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Development and Crisis in Bougainville: A Bibliographic Essay

TERENCE WESLEY-SMITH

The Contemporary Pacific, Volume 4, Number 2, Fall 1992, 407–432 © 1992 by University of Hawai‘i Press THE CONTEMPORARY PACIFIC. FALL 1992

Development and Crisis in Bougainville A Bibliographic Essay

My main purpose in this essay is to dis­ history is drawn largely unaltered from cuss the emerging literature on the so­ his earlier work, BougainviUe: A Per­ called Bougainville crisis that began in sonal History (Oliver 1973). However, 1988 and remains unresolved early in the material on the mine and its 1992. However, before examining these impact, as well as on more recent recent writings I will identify some gen­ change in the "other Bougainville," has eral sources on Bougainville, and sur­ been completely recast and brought up vey the sizeable literature on change to date. The earlier work was roundly and development there since European criticized for its focus on colonial contact. I will pay particular attention actors and perceptions, descriptive to studies of the impact of the giant emphasis, and generally favorable por­ copper mine at Panguna, and to trayal of the mining company (eg, see sources on Bougainville's earlier seces­ Griffin 1973a). Black Islanders will, no sionist crisis. doubt, evoke similar responses from Most ofthe literature cited consists reviewers (eg, see William Standish of books, monographs, articles in elsewhere in this issue). Nevertheless, it scholarly journals, and material remains an essential reference for stu­ published in occasional and working dents of Bougainville because of its rel­ paper series. All of these should be atively comprehensive coverage. available in major research libraries, or The prehistory of is one through interlibrary loan systems. of the most dynamic areas of Pacific Newsmagazine and newspaper articles Islands scholarship, and general devel­ are not generally cited unless they are opments in the field are reflected in of particular importance. Unpublished works by John Terrell (1986, 1988), materials are limited to important dis­ Matthew Spriggs (1984), and in a col­ sertations and theses, reports, and doc­ lection of articles in Volume 63 of uments. Antiquity. In this collection Allen, Gos­ den, and White (1989) discuss the Pleis­ GENERAL SOURCES tocene occupation of Greater Austra­ ON BOUGAINVILLE lian outliers, and Gosden et al (1989) The best single source on the geogra­ identify more recent developments. phy, anthropology, and history of Oliver (1991, 1-15) offers a useful over­ Bougainville1 is Douglas Oliver's Black view ofthe prehistory of Bougainville Islanders (1991). Professor Oliver first itself, while Stephen Wickler (1990) conducted research in Bougainville in and Matthew Spriggs (1990a) provide the 1930S and has been writing about more specific information. Wickler and developments there ever since. The Spriggs (1988) demonstrate that people material on traditional cultures, early have lived in Bougainville for at least contacts with Europeans, and colonial twenty-eight thousand years, some RESOURCES

twenty-five thousand years longer than (1960) provide general descriptions of previously reported for the Solomon the European exploration of the Islands. Pacific, while Jack-Hinton (1969) deals Although her chapters on prehistory specifically with voyages ofdiscovery and social change are now well out of to the . Although a date, Ann Chowning's (1977) slim vol­ detailed history ofthe labor trade in ume remains a useful introductory sur­ Bougainville has yet to be written, the vey ofthe major cultural characteristics history of"blackbirding" in general is of Melanesia. Some of the earliest nicely summarized by Kerry Howe descriptions oflife in Bougainville are (1984,329-343). Other sources include provided by Guppy (1887), Parkinson Deryck Scarr (1967), Colin Newbury (1899), and Frizzi (1914). Although (1980), Price with Baker (1976), and government anthropologist Ernest especially Peter Corris (1973). Addi­ Chinnery (1924, 1925) was the first to tional insights can be gained from Clive attempt an overview of the traditional Moore's (1985) excellent study of cultures of Bougainville, chapter 7 of Malaitan migration to Black Islanders (Oliver 1991, 92-117) is between 1871 and 1904. the most useful contemporary source. Secessionist leaders often