DOCSLIB.ORG

Rethinking the Russian Revolution in Germany

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

12 Prispevki za novejšo zgodovino LVIII - 1/2018 1.01 UDC: 323.272(47)"1917":930(430)”1918/2018” Andreas Schulz* “What does it have to do with us?” – Rethinking the Russian Revolution in Germany IZVLEČEK »KAJ IMA TO OPRAVITI Z NAMI?« – PONOVNO VREDNOTENJE RUSKE REVOLUCIJE V NEMČIJI Avtor predstavlja pregled razstav in novejših publikacij v Nemčiji, posvečenih stoti obletnici oktobrske revolucije leta 1917. Po stoletju raziskovanja sta veličastnost in herojstvo iz časov rojstva »velike socialistične oktobrske revolucije« že povsem zbledela. Z demistifikacijo se je tako imenovana »svetovna revolucija« premaknila v okvir ruske zgodovine. Vendar ta nacionalizacija revolucije marginalizira globalne posledice Rdečega oktobra, zlasti kadar se boljševiški prevzem oblasti razlaga preprosto kot uspešno prizadevanje za preoblikovanje anarhije v organizirani režim terorja, ki ga je izvajala odločna in požrtvovalna avantgarda. Medtem ko totalitarni pristop zanemarja socialne korenine revolucije, novejše kulturne študije poudarjajo naključne dejavnike in degradirajo revolucionarno vstajo kot eskalacijo državljanske vojne na kontaminiranih »območjih nasilja«. Avtor v drugem delu tega prispevka pusti za sabo vse takšne celovite razlage in velike načrte ter opozori na dolgotrajne strukturne spremembe, ki jih je ruska revolucija povzročila v povojni Evropi. Svoje argumente osredotoči na tri ravni – najprej na politične institucije, nato na gospodarski in družbeni red, nazadnje pa na demografske spremembe. Ključne besede: čaščenje spomina na »svetovno revolucijo«, globalne posledice leta 1917, vplivi Rdečega oktobra na Nemčijo * Professor, PhD, Kommission für Geschichte des Parlamentarismus und der politischen Parteien, Schiffbauerdamm 40, D-10117 Berlin, [email protected] Andreas Schulz: “What does it have to do with us?” – Rethinking the Russian Revolution ... 13 ABSTRACT The author reviews exhibitions and recent publications in Germany which commemorate the centennial of the October Revolution 1917. After a full century of research there is little left of glory and heroism that had been present at the dawn of the ″Great Socialist October Revolution”. A de-mystification has taken place which relocates the proclaimed “World Revolution” into the frame of Russian history. But this nationalization of the revolution tends to marginalize the global effects of the Red October, especially when the Bolshevik seizure of power is simply explained as a successful effort to transform anarchy into an organised regime of terror practised by a determined and self-sacrificing Avantgarde. While the totalitarian approach neglects the social origins of the Revolution, recent cultural studies emphasise contingent factors downrating revolutionary uprisings as an escalation of civil war in contaminated “landscapes of violence”. Leaving behind such entire explanations and grand designs, the second part of this paper wants to draw attention to the enduring structural changes which the Russian Revolution caused in post-war Europe. The author concentrates his arguments on three levels, beginning with the political institutions, secondly, the economic and social order, and thirdly, the demographic change. Keywords: Commemorating the “World Revolution”, Global effects of 1917, Impacts of the Red October on Germany In the calendar of centennial commemorations of the October Revolution in Germany, the exhibition “1917 Revolution – Russland und die Folgen” in the Deutsche Historische Museum in Berlin had a prominent place. “What does the revolution have to do with us?” – is a rhetorical question, which the curators did not specifically answer because they were more interested in the celebrations of the revolutionary heritage in post-soviet Russia.1 But indeed, looking back from 2017, it is evident that nothing is left of the hopes and fears that contemporaries all over the world shared when the Bolsheviks announced the dawn of a new age of mankind under the name of the “Great Socialist October Revolution”.2 With the end of the Cold War, it seemed as if the global revolutionary challenge and the utopian promises, which the Soviet Union held up as the legitimate heir of Leninism, completely disappeared.3 A brief look at the bestseller book list shows that the year 1917 has become a rather forgotten time in history. While the commemoration of the “Great War” from 1914 to 1918 1 Kristiane Janeke, “Einführung,” in: 1917. Revolution: Russland und die Folgen (Berlin: Sandstein Verlag, 2017), 10– 13. 2 Eric J. Hobsbawm, Das Zeitalter der Extreme: Weltgeschichte des 20. Jahrhunderts 1914–1991 (München: Hanser, 1995), 91–93. 