Prime Ministers & the Inns of Court
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Harold Macmillan's Resignation in 1963 Plunged the Conservative
FEATURE A conference rememberto he 83rd annual Conservative Harold Macmillan’s resignation in 1963 plunged Party Conference opened in Blackpool on Wednesday, 9th the Conservative conference into chaos, as rivals October 1963. Unionists from Scotland and Northern Ireland scrambled for supremacy and old alliances broke mingledT happily with Conservatives from England and Wales, their fellow party down. By the end of the week, one man was left members, in a gathering of some 3,000. A convivial informality prevailed: Cabinet standing. Lord Lexden looks back on a dramatic ministers who wanted to make confidential telephone calls had to use the scrambler few days of Tory party history phone placed in the television room at the main conference hotel. There were no pushy lobbyists, no public relations executives, no trade stands. 36 | THE HOUSE MAGAZINE | 11 OCTOBER 2013 WWW.POLITICSHOME.COM Alec Douglas-Home leaves Buckingham Palace after being invited to form a government folowing the resignation of Harold Macmillan They had not yet traditional stage arrive to be greeted as a conquering hero been invented. Hours of rumour and management of and bring the conference to a conclusion. Almost the only speculation were followed by the conference His mastery of platform oratory could be outsiders were the remarkable scenes of drama, proceedings relied on to send the party faithful back representatives was undertaken to their constituencies with words of of the media, when the hall fell silent to with particular inspiration ringing in their ears. who were always hear the Prime Minister’s care to prevent Rarely have carefully laid conference admitted in the resignation letter public expression plans been more spectacularly upset. -
Chapter Eight
The Economic Rape of America - Chapter Eight HISTORY AND THEORY OF TAX AND STATE You have sown much, and harvested little; you eat, but you never have enough; you drink, but you never have your fill; you clothe yourselves, but no one is warm; and you that earn wages earn wages to put them into a bag with holes. -- Haggai 1, verse 6 "... [W]hen it is no longer worth the producers' while to produce, when they are taxed so highly to keep the politicians and their friends on the public payroll that they themselves no longer have a reasonable chance of success in any economic enterprise, then of course production grinds to a halt... When this happens, when the producers can no longer sustain on their backs the increasing load of the parasites, then the activities of the parasites must stop also, but usually not before they have brought down the entire social structure which the producers' activities have created. When the organism dies, the parasite necessarily dies too, but not until the organism has paid for the presence of the parasite with its life. It is in just this way that the major civilizations of the world have collapsed." -- Professor John Hospers, 1975 The history of taxation is also the history of the rise and fall of civilization. It is the history of economic rape. From the history of taxation we can learn... TAX IN EGYPT, ROME, AND THE MIDDLE EAST Charles Adams wrote a superb book, Fight, Flight and Fraud: The Story of Taxation. It is a comprehensive analysis of the history of taxation in the context of the rise and fall of civilizations. -
Three Corners' Bluff: Pre-War Europe's Most Dangerous Game
Pre-war Europe’s Most Dangerous Game Emily Falconer Major: History The U.K. Advisor: Professor William Fowler Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain The year 1938 was a turning point for international relations in pre-war Europe. While the United Kingdom and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics were previously able to keep their aggressive German enemy Sir Neville Henderson at bay, 1938 marked a dramatic shift in foreign policy for all three nations. For Germany, under the command of Adolf Hitler, it marked the start of his hostile expansion into British or Soviet territory. For British Ambassador to Germany “allies” the UK and the USSR, respectively led by Sir Neville Chamberlain and Josef Stalin, it forced each of them to make cut-throat decisions in regards to their long-time alliance, and to come to agreeable terms with their common enemy, Adolf Hitler. In 1938, the world was unclear; anything could happen, and “[Henderson] Had almost become Hitler’s all was fair game. Only one outcome was imminent: Adolf Hitler and the Third Reich were ready for war. The only question was: Who would he fight first? ambassador to us, rather than our ambassador to Hitler.” On one hand, the UK and the USSR were steadfast allies, committed to defeating fascism in Europe at all costs, and in thorough agreement to defend one another should one find themselves attacked by Germany. On the other hand, both the UK and the USSR feared each other just as much, if not more, “The personal representative of the prime than they feared Hitler’s Germany. -