draw This is based on Oliver's own earlier attention to Bougainville's political work (eg, Oliver 1949, 1969), including separation from the rest ofthe Solo­ his classic study of the Siwai people of mon Islands in 1886. Paul van der Veur southwest Bougainville (1955), as well (1966a, 1966b) details the circum­ as on area-specific studies by Beatrice stances surrounding Bougainville's Blackwood (1931, 1935, 1936), incorporation into German New G. Thomas (1931), Robert Shoffner Guinea, but indicates the equally arbi­ (1976), Donald Mitchell (1976), Jill trary nature ofPapua 's Nash (1974), Hilde Thurnwald (1934), other boundaries. The most useful gen­ Richard Thurnwald (1934a, 1934b, eral histories of 1936,1951), Jared Keil (1975), Jonathan in English are Peter Hempenstall (1978) Friedlaender (1975), and Michael Ham­ and Stewart Firth (1982), but an earlier nett (1977). Ofparticular importance work by S. W. Reed (1942) is also for students of the current crisis is worth consulting. Shorter accounts Eugene Ogan's research (especially include Marjorie Jacobs' (1972) section 197Ia, 1972, but see also 1971b, 1974) on German New Guinea in the Ency­ among the Nasioi ofeast central clopaedia a/Papua and New Guinea Bougainville, on whose land the (P. Ryan 1972), and chapter 4 of Grif­ Panguna mine is now located. fin, Nelson, and Firth's political his­ Once again, Oliver (1991) offers the tory ofPapua New Guinea (1979, 34­ most comprehensive postcontact his­ 45). An invaluable research tool for tory of Bougainville, with chapters students of the German era is the devoted to early contacts with Europe­ translation of the ans, the German era, the Australian administration's annual reports (Sack mandate, World War II, and the post­ and Clark 1979). war era. Beaglehole (1966) and Sharp The best introduction to 's 410 THE CONTEMPORARY PACIFIC· FALL 1992 occupation of German New Guinea in quality, are some books and edited col­ 1914 and the subsequent period under a lections of the 1960s and early 1970S League of Nations mandate is chapter 5 that discuss development problems and ofGriffin, Nelson, and Firth (1979, 46­ prospects. These include Fisk (1966), 58). Reed (1942) offers a critical discus­ J. Ryan (1969), Hastings (1969), Clu­ sion of the Australian administration nies Ross and Langmore (1973), Wai­ between the wars. More detailed gani Seminar (1969), and Ward (1970). sources include Mair (1970), and Radi Rowley's New Guinea Villager (1965) is (1971), while Rowley (1958) deals spe­ the most interesting early discussion of cifically with the military period. what "development" might mean for Oliver (1991, 41-68) provides the only Papua New Guineans. Oliver describes extended discussion of Bougainville's developments in Bougainville before particular experience during this the establishment of the mine in chap­ period. ter 7 of Black Islanders (1991, 92-II7). Once again, Griffin, Nelson, and 's transition to Firth (1979, 70-ro1) provide the best independence in 1975 is discussed by introduction to the impact ofWorld Griffin, Nelson, and Firth (1979, 178­ War II on Papua New Guinea, while 271) and Downs (1980, 486-563). Oliver (1991, 69-77) is the best single Books aimed at more popular audi­ source on developments in Bougain­ ences by Hank Nelson (1974) and jour­ ville. Other sources with relevance for nalist Don Woolford (1976) give a good Bougainville's wartime experience are sense ofthe issues ofthe day. Finally, Long (1963) and Miller (1959). the country's first prime minister, The most useful general account of , provides some addi­ developments in Papua New Guinea in tional insights in his 1975 autobiogra­ the postwar colonial era is Ian Downs' phy, Sana. All of these books discuss The Australian Trusteeship (1980). the separatist problems that beset More than five hundred pages long and Papua New Guinea during this period. well documented, it covers in some For political developments in Bougain­ detail the establishment of the copper ville in the early 1970s, see Anis et al mine in Bougainville, and the seces­ (1976). sionist challenge there in the 1970s. Two more theoretically oriented Since this is an "official" history, it is studies of Papua New Guinea's politi­ not surprising that the book is sympa­ cal economy should be mentioned. In thetic toward Australian efforts. A Development and Dependency, Azeem Time for Building, by the architect of Amarshi, Kenneth Good, and Rex much ofthis effort, ex-Minister for Mortimer (1979) discuss the develop­ Territories Paul Hasluck (1976), is ment of peripheral capitalism, chang­ another valuable source of official ing global influences, class structure, views and perceptions during the and political forms ofdependency. The period from 1951 to 1963. book remains influential, despite the A more critical account ofAustra­ problems it causes for those predis­ lian efforts is provided by Griffin, posed toward its theoretical assump­ Nelson, and Firth (1979, 102-177). tions (eg, Turner 1980) and for those Also worth consulting, but of mixed who disagree with the basic approach RESOURCES 4II

(eg, Garnaut 1980). Considerably more some institutional aspects are described sophisticated theoretically, but intimi­ by William Standish (1984). dating for newcomers to neo-Marxist A useful (but expensive) research scholarship, is Peter Fitzpatrick's Law tool for students of contemporary and State in Papua New Guinea (1980). affairs is The Papua New Guinea Two recently published books Handbook (Callick et al 1990). This address Papua New Guinea's postinde­ provides general background informa­ pendence experience. In Papua New tion about the country, and its discus­ Guinea: The Challenge ofIndepen­ sions of social, political, and economic dence, Mark Turner (1990), who issues are updated periodically. The taught at the Administrative College in regional newsmagazines, Pacific Port Moresby, offers an introductory Islands Monthly and Islands Business overview "written with both the gen­ Pacific, as well as newsletters such as eral reader and the student in mind." Pacific Report, cover major news He includes sections on history and stories from Papua New Guinea. The geography, economic development, weekly Times ofPapua New Guinea inequality and social welfare, politics provides in-depth coverage of current and administration, foreign policy, and issues in the country, while the daily law and order. Less well organized and Post-Courier offers more comprehen­ documented, but much more lively in sive reporting. Convenient for those style, is Sean Dorney's Papua New more concerned with recent history Guinea: People, Politics and History than with news are the annual political Since I975 (1990). A journalist in Papua reviews published in the Australian New Guinea since 1974, Dorney offers Journal ofPolitics and History (since a personalized account of recent events the 1960s), in the fall issue (number 2) that is rich in insight. It is essential of The Contemporary Pacific (since reading for students of contemporary 1989), and in the February issue of Papua New Guinea. Both books con­ Asian Survey. As well as reviewing tain numerous references to Bougain­ Papua New Guinea (since 1989), the ville, and Dorney devotes a separate annual supplement to the Journal of chapter to the current crisis. Pacific History records new Pacific­ The best survey ofPapua New related theses and dissertations, and Guinea's postindependence economic reports relevant additions to the peri­ problems is Goodman, Lepani, and odicalliterature. Of increasing impor­ Morawetz (1985), while the increas­ tance for researchers are the various ingly influential World Bank (1988) database searching facilities now avail­ offers a somewhat different assess­ able in major libraries. ment. Some interesting views on ten MINING, CHANGE, years of development efforts were AND DEVELOPMENT expressed at the 1982 Seminar, IN BOUGAINVILLE and the resultant collection ofpapers is a useful resource (King, Lee, and The giant opencast copper and gold Warakai 1985). There is no book­ mine at Panguna has been the most length study ofpostindependence poli­ important force for change in Bougain­ tics in Papua New Guinea, although ville in recent decades. Raymond 412 THE CONTEMPORARY PACIFIC· FALL 1992

Mikesell (1975) offers a concise history Mining provoked significant local of its establishment and a brief account resistance from the beginning. Connell ofthe 1974 renegotiation of the original (1989,1-3) has documented evidence of mining agreement. The Encyclopaedia early resistance from patrol reports, ofPapua and New Guinea includes a and company geologist Ken Phillips useful illustrated description of the (1977) provides a telling description of project (P. Ryan 1972, 92-102). the reaction to exploration activities Another good source is Downs (1980), from 1964 to 1966. The best source on which outlines the economic circum­ the issue ofland compensation is Bed­ stances that made the enterprise attrac­ ford and Mamak (1977), but see also tive to the Australian administration Dove, Miriung, and Togolo (1974), (299-302) and examines its stormy his­ and Kokare (1972). For an overview of tory from 1966 to 1970 (340-362). the controversial resumption of Roro­ The mine was established in the vana land for company facilities, and context of an economic development ofArawa plantation for a townsite, see strategy heavily influenced by the Woolford (1976, 28-42), and a recent World Bank report of1964 (Interna­ article by a witness to these events, tional Bank for Reconstruction and Nigel Cooper (1991). Details from offi­ Development 1965). The terms of the cial sources are provided by Downs 1967 mining agreement (Papua New (1980,340-362), while Leo Hannett Guinea 1967, 1974) were generous to (1969b) offers a pungent local point of the company (Robinson 1969), and the view. The best summary oflocal reac­ agreement was renegotiated shortly tion is Momis and Ogan (1971), but see after self-government (Momis 1975). also Wiley (1992). Frank Espie (1973) The best account of the renegotiation is presents a company view. provided by Ross Garnaut (1981), a key The economic impacts of the member of the government's negotiat­ Bougainville mine were discussed by ing team. A company attempt to enlist Malcolm Treadgold (1971), and in a the support of the Australian govern­ report by W. D. Scott and Company ment is revealed in a letter eventually­ (1973), while a perceptive government made public (Duncan and Carnegie official outlined some potential future 1981). The renegotiation resulted in a problems (Zorn 1973, 1976). Actual radical change in the tax system based impacts were reviewed by O'Faircheal­ on principles developed by Garnaut laigh (1982, 1984a, 1984b), and later by and Clunies Ross (1975), which have Daniel (1985) and Tilton, Millet, and informed Papua New Guinea's mining Ward (1986). Treadgold (1978) pro­ policy ever since (O'Faircheallaigh vides an extended discussion of the 1984; Daniel 1985; Tilton, Millet, and impact of mining on Bougainville's Ward 1986). The new fiscal terms are economy. An early assessment of envi­ analyzed by Michael Faber (1974), ronmental impacts is Brown (1974), while Abdul Paliwala (1974) examines but by far the most detailed review was some legal aspects of the renegotiation. conducted in 1988 shortly before the The company's annual reports (Bou­ landowner protest turned violent gainville Copper Limited) detail pro­ (Applied Geology Associates 1989; for duction and fiscal performance. a short summary by one ofthe mem- f1I": .• , ..... """"~" ..~ ,-";"

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bers of the team see Connell 1991, 67­ lent doctoral thesis focused on social 69). Richard West's (1972) general con­ structure and leadership in Buin, while demnation of the global activities of Robert Shoffner (1976) investigated the Bougainville Copper Limited's parent economic and cultural ecology of company, Rio Tinto-Zinc, is worth Teop, and Michael Hamnett (1977) dis­ mentioning here, if only because it cussed changing settlement patterns in seems to have inspired the T-shirt slo­ parts of central Bougainville. The pro­ gan "Valley ofTears" sported by activ­ ject also brought geographer Richard ists on Bougainville during the current Bedford and sociologist Alexander CrISIS. Mamak to Bougainville. Together By now readers will have gathered (Bedford and Mamak 1975,1976,1977; that Professor Douglas Oliver has cast Mamak and Bedford 1974a, 1974b, a long shadow over the research 1977) and separately (Bedford 1974), agenda in Bougainville for more than they produced numerous important five decades. Since his initial fieldwork publications on social and political in 1938-1939, he has supervised the issues. Associated studies included work ofnumerous doctoral students those by Malcolm Treadgold (1971, and been employed periodically as an 1978), and Marion Ward (1975). adviser by the mining company. In Also important, but not part of association with a committee of schol­ Oliver's program, were studies con­ ars at Australian National University's ducted by anthropologists Eugene Development Studies Centre, Oliver Ogan, Donald Mitchell, and Jill Nash. coordinated an extensive research Nash's (1974) initial study was more effort in Bougainville in the 197os. concerned with traditional ethnogra­ Funded largely by Bougainville Copper phy, but in later articles she examined Limited, its objectives were first, to changing Nagovisi gender relations record "for posterity ... the nature of (Nash 1981, 1984). Mitchell (1976) the island's several indigenous cultures" investigated the impact ofcash crop­ before they were transformed, and sec­ ping on Nagovisi land tenure systems ond, to investigate the effects of change and warned offuture problems. Ogan, on the economic welfare ofBougainvil­ Nash, and Mitchell (1976) foresha­ leans (Oliver 1973, 215-216). dowed population pressures among the This project produced much ofthe Nasioi and Nagovisi. Ogan (1972, but available information about social see also 1971b, 1974) focused on busi­ change in Bougainville. Geographer ness ventures and cargoism among the John Connell (1978, but see also 1977a, Nasioi, while Maxwell Rimoldi (1972) 1977b, 1985,1988) produced an out­ studied Bougainville's best-known standing follow-up study to Oliver's "cargo cult," the Hahalis Welfare Soci­ own work in Siwai that focused on ety in Buka (see also Hagai 1966, and agricultural change. Social psycholo­ Worsley 1957 for a general discussion gist Tushar Moulik (1975, 1977) inves­ of such cults). Meanwhile, Hugh tigated the influence of motivational Laracy (1976) studied the history of factors on the ability ofBougainvil­ Catholic missions in the Solomon leans to adapt to modern forms ofeco­ Islands, including Bougainville. nomic activity. Jared Keil's (1975) excel- Finally, Bougainvillean Ephraim Makis THE CONTEMPORARY PACIFIC. FALL 1992

(1975) conducted research on the to independence (eg, see Clunies Ross growth oflocal business under the 1973; Khan 1974; Hastings 1976b; influence ofthe mining company. Premdas 1977b; Sundhaussen 1977; In 1978, Oliver (1981) summarized May 1982). The strongest movement the findings of some of these studies in for secession developed in Bougain­ a report to then premier of the North ville, fueled by the adverse reaction to Solomons Province, Dr Alexis Sarei. mining from the mid-1960s. The fore­ He emphasized the growing depen­ most analyst of Bougainvillean nation­ dence of Bougainvilleans on money, alism is historian James Griffin, who and commented that "future money has published numerous articles on the deprivation would doubtless be, for subject since the early 1970S (eg, 1972, many if not most Bougainvillians, a 1973b, 1973d, 1975a, 1975b).Mamak painfully traumatic experience indeed" and Bedford (1974a) is another good (Oliver 1981, v). He could not know general source, while Crocombe that this prediction would be put to the (1968), and Fingleton (1970), a resident test after the mine was forced to close Australian priest, are also worth con­ in May 1989 and especially after the sulting. Also significant are the national government imposed its published statements of Leo Hannett, blockade on the island in mid-199°. the most important secessionist leader In 1982 a consortium of British con­ ofthe 1970S (1969a, 1975). sulting firms completed a comprehen­ The history and aims of the influen­ sive development study for the North tial Kieta-based political organization Solomons Provincial Government Napidakoe Navitu are analyzed by (Economic Consultants Limited 1982). Barry Middlemiss (1970), the organiza­ The report examined population tion's first secretary, Anis et al (1976), trends and provincial government and Griffin (1982). Bougainville's his­ finances, and assessed performance in torical and cultural connections to the the agricultural, forestry, fishing, and rest ofthe Solomons, as well as the industrial sectors ofthe economy. It possibility of a political reunion, were also reviewed the situation with regard discussed by Hastings (1976a) and Grif­ to health, education, transport, utili­ fin (1973C), among others. The eco­ ties, housing, and squatter settlements. nomics of such a union were explored Its authors detailed the economic and by Treadgold (1978) in an interesting social consequences of the cessation of appendix to his general study of mining in the province and made it Bougainville's economy. quite clear that they regarded further Griffin, Nelson, and Firth (1979, minerals exploration a matter of 2°9-217) and Premdas (1977b) provide urgency. useful descriptions of the events lead­ ing up to Bougainville's first unilateral SECESSIONIST POLITICS IN declaration of independence on I Sep­ BOUGAINVILLE TO 1976 tember 1975. Thesecessionist bid is The potential fragmentation of Papua described in fairly disparaging terms by New Guinea along regional lines was a Downs (1980, 555-557) and Oliver constant concern during the transition (1991), no doubt reflecting the attitude RESOURCES

ofmany observers at the time. The published and unpublished papers wait-and-see tactics employed by Prime trace the development of the "new" Minister Somare to deal with the crisis Panguna Landowners Association and are foreshadowed in his autobiography discuss the expressed grievances of its (1975), and Griffin, Nelson, and Firth leaders (Connell 1989, 1990a, 1990b, (1979,236-239) outline the terms ofthe 1990C, 1991). Informed by Connell's eventual settlement with secessionist long association with Bougainville, leaders in August 1976. The so-called these papers are essential reading for Bougainville Agreement authorized the students ofthe current crisis. establishment of the North Solomons An important resource for research­ Provincial Government with significant ers will be Matthew Spriggs' The decentralized powers. The role ofthis Bougainville Papers: Primary Source earlier Bougainville crisis in the estab­ Documents on the Bougainville Crisis, lishment ofPapua New Guinea's exten­ which is still in preparation but should sive system ofprovincial government is be published in late 1992 or 1993. discussed by Diana Conyers (1975, An unexpected stimulus to research 1976) and John Ballard (1981). emerged in 1989 as a result of a legal dispute between the mining company THE CURRENT CRISIS and its insurers over the nature ofthe The crisis that erupted at the Panguna conflict that had forced the mine to mine in late 1988 caught most people, close. Experts were commissioned by including academics, by surprise. Few both parties to address the question of social scientists had worked in the whether or not the situation in Bou­ province since the extensive efforts of gainville represented a state of insur­ the 1970s, although Wesley-Smith rection, rebellion, civil war, or usurped (1988) investigated some local impacts power. Some ofthe resultant reports, of the mine in 1984, and Griffin with or derivations from them, began to cir­ Kawona (1989) traced political devel­ culate in late 1989, and a number were opments there to 1987. subsequently published. Two research efforts in 1988 yielded Seminars at the Australian National important information for subsequent University in March and April 1990, analyses. The first was a study of land­ and May 1991, provided impetus for owner-company relations conducted the two edited collections on the crisis by a team of University ofPapua New that have emerged so far (Polomka Guinea students supervised by Colin 1990; May and Spriggs 199o-see Filer (1990, 83m2). The results are reviews elsewhere in this issue), and a summarized by Okole (1990). The sec­ third that is in press (Spriggs and ond research effort was initiated by the Denoon 1992). The Polomka book Department ofMinerals and Energy in contains a series of short pieces by vari­ response to landowner concerns, and ous interested parties and reproduces conducted by a firm of consultants several relevant documents. The May (Applied Geology Associates 1989). and Spriggs volume is more substantive The only social scientist on the team and includes two scholarly papers that was John Connell, whose recent have attracted considerable attention. THE CONTEMPORARY PACIFIC· FALL 1992

Colin Filer (1990) proposes that the ing with the crisis have been published Bougainville crisis originated in a pro­ so far. Oliver's Black Islanders (1991) cess of local social disintegration pre­ discussed at length earlier in this essay, cipitated by mining. He argues that this includes a blow-by-blow description of process is occurring in the vicinity of events from 1988 to early 1991, but large-scale mine sites elsewhere in offers no coherent explanatory frame­ Papua New Guinea and that it is only a work. On the other hand, retired man­ matter of time before these other social aging director of Bougainville Copper "time bombs" explode. This hypothe­ Limited, Paul Quodling (1991,1992), sis, refined and expanded in a second has no doubt that the distribution of paper (Filer 1992), has served to struc­ financial benefits was the key issue. He ture the subsequent debate concerning lays much ofthe blame for the events the causes ofthe crisis. True to style, of1988 on Father John Momis' 1987 James Griffin (1990a) has confronted "Bougainville initiative," which he the argument head-on, taking strong argues raised the expectations ofland­ exception to Filer's claim that Bougain­ owners. Previous claims of this nature ville is no different from any other part have been vehemently denied by of Papua New Guinea. In a paper en­ Momis (1989, 1990a, 1990b). For the titled "Bougainville Is a Special Case," perspectives ofother company officials Griffin draws on his earlier work to see Carruthers (1990, 1992) and Griffin argue that the central factor in the cri­ (1990b). sis is ethnonationalism based on per­ Wesley-Smith and Ogan argue else­ ceived ethnic distinctiveness. where in this issue that the debate This sort of argument is favored by about the origins of the crisis should be secessionist leaders, who emphasize placed in a larger theoretical context, their cultural differences from people and offer a suitable comparative frame­ in other parts of Papua New Guinea, as work. A somewhat different concep­ well as a history of neglect and exploi­ tual approach informs the work of tation by outsiders (eg, see Havini David Hyndman (1987, 1991), while 1990a, 1990b; International Work Peter Larmour (1992) discusses a vari­ Group on Indigenous Affairs 1992; ety of theoretical options. Ona 1990). Griffin is no secessionist, General discussions of the crisis and however, and has written numerous its implications have been offered by newspaper articles attacking Bougain­ Dora Alves (1990) and Hugh Laracy villean leaders for ignoring the welfare (1991). Among the best in this genre are oftheir own people (eg, Griffin 1989a, Ron May (1990b), and Bill Standish 1990C, 1990d, 1990e). These broad­ (1989,1990), both ofwhom have had sides have served the useful purpose of considerable research experience in provoking public responses from some Papua New Guinea. targeted individuals whose views might Elsewhere in this issue, Spriggs otherwise remain unstated (eg, Momis explains the significance of prehistory 1990a, 1990b; Roberts 1990; Singkai for the crisis, and pertinent Bougainvil­ 1990 ). lean and N asioi cultural characteristics Two other book-length studies deal- are surveyed by Ogan (1991; see also ,.,.~

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1990). Ogan's article is essential read­ tions with Australia (R. Smith 1990; ing, and includes an interesting discus­ Neuhaus 1990; Anderson 1990; Com­ sion of the traditional role of chiefs, monwealth of Australia 1991; Eccles­ who have recently assumed a certain ton 1990; Coster 1990; Thawley 1992), significance. the military aspects ofwhich have Legal aspects are analyzed by Uni­ always been problematic (eg, see versity ofPapua New Guinea law lec­ H. Smith 1974; Babbage 1987). The turer Rafiqul Islam (1990,1991), while important impact on relations with the Ethan Weisman (1990, 1992), Andrew Solomon Islands is not as well docu­ Elek (1991,1992), and Herb Thompson mented, but see the account ofMartina (1991) discuss some economic implica­ Ului elsewhere in this issue. The tions. The most useful discussion of the impact ofthe crisis on women is dis­ political implications of the crisis is cussed by Pauline Onsa (1992), and on Saffu (elsewhere in this issue), but see health by Lissa Evans (1992). also May (1990a). The role of the The course of the crisis since 1988 media in the crisis is analyzed by for­ can be traced in annual reviews by mer editor ofthe Arawa Bulletin Michael Oliver (1989) Yaw Saffu (1990, Suzanna Layton elsewhere in this issue. 1991), Griffin (1989b, 1990j), Wesley­ The role ofthe churches has yet to be Smith (1989, 1990b, 1991a, 1991b, examined rigorously, but Griffin (eg, 1992a, 1992b), and in annual and quar­ 1990e) has expressed his views in no terly reports by the Economist Intelli­ uncertain terms. The Priests of the gence Unit. Additional sources will be Bougainville Diocese (1989), Father identified in a brief chronological sur­ Mark Roberts (1990), and Bishop vey ofrecent events. Gregory Singkai (1990), have all made Griffin with Kawona (1989) is the statements regarding their involve­ best source for political developments ment. in Bougainville during the 1980s, while The Bougainville crisis has raised former provincial premier Leo Hannett some questions about mining in Papua (1989) and John Momis (1989, 1990a, New Guinea generally. For example, 1990b) defend their mining-related there is an ongoing debate about land­ actions during this period. Quodling owners' rights over minerals (Donigi (1991) and Wesley-Smith (1990a, 1992) 1988; Posman 1988; Grynberg 1988; na offer explanations for the failure to Genim 1991). Mining specialists eventuate of the reviews of the Bou­ Richard Jackson (1989) and Sam Pintz gainville Copper Agreement scheduled (1989) discuss some new policy options for 1981 and 1988. and approaches. The critical develop­ As mentioned earlier, Okole (1990), ment issues facing Papua New Guinea Applied Geology Associates (1989), as it heads toward a minerals boom are and Connell (1989, 1990a, 1990b, presented in an important recent publi­ 1990C, 1991) are the best sources on the cation by David Parsons and David development of the militant landowner Vincent (1991). movement in 1988. Oliver (1991) and Finally, the crisis has put considera­ May (1990b), among others, describe ble strain on Papua New Guinea's reIa- the campaign of sabotage that began in THE CONTEMPORARY PACIFIC. FALL 1992 late 1988, and the introduction ofriot (Momis et al 1990). Accusations of police shortly after. Nash and Ogan human rights violations are docu­ (1990) discuss Bougainvilleans' atti­ mented in an extensive report by the tudes toward outsiders, providing use­ London-based human rights group, ful background to the ethnic riots that Amnesty International, released in erupted in early 1989. These riots led to November 1990. the introduction of the army, and the The circumstances surrounding the resulting general deterioration ofthe signing of the Declaration situation is described by Burton (1990) (Somare and Kabui 1991) in January and Spriggs (1990b, 1990C). The emer­ 1991 are discussed by Rowan Callick gence ofthe Bougainville Revolution­ (1991). Other useful journalistic ary Army is discussed by Mike Forster accounts of life on Bougainville during elsewhere in this issue. the blockade include Sasako (199Ia, The provincial government's report 1991b), Maladina (1991), and Beatson on possible solutions to the crisis (1991). A documentary broadcast on (North Solomons Provincial Govern­ Australian television in June (Snow ment 1989) was released in May 1989, 1991) included an admission by the and September saw the demise of the defense force commander that Austra­ Namaliu government's "peace pack­ lian-donated helicopters were used as age" initiative (Times ofPapua New gunships and to dump the bodies of Guinea, 21 Sept 1989). The events lead­ rebel suspects at sea. In August, ing to the ceasefire ofMarch 1990 are Bougainville's interim government pre­ described by one of its architects, sented its case against the Papua New Graeme Kemelfield (1990, see also Guinea government to the interna­ 1992), and by Oswin Avery (1990). The tional community (International Work subsequent withdrawal of all the secu­ Group for Indigenous Affairs 1992), rity forces and the takeover of the and Papua New Guinea responded province by the Bougainville Revolu­ (Lepani 1992). tionary Army are covered in some CONCLUDING REMARKS detail by journalists Rowan Callick (1990a) and Sean Dorney (1990, An enormous amount has been written 319-328 ). about Bougainville, and especially The Republic of Bougainville's dec­ about the impacts of the mine. Yet the laration of independence in May 1990 tragedy happened anyway. It may well is described by May and Spriggs (1990, be that the policymakers, for political II3-II6), while Callick (1990b) dis­ or economic reasons, ignored whatever cusses the negotiations leading to the warning signs there were in the litera­ Endeavour Accords ofAugust 1990 ture. The more sobering possibility, (Somare and Kabui 1990). The Septem­ however, is that the social scientists ber reinvasion of Buka by the Papua failed to properly understand the New Guinea Defence Force is covered destructive processes at work. Hope­ by Wesley-Smith (1991b), as is the sub­ fully, the rich literature on Bougainville sequent agreement between Buka lead­ will soon be thoroughly reexamined in ers and the national government search of adequate explanations, so , i!m!!l, .•

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