3 Jan Claas Behrends et. al., “100 Jahre Roter Oktober. Versuche zur Historisierung der Russischen Revolution,” in: 100 Jahre Roter Oktober. Zur Weltgeschichte der Russian Revolution (Berlin: Christoph Links, 2017), 9. Jan C. Behrends, “Was bleibt vom Kommunismus? Eine historische Betrachtung zum 100. Jahrestag der Russischen Revo- lution,” in: 1917. 100 Jahre Oktoberrevolution und ihre Fernwirkungen auf Deutschland (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2017), 23‒37. 14 Prispevki za novejšo zgodovino LVIII - 1/2018 produced a rich harvest of detailed studies4, which claim to deliver new insights, recent publications about the Russian Revolution of 1917 remain in the shadow of latest historiographical research. Nonetheless, it is worth considering its significant importance once again after a hundred years, despite the fact that the “World Revolution”, which Lenin and the Bolsheviks proclaimed, never happened. A Final Farewell to the World Revolution? A full century of research has de-mystified the Russian Revolution, leaving little of the glory and heroism which had always surrounded memories and historiography.5 Some historians wonder if the revolution really mattered enough to call it a break of continuity in contemporary world history at all. There is a growing tendency to locate the years 1917‒1920 in the frame of Russian history, so that we may speak of a “de-globalisation” and “nationalisation” of the October Revolution. How this rearrangement has changed our general perception of the Russian Revolution will be discussed in the first part of this paper. It is evident that with the end of the Cold War, ideological debates ceased and grand narratives fell silent. However, there is reason enough to consider the immediate impacts and long-term structural changes that the revolution caused. This will be explored in the second part of this paper. Relocating the Russian Revolution It has long been common knowledge that the Russian Revolution was a turning point in world history because it laid the foundations for a global bi-polar division between liberal-capitalist “Western” democracies and the socialist hemisphere, dominated by a Soviet system and based on social collectivism and state economy. Historians in the GDR periodically celebrated the Bolshevik Revolution as the beginning of an age of emancipation which liberated mankind from expropriation and imperialistic wars. Their “bourgeois” counterparts in West Germany agreed with them insofar as they recognised the global historical dimension of the revolution. In the aftermath of the dissolution of the Soviet Union, this perception entirely changed. Only a marginalised group of convinced Marxist-Leninists remains engaged in periodical commemorations of the “Great Socialist October Revolution”, thus preserving the canonical interpretation of the Bolsheviks’ historical mission.6 With 4 Books on First World War are bestsellers, see for example: Jörn Leonhard, Die Büchse der Pandora. Geschichte des Ersten Weltkriegs (München: C.H.Beck, 52014). Herfried Münkler, Der große Krieg. Die Welt 1914–1918 (Berlin: Rowohlt, 42014). 5 Gerd Koenen, “Der ‘Rote Oktober’ als Mythos und Utopicum,” in: Russland und die Folgen, 141–57. 6 See for example the contributions to the 10th conference of Historical Research organised by the “Marxistische Arbeitskreis zur Geschichte der deutschen Arbeiterbewegung bei der Historischen Kommission der Partei des Demokratischen Sozialismus (PDS)” in 1997: Lothar Berthold, “‘Sie war und bleibt die Große Sozialistische Ok- toberrevolution!’,” in: Die Oktoberrevolution 1917 und ihr Platz in der Geschichte (Bonn: Pahl-Rugenstein, 1997), Andreas Schulz: “What does it have to do with us?” – Rethinking the Russian Revolution ... 15 the vanishing aurora of the “Red October”,7 the main stream of research is re-directing its orientation, substituting the outlook on the global impacts of the revolution with a retrospection on its national origins. Historians are turning their attention to the late Empire, explaining the Russian Revolutions in view of the economic crises and social uprisings which accelerated the breakdown of the Empire.8 The great narratives published in Germany during the last few years tell us about Russian history, thereby emphasising the singularity of the Russian revolutions from February to October 1917. However, nationalising the October Revolution does not necessarily imply neglecting or denying its considerable impacts on other countries, which will be demonstrated later in the paper. It is not a complete revision but rather a de-mystification of the glorious “Great Socialist Revolution” that has taken place, returning Red October back into Russian history. Revolutionary Leviathan Marxist historiography has failed to validate its “scientific” dogma of the inevitability of a socialist world revolution terminating the age of capitalism. Treating history as a continuous progression of mankind
Recommended publications
  • Nation and Working-Class