Speech by Hugh Gaitskell Against UK Membership of the Common Market (3 October 1962)
Speech by Hugh Gaitskell against UK membership of the Common Market (3 October 1962) Caption: On 3 October 1962, Hugh Gaitskell, leader of the Labour Party, delivers a speech at the annual Labour Party Conference in which he lists the reasons for which opposes the United Kingdom's accession to the European Economic Community (EEC). Source: Britain and the Common Market, Texts of speeches made at the 1962 Labour Party Conference by the Rt. Hon Hugh Gaitskell M.P. and the Rt. Hon. George Brown M.P. together with the policy statement accepted by Conference. London: Labour Party, 1962. 40 p. p. 3-23. Copyright: (c) Labour Party URL: http://www.cvce.eu/obj/speech_by_hugh_gaitskell_against_uk_membership_of_the _common_market_3_october_1962-en-05f2996b-000b-4576-8b42- 8069033a16f9.html Last updated: 01/03/2017 1/15 Speech by Hugh Gaitskell (3 October 1962) I present to Conference the document Labour and the Common Market, and ask you to give it your whole- hearted support. I ask this not only because I believe that this document will commend itself to the large majority of delegates, but because its compelling logic makes it a fine statement of the Party’s point of view on this immense problem. We can all agree on the tremendous significance of this debate. We can also agree that it is already warm in this hall, and likely to become much hotter as the day goes on. Do not therefore, let us get over-heated. I plead at the start for tolerance, tolerance in particular between those who hold the more extreme views in this controversy – those who, on the one hand would like to see Britain enter Europe whatever the conditions, and those who, on the other hand, are opposed to Britain entering Europe on any conditions. -
Appendix – Prime Ministers of the Nineteenth Century
Appendix – Prime Ministers of the Nineteenth Century Total Age at first Dates of time as Name Party appointment Ministries Premier 1. William Pitt, born Tory 24 years, 19 Dec. 1783–14 18 years, 28 May 1759, died 205 days March 1801, 343 days 23 Jan. 1806, 10 May 1804–23 unmarried. Jan. 1806 2. Henry Addington, Tory 43 years, 17 March 3 years, 1st Viscount Sidmouth, 291 days 1801–10 54 days born 30 May 1757, May 1804 died 15 Feb. 1844, married (1) Ursula Hammond, 17 Sep. 1781 (2) Mary Anne Townsend, 1823, 4 sons, 4 daughters 3. William Grenville, 1st Whig 46 years, 11 Feb. 1806–25 1 year, Baron Grenville, born 110 days March 1807 42 days 24 Oct. 1759, died 12 Jan. 1834, married Anne Pitt, 18 Jun. 1792, no children 4. William Cavendish- Whig, 44 years, 2 April 1783–18 3 years, Bentinck, 3rd Duke of then Tory 353 days Dec. 1783, 82 days Portland, born 14 April 31 March 1807–4 1738, died 30 Oct; 1809, Oct. 1809 married Lady Dorothy Cavendish, 8 Nov. 1766, 4 sons, 2 daughters 5. Spencer Perceval, born Tory 46 years, 4 Oct. 1809–11 2 years, 1 Nov. 1762, died 11 May 338 days May 1812 221 days 1812, married Jane Spencer-Wilson, 10 Aug. 1790, 6 sons, 6 daughters Continued 339 340 Appendix Appendix: Continued Total Age at first Dates of time as Name Party appointment Ministries Premier 6. Robert Banks Tory 42 years, 8 Jun. 1812–9 14 years, Jenkinson, 2nd Earl 1 day April 1827 305 days of Liverpool, born 7 Jun. -
Autonomy and the Thirteen Colonies: Was the American Revolution Really Necessary
Duquesne Law Review Volume 18 Number 3 Article 5 1980 Autonomy and the Thirteen Colonies: Was the American Revolution Really Necessary Robert A. Friedlander Follow this and additional works at: https://dsc.duq.edu/dlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Robert A. Friedlander, Autonomy and the Thirteen Colonies: Was the American Revolution Really Necessary, 18 Duq. L. Rev. 507 (1980). Available at: https://dsc.duq.edu/dlr/vol18/iss3/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Duquesne Scholarship Collection. It has been accepted for inclusion in Duquesne Law Review by an authorized editor of Duquesne Scholarship Collection. Autonomy and the Thirteen Colonies: Was the American Revolution Really Necessary?* Robert A. Friedlander** Nothing better illustrates the almost insurmountable difficulties faced by modern pluralistic societies in dealing with recalcitrant minorities on the transnational level than the futile attempts to grant autonomy to dissident populations.1 It has been particularly frustrating for democratic regimes when minority rejectionists have turned to terror-violence as their ultimate political weapon, with Ireland, Spain, and Israel the preeminent contemporary examples. The Northern Irish Parliament is indefinitely suspended,2 home rule has failed to end Basque extremism,'. and the Camp David accords face an uncertain future.' In each case, autonomy has been the chosen method of conflict- resolution and despite offers of-or attempts at-self-government, con- flict continues. Throughout modern history in both theory and practice, autonomy has been at best inherently suspect. In those few historical instances when it was actually attempted, autonomy either worked very badly or not at all. -
