kong Printed and bound in the United Kingdom by TJ International For further information on Blackwell Publishing, visit our website: http://www.blackwellpublishing.com BLACKWELL COMPANIONS TO BRITISH HISTORY Published in association with The Historical Association This series provides sophisticated and authoritative overviews of the scholarship that has shaped our current understanding of British history. -
Gladstone and the Bank of England: a Study in Mid-Victorian Finance, 1833-1866
GLADSTONE AND THE BANK OF ENGLAND: A STUDY IN MID-VICTORIAN FINANCE, 1833-1866 Patricia Caernarv en-Smith, B.A. Thesis Prepared for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS UNIVERSITY OF NORTH TEXAS May 2007 APPROVED: Denis Paz, Major Professor Adrian Lewis, Committee Member and Chair of the Department of History Laura Stern, Committee Member Sandra L. Terrell, Dean of the Robert B. Toulouse School of Graduate Studies Caernarven-Smith, Patricia. Gladstone and the Bank of England: A Study in Mid- Victorian Finance, 1833-1866. Master of Arts (History), May 2007, 378 pp., 11 tables, bibliography, 275 titles. The topic of this thesis is the confrontations between William Gladstone and the Bank of England. These confrontations have remained a mystery to authors who noted them, but have generally been ignored by others. This thesis demonstrates that Gladstone’s measures taken against the Bank were reasonable, intelligent, and important for the development of nineteenth-century British government finance. To accomplish this task, this thesis refutes the opinions of three twentieth-century authors who have claimed that many of Gladstone’s measures, as well as his reading, were irrational, ridiculous, and impolitic. My primary sources include the Gladstone Diaries, with special attention to a little-used source, Volume 14, the indexes to the Diaries. The day-to-day Diaries and the indexes show how much Gladstone read about financial matters, and suggest that his actions were based to a large extent upon his reading. In addition, I have used Hansard’s Parliamentary Debates and nineteenth-century periodicals and books on banking and finance to understand the political and economic debates of the time. -
George Canning and the Representation of Liverpool, 1812-1823 1
'The Pride of my Publick Life': George Canning and the Representation of Liverpool, 1812-1823 1 Stephen M. Lee I George Canning (1770-1827) was one of the most significant figures on the Pittite side of British politics in the first three decades of the nineteenth century, and his successful campaign for a seat at Liverpool in 1812 both illustrated and contributed to the profound changes that his political career underwent during this period. Sandwiched between his failure to return to office in May-July 1812 following the assassination of Spencer Perceval and his decision to disband his personal following (his 'little Senate') in July i8i3,2 this campaign marked for Canning a turn away from the aristocratic political arena of Westminster, which he had come to find so frustrating, towards a political culture which, if at first alien, was replete with new possibilities. Moreover, Canning's experience as representative for Liverpool was indicative of wider changes in the political landscape of early nineteenth-century Britain. Before considering in detail some of the key aspects of Canning's outward turn, however, it will be useful to offer a brief description of the constituency of Liverpool and a short account of the elections that Canning fought there.3 1 This article is a revised version of chapter 3 of Stephen M. Lee, 'George Canning and the Tories, 1801-1827' (unpuh. Ph.D. thesis, Manchester Univ., 1999), PP- 93-128. 2 For a consideration of these two important episodes see Lee, 'Canning and the Tories', pp. 81-91. 1 Unless otherwise stated the following summary of the politics of Liverpool is 74 Stephen M. -
The Trial of John Bellingham
A Case of Injustice? The Trial of John Bellingham by KATHLEEN s. GODDARD* The names Spencer Perceval and John Bellingham are not famous Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/ajlh/article/46/1/1/1806398 by guest on 30 September 2021 names. They do not feature prominently in history lessons. Few people, if asked, can accurately state any factual information about either man. However, their story is an interesting one, in that Spencer Perceval is the only British Prime Minister to have been assassinated whilst in office. In 1812, he was assassinated by John Bellingham, who was tried and execut ed for the murder. This article is a consideration of the circumstances sur rounding the assassination, and an assessment of the fairness of the subse quent trial and execution of John Bellingham. THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND In 1812, the year in which the assassination took place, George III was King of England; however, due to the King's mental condition, the Prince of Wales had been appointed as Regent.' Spencer Perceval, a Tory, was Prime Minister, having been appointed to this office in 1809, follow ing the death of the Duke of Portland.2 On the international front, Britain had been at war with France since 1793, although there had been a short break in hostilities following the Treaty of Amiens in 1802. Commencing in 1806, in an attempt to weaken Britain, Napoleon had imposed a blockade on Britain by means of a series of Decrees) The measures involved the confiscation of British goods, wherever seized, and also a prohibition on ships which had used British ports from entering French ports.s In essence, French citizens, allies of the French and also neutral countries were prohibited from trading with Britain or her colonies.> Commencing in 1807, Britain had adopted *Visiting Research Scholar, Institute of Maritime Law, Faculty of Law, University of Southampton, England. -
Ebook Download Freedoms Power the History and Promise Of
FREEDOMS POWER THE HISTORY AND PROMISE OF LIBERALISM 1ST EDITION PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Paul Starr | 9780465081875 | | | | | Freedoms Power The History and Promise of Liberalism 1st edition PDF Book Enslin, Penny Spencer Perceval , Tory, - Perceval bears a dubious distinction as the only British prime minister to be assassinated. Within a week, Britain was forced into an embarrassing climb-down. The disagreement among liberals over whether government should promote individual freedom rather than merely protect it is reflected to some extent in the different prevailing conceptions of liberalism in the United States and Europe since the late 20th century. On the equity feminist view, a law prohibiting women to become surgeons is coercive because it constitutes a threat of loss of liberty or property. It is this very eagerness to welcome and encourage useful change, however, that distinguishes the liberal from the conservative , who believes that change is at least as likely to result in loss as in gain. In its intellectual and political life, Europe has become distinctly more liberal than at any time at least since By far the most common argument in the classical-liberal or libertarian feminist literature is consequentialist. Is it unlimited? They also support laws against sex discrimination in education, employment, and public accommodations. Thus freedom from coercive interference fails to capture what human dignity requires. Instead, she calls on the women's movement to cultivate in women and men a sensitivity and an aversion to this kind of injustice, and to develop remedies. Banting, K. That is, families must be just. Spinner-Halev, J. Walker, John D. -
A Brief Chronology of the House of Commons House of Commons Information Office Factsheet G3
Factsheet G3 House of Commons Information Office General Series A Brief Chronology of the August 2010 House of Commons Contents Origins of Parliament at Westminster: Before 1400 2 15th and 16th centuries 3 Treason, revolution and the Bill of Rights: This factsheet has been archived so the content The 17th Century 4 The Act of Settlement to the Great Reform and web links may be out of date. Please visit Bill: 1700-1832 7 our About Parliament pages for current Developments to 1945 9 information. The post-war years: 11 The House of Commons in the 21st Century 13 Contact information 16 Feedback form 17 The following is a selective list of some of the important dates in the history of the development of the House of Commons. Entries marked with a “B” refer to the building only. This Factsheet is also available on the Internet from: http://www.parliament.uk/factsheets August 2010 FS No.G3 Ed 3.3 ISSN 0144-4689 © Parliamentary Copyright (House of Commons) 2010 May be reproduced for purposes of private study or research without permission. Reproduction for sale or other commercial purposes not permitted. 2 A Brief Chronology of the House of Commons House of Commons Information Office Factsheet G3 Origins of Parliament at Westminster: Before 1400 1097-99 B Westminster Hall built (William Rufus). 1215 Magna Carta sealed by King John at Runnymede. 1254 Sheriffs of counties instructed to send Knights of the Shire to advise the King on finance. 1265 Simon de Montfort, Earl of Leicester, summoned a Parliament in the King’s name to meet at Westminster (20 January to 20 March); it is composed of Bishops, Abbots, Peers, Knights of the Shire and Town Burgesses. -
The Canterbury Association
The Canterbury Association (1848-1852): A Study of Its Members’ Connections By the Reverend Michael Blain Note: This is a revised edition prepared during 2019, of material included in the book published in 2000 by the archives committee of the Anglican diocese of Christchurch to mark the 150th anniversary of the Canterbury settlement. In 1850 the first Canterbury Association ships sailed into the new settlement of Lyttelton, New Zealand. From that fulcrum year I have examined the lives of the eighty-four members of the Canterbury Association. Backwards into their origins, and forwards in their subsequent careers. I looked for connections. The story of the Association’s plans and the settlement of colonial Canterbury has been told often enough. (For instance, see A History of Canterbury volume 1, pp135-233, edited James Hight and CR Straubel.) Names and titles of many of these men still feature in the Canterbury landscape as mountains, lakes, and rivers. But who were the people? What brought these eighty-four together between the initial meeting on 27 March 1848 and the close of their operations in September 1852? What were the connections between them? In November 1847 Edward Gibbon Wakefield had convinced an idealistic young Irishman John Robert Godley that in partnership they could put together the best of all emigration plans. Wakefield’s experience, and Godley’s contacts brought together an association to promote a special colony in New Zealand, an English society free of industrial slums and revolutionary spirit, an ideal English society sustained by an ideal church of England. Each member of these eighty-four members has his biographical entry. -
CAMDEN STREET NAMES and Their Origins
CAMDEN STREET NAMES and their origins © David A. Hayes and Camden History Society, 2020 Introduction Listed alphabetically are In 1853, in London as a whole, there were o all present-day street names in, or partly 25 Albert Streets, 25 Victoria, 37 King, 27 Queen, within, the London Borough of Camden 22 Princes, 17 Duke, 34 York and 23 Gloucester (created in 1965); Streets; not to mention the countless similarly named Places, Roads, Squares, Terraces, Lanes, o abolished names of streets, terraces, Walks, Courts, Alleys, Mews, Yards, Rents, Rows, alleyways, courts, yards and mews, which Gardens and Buildings. have existed since c.1800 in the former boroughs of Hampstead, Holborn and St Encouraged by the General Post Office, a street Pancras (formed in 1900) or the civil renaming scheme was started in 1857 by the parishes they replaced; newly-formed Metropolitan Board of Works o some named footpaths. (MBW), and administered by its ‘Street Nomenclature Office’. The project was continued Under each heading, extant street names are after 1889 under its successor body, the London itemised first, in bold face. These are followed, in County Council (LCC), with a final spate of name normal type, by names superseded through changes in 1936-39. renaming, and those of wholly vanished streets. Key to symbols used: The naming of streets → renamed as …, with the new name ← renamed from …, with the old Early street names would be chosen by the name and year of renaming if known developer or builder, or the owner of the land. Since the mid-19th century, names have required Many roads were initially lined by individually local-authority approval, initially from parish named Terraces, Rows or Places, with houses Vestries, and then from the Metropolitan Board of numbered within them. -
The Literary and Cultural Significance of the Early
THE LITERARY AND CULTURAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE EARLY ROXBURGHE CLUB PhD 2015 Shayne Felice Husbands This thesis is being submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of PhD. Signed ………………………………… Date ………………………… This thesis is the result of my own independent work/investigation, except where otherwise stated. Other sources are acknowledged by explicit references. The views expressed are my own. Signed ………………………………… Date ………………………… This work has not been submitted in substance for any other degree or award at this or any other university or place of learning, nor is being submitted concurrently in candidature for any degree or other award. Signed ………………………………… Date ………………………… I hereby give consent for my thesis, if accepted, to be available online in the University’s Open Access repository and for inter-library loans after expiry of a bar on access previously approved by the Academic Standards & Quality Committee. Signed ………………………………… Date ………………………… ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My sincere gratitude is owed to Professor Helen Phillips for her unfailingly erudite guidance and support over what has proved to be a very long haul. This thesis would not have been completed without her immense kindness and encouragement. Many thanks also to Dr Rob Gossedge for his valuable insights, advice and humour, and to Dr Anthony Mandal and Professor Stephen Knight for their counsel at strategic points. Much appreciation is also due to Rhian Rattray for her kindness and for being efficient on the many occasions when I was not. I am grateful for the financial assistance offered by ENCAP which has contributed to the presentation of papers based on my research at Exeter and Leeds, and towards research trips to Oxford, Cambridge and London. -
1 the UNIVERSITY of HULL Power and Persuasion: the London West India Committee, 1783-1833 Thesis Submitted for the Degree Of
THE UNIVERSITY OF HULL Power and Persuasion: The London West India Committee, 1783-1833 Thesis submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Hull by Angelina Gillian Osborne BA (American International College) MA (Birkbeck College, University of London) September 2014 1 Abstract In 1783 the West India interest – absentee planters, merchants trading to the West Indies and colonial agents - organised into a formal lobbying group as a consequence of the government’s introduction of colonial and economic policies that were at odds with its political and economic interests. Between 1783 and 1833, the London West India Committee acted as political advocates for the merchant and planter interest in Britain, and the planters residing in the West Indies, lobbying the government for regulatory advantage and protection of its monopoly. This thesis is a study of the London West India Committee. It charts the course of British anti-abolition through the lens of its membership and by drawing on its meeting minutes it seeks to provide a more comprehensive analysis of its lobbying strategies, activities and membership, and further insight into its political, cultural and social outlook. It explores its reactions to the threat to its political and commercial interests by abolitionist agitation, commercial and colonial policy that provoked challenges to colonial authority. It argues that the proslavery position was not as coherent and unified as previously assumed, and that the range of views on slavery and emancipation fractured consensus among the membership. Rather than focus primarily on the economic aspects of their lobbying strategy this thesis argues for a broader analysis of the West India Committee’s activities, exploring the decline of the planter class from a political perspective.