    Nation and Working-Class

    NATION AND WORKING-CLASS HEINRICH LAUFENBERG FR ITZ WOLFPH EIM P�ICE MARK 1.20. HAMBURG, END OF JULY, 1920. B U C H V E R L A G W I L L A S C H E K & C o. HA M B U R G 3. :: N E U E R STE f NW E 6 3 • 5. .o arplan rg_J I. Communism is the doctrine of the class struggle of the proletariat within capitalist society. Its goal is the destruction of the capitalist world-system and its replacement by the Commune of the world-economy. Its struggle and mission are international. The very existence of the bourgeoisie and proletariat is determined by the capitalist mode of production. The struggle between bourgeoisie and proletariat moves through nations, tearing them apart with the antagonisms between the classes in enemy camps. But as both classes can only exist so long as capitalist society lasts, at the end of their struggle class-antagonisms in every country will be abolished by the victorious proletariat. By smashing the capitalist form of economy and eradicating the capitalist class-society and wage system, the proletariat abolishes the bourgeoisie and, at the same time, itself as a non-propertied class. In doing so, it deprives class-divisions within nations of their foundations. Communist society sets all working members of a people [Volk] alongside one another, free and equal. It arises out of the socialized labor of a classless people, and comes to completion through the federalist integration of the economy of the classless nations [Völker] in the World Commune.
  • Bericht Der Direktorin Der Stiftung Zur 24. Sitzung Des Kuratoriums Der Stiftung Am 2

    Bericht Der Direktorin Der Stiftung Zur 24. Sitzung Des Kuratoriums Der Stiftung Am 2

    Stiftung Archiv der Parteien und Massenorganisationen dert DDR im Bundesarchiv Bericht der Direktorin der Stiftung zur 24. Sitzung des Kuratoriums der Stiftung am 2. April 2014 Im März 2014 Stiftung Archiv der Parteien und Massenorganisationen im Bundesarchiv - Jahresbericht 2013 Vorwort Im Jahr 2013 konnte die Stiftung ihr 20jähriges Bestehen feiern. Über die vielen Glückwünsche und die Anerkennung, die aus diesem Anlass geäußert wurde, ha- ben sich alle hier Tätigen sehr gefreut. Uns wurde erneut bewusst gemacht, dass auch nach gut zwei Jahrzehnten die Eigenheiten dieser Einrichtung und vor allem ihrer Bestände sie zu etwas Besonderem machen, das zwar wie ein normales Ar- chiv und eine normale Bibliothek aussieht, doch allein schon in dieser Kombinati- on, vor allem aber auf Grund der Entstehung ihrer Bestände etwas Eigenes dar- stellt. Den Gästen konnte die Broschüre mit dem Titel Einsichtnahme übergeben werden, in der Mitarbeiterinnen und Mitarbeiter der Stiftung einen Überblick über Entwicklung und Bestände der Stiftung geben. Eine Einsichtnahme in die zuvor nur durch wenige ausgewählte Personen oder die Leitungen der Organisationen nutzbaren Bestände zu ermöglichen, war der Auftrag der Stiftung, den sie von Anfang an sehr ernst nahm. Zunächst standen für diese Aufgabe die Konsolidierung der Bestände und die Zusammenstellung al- ler vorhandenen Aufzeichnungen, die zur Erleichterung der Nutzung des Archiv- guts selbst in Frage kamen, im Zentrum der Arbeit. Dabei bildete sich ein Archiv heraus, das sich bereits drei Jahre nach der Zusammenführung in seiner 1996 er- schienenen Kurzübersicht über die Bestände mit einer klaren inneren Gliederung nach Provenienzen als eine neue Einheit präsentieren konnte. Dabei wurde erkennbar, wie sehr die Auswirkungen früherer Bearbeitungen die Bestände umgeformt haben.
  • 'Left-Wing' Communism: an Infantile Disorder