Thatcher's Legacy from 1979 Into the 21St Century: Work Sheet
Thatcher’s Legacy from 1979 into the 21st Century: Work Sheet 1. Introduction This worksheet supports discussion of the film ‘Society Politics and Change: Exploring the Legacy of Thatcherism’. Reading is not essential, but it may aid understanding of the issues raised. Who was Margaret Thatcher? Margaret Thatcher came into power in 1979 as the first female Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. By the 1980s an ‘ism’ became attached to her name - ‘Thatcherism’. This represented a new branch of Conservative ideology which encompassed the role of competition and a free market, limited government involvement in industry, low taxes and individual responsibility. This framework of economic and social arrangements continued after Thatcher left office in 1991 and was pursued by following Prime Ministers, such as John Major (Conservative) and also Tony Blair (New Labour). Who made this film? A group of academics and a film-maker made this film together. It is based on a long-term study of Thatcherism – and the detailed findings of this research are available to read in online. The academics are Professor Stephen Farrall and Dr. Emily Gray. 2. The economy The graph below depicts unemployment from 1970 to 2010. It had been rising throughout the 1970s as companies began modernising their working practices, but it rose dramatically after the Conservatives took power in 1979, rising to over three million out of work in 1983. Unemployment hit Northern Ireland, along with the industrial areas of northern and central England as well as parts of Scotland. It impacted the working classes first, before a further rise in unemployment in the 1990s, which affected the middle classes and the housing market. -
Leadership and Change: Prime Ministers in the Post-War World - Alec Douglas-Home Transcript
Leadership and Change: Prime Ministers in the Post-War World - Alec Douglas-Home Transcript Date: Thursday, 24 May 2007 - 12:00AM PRIME MINISTERS IN THE POST-WAR WORLD: ALEC DOUGLAS-HOME D.R. Thorpe After Andrew Bonar Law's funeral in Westminster Abbey in November 1923, Herbert Asquith observed, 'It is fitting that we should have buried the Unknown Prime Minister by the side of the Unknown Soldier'. Asquith owed Bonar Law no posthumous favours, and intended no ironic compliment, but the remark was a serious under-estimate. In post-war politics Alec Douglas-Home is often seen as the Bonar Law of his times, bracketed with his fellow Scot as an interim figure in the history of Downing Street between longer serving Premiers; in Bonar Law's case, Lloyd George and Stanley Baldwin, in Home's, Harold Macmillan and Harold Wilson. Both Law and Home were certainly 'unexpected' Prime Ministers, but both were also 'under-estimated' and they made lasting beneficial changes to the political system, both on a national and a party level. The unexpectedness of their accessions to the top of the greasy pole, and the brevity of their Premierships (they were the two shortest of the 20th century, Bonar Law's one day short of seven months, Alec Douglas-Home's two days short of a year), are not an accurate indication of their respective significance, even if the precise details of their careers were not always accurately recalled, even by their admirers. The Westminster village is often another world to the general public. Stanley Baldwin was once accosted on a train from Chequers to London, at the height of his fame, by a former school friend. -
George Canning and the Representation of Liverpool, 1812-1823 1
'The Pride of my Publick Life': George Canning and the Representation of Liverpool, 1812-1823 1 Stephen M. Lee I George Canning (1770-1827) was one of the most significant figures on the Pittite side of British politics in the first three decades of the nineteenth century, and his successful campaign for a seat at Liverpool in 1812 both illustrated and contributed to the profound changes that his political career underwent during this period. Sandwiched between his failure to return to office in May-July 1812 following the assassination of Spencer Perceval and his decision to disband his personal following (his 'little Senate') in July i8i3,2 this campaign marked for Canning a turn away from the aristocratic political arena of Westminster, which he had come to find so frustrating, towards a political culture which, if at first alien, was replete with new possibilities. Moreover, Canning's experience as representative for Liverpool was indicative of wider changes in the political landscape of early nineteenth-century Britain. Before considering in detail some of the key aspects of Canning's outward turn, however, it will be useful to offer a brief description of the constituency of Liverpool and a short account of the elections that Canning fought there.3 1 This article is a revised version of chapter 3 of Stephen M. Lee, 'George Canning and the Tories, 1801-1827' (unpuh. Ph.D. thesis, Manchester Univ., 1999), PP- 93-128. 2 For a consideration of these two important episodes see Lee, 'Canning and the Tories', pp. 81-91. 1 Unless otherwise stated the following summary of the politics of Liverpool is 74 Stephen M. -
Disraeli and Gladstone: Opposing Forces by Robert Blake
Disraeli and Gladstone: Opposing Forces By Robert Blake Disraeli and Gladstone were both politicians of extraordinary ability - but their personalities clashed and they heartily loathed each other. Robert Blake, the British constitutional historian, compares their political careers, and charts their stormy relationship. Mutual dislike In the general election of 1 April 1880, the Conservative party under Benjamin Disraeli was crushingly defeated by the Liberals (known as Whigs) - under William Gladstone. Lord Granville, a moderate Whig, wrote to Queen Victoria who would, he knew, be bitterly disappointed by the decision of the electorate: 'Lord Beaconsfield [Disraeli] and Mr Gladstone are men of extraordinary ability; they dislike each other more than is usual among public men. Of no other politician Lord Beaconsfield would have said in public that his conduct was worse than those who had committed the Bulgarian atrocities. He has the power of saying in two words that which drives a person of Mr Gladstone's peculiar temperament into a state of great excitement.' There is no doubt that the two statesmen hated each other. There is no doubt that the two statesmen hated each other. Disraeli referred to his rival in a letter to Lord Derby as '...that unprincipled maniac Gladstone - extraordinary mixture of envy, vindictiveness, hypocrisy and superstition'. And Gladstone more moderately said of his old enemy, 'the Tory party had principles by which it would and did stand for bad and for good. All this Dizzy destroyed'. When Lord Granville wrote to Queen Victoria, Disraeli, born in 1804, had one more year to live; Gladstone, who was born in 1810, had another eighteen. -
Mrs. Thatcher's Return to Victorian Values
proceedings of the British Academy, 78, 9-29 Mrs. Thatcher’s Return to Victorian Values RAPHAEL SAMUEL University of Oxford I ‘VICTORIAN’was still being used as a routine term of opprobrium when, in the run-up to the 1983 election, Mrs. Thatcher annexed ‘Victorian values’ to her Party’s platform and turned them into a talisman for lost stabilities. It is still commonly used today as a byword for the repressive just as (a strange neologism of the 1940s) ‘Dickensian’ is used as a short-hand expression to describe conditions of squalor and want. In Mrs. Thatcher’s lexicon, ‘Victorian’ seems to have been an interchangeable term for the traditional and the old-fashioned, though when the occasion demanded she was not averse to using it in a perjorative sense. Marxism, she liked to say, was a Victorian, (or mid-Victorian) ideo1ogy;l and she criticised ninetenth-century paternalism as propounded by Disraeli as anachronistic.2 Read 12 December 1990. 0 The British Academy 1992. Thanks are due to Jonathan Clark and Christopher Smout for a critical reading of the first draft of this piece; to Fran Bennett of Child Poverty Action for advice on the ‘Scroungermania’ scare of 1975-6; and to the historians taking part in the ‘History Workshop’ symposium on ‘Victorian Values’ in 1983: Gareth Stedman Jones; Michael Ignatieff; Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall. Margaret Thatcher, Address to the Bow Group, 6 May 1978, reprinted in Bow Group, The Right Angle, London, 1979. ‘The Healthy State’, address to a Social Services Conference at Liverpool, 3 December 1976, in Margaret Thatcher, Let Our Children Grow Tall, London, 1977, p. -
Teacher's Guide
Winston Churchill Jeopardy Teacher Guide The following is a hard copy of the Jeopardy game you can download off our website. After most of the questions, you will find additional information. Please use this information as a starting point for discussion amongst your students. This is a great post- visit activity in order to see what your students learned while at the Museum. Most importantly, have fun with it! Museum Exhibits (Church, Wall, and Exhibit) $100 Q: From 1965 to 1967, this church was deconstructed into 7000 stones, shipped to Fulton, and rebuilt as a memorial to Winston Churchill’s visit. A: What is the Church of St. Mary the Virgin, Aldermanbury - Please see additional information on the Church of St. Mary by going to our website and clicking on School Programs. $200 Q: In ‘The Gathering Storm’ exhibit, Churchill referred to this political leader as “…a maniac of ferocious genius of the most virulent hatred that has ever corroded the human breast…” A: Who is Adolf Hitler? $300 Q: In ‘The Sinews of Peace’ exhibit, what world leader influenced Churchill’s visit to Westminster College? A: Who is Harry S. Truman? $400 Q: These two items made regular appearances on Churchill’s desk. A: What are the cigar and whiskey? $500 Q: Churchill’s granddaughter, Edwina Sandys, created this sculpture as a representation and symbol of the end of the Cold War. It stands next to the Churchill Museum. A: What is “Breakthrough”? - This sculpture is made of eight sections of the Berlin Wall. Please see additional information on the Berlin Wall by going to our website and clicking on School Programs.