    'Left-Wing' Communism: an Infantile Disorder

    Resistance Marxist Library ‘Left-Wing’ Communism: An Infantile Disorder V. I. Lenin 2 ‘Left-Wing’ Communism: An Infantile Disorder Acknowledgement: “The Communist Parties and Parliamentarism” © Pluto Press, London; reprinted by permission. Resistance Books 1999 ISBN 0909196 88 5 Published by Resistance Books, resistancebooks.com Contents Introduction by Doug Lorimer................................................................ 5 I. A popular exposition of Bolshevik strategy & tactics...................................... 5 II. The origin & development of Bolshevism...................................................... 6 III. Parliamentary democracy & the proletarian revolution................................. 8 IV. The German Revolution and the German communists............................... 10 V. Marxism & the working-class vanguard........................................................ 13 VI. Winning over the vanguard & winning over the masses.............................. 18 VII. Mass action & tactical compromises............................................................. 20 VIII. Mass action & the united-front tactic............................................................ 23 I. In What Sense We Can Speak of the International Significance of the Russian Revolution .........................27 II. An Essential Condition of the Bolsheviks’ Success ...... 30 III. The Principal Stages in the History of Bolshevism ....... 33 IV. The Struggle Against Which Enemies Within the Working-Class Movement Helped Bolshevism Develop, Gain
  • Die Hungerunruhen in Hamburg Im Juni 1919 – Eine Zweite Revolution?

    Die Hungerunruhen in Hamburg Im Juni 1919 – Eine Zweite Revolution?

    Uwe Schulte-Varendorff Die Hungerunruhen in Hamburg im Juni 1919 – eine zweite Revolution? Verein für Hamburgische Geschichte Beiträge zur Geschichte Hamburgs | Band 65 Hamburg University Press Die Hungerunruhen in Hamburg im Juni 1919 – eine zweite Revolution? Beiträge zur Geschichte Hamburgs Herausgegeben vom Verein für Hamburgische Geschichte Band 65 Uwe Schulte-Varendorff Die Hungerunruhen in Hamburg im Juni 1919 – eine zweite Revolution? Hamburg University Press Verlag der Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg Carl von Ossietzky Impressum Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d‐nb.de abrufbar. Die Online‐Version dieser Publikation ist auf den Verlagswebseiten frei verfügbar (open access). Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek hat die Netzpublikation archiviert. Diese ist dauerhaft auf dem Archivserver der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek verfügbar. Open access über die folgenden Webseiten: Hamburg University Press – http://hup.sub.uni‐hamburg.de/purl/HamburgUP_BGH65_Schulte‐Varendorff Archivserver der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek – http://deposit.d‐nb.de ISBN 978‐3‐937816‐63‐0 ISSN 0175‐4831 © 2010 Hamburg University Press, Verlag der Staats‐ und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg Carl von Ossietzky, Deutschland Gestaltung des Covers: Benjamin Guzinski, Hamburg Abbildungen mauf de Cover: Vorn: Nach Beendigung der Beschießung des Rathauses versammeln sich Menschen auf dem Rathausplatz, um sich über die Lage zu informieren (Ende Juni 1919). Quelle: StAHH, Plankammer, 221‐5 1918.21.1. Hinten: Volkswehrwache vor dem Gebäude des „Hamburger Echo“ (Januar 1919): Quelle: StAHH, Plankammer, 221‐5 1918.9.1. Produktion: Elbe‐Werkstätten GmbH, Hamburg, Deutschland http://www.ew‐gmbh.de Veröffentlicht mit Unterstützung der Hamburgischen Wissenschaftlichen Stiftung. Inhalt Einleitung .
  • The Kpd and the Nsdap: a Sttjdy of the Relationship Between Political Extremes in Weimar Germany, 1923-1933 by Davis William

    The Kpd and the Nsdap: a Sttjdy of the Relationship Between Political Extremes in Weimar Germany, 1923-1933 by Davis William

    THE KPD AND THE NSDAP: A STTJDY OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN POLITICAL EXTREMES IN WEIMAR GERMANY, 1923-1933 BY DAVIS WILLIAM DAYCOCK A thesis submitted for the degree of Ph.D. The London School of Economics and Political Science, University of London 1980 1 ABSTRACT The German Communist Party's response to the rise of the Nazis was conditioned by its complicated political environment which included the influence of Soviet foreign policy requirements, the party's Marxist-Leninist outlook, its organizational structure and the democratic society of Weimar. Relying on the Communist press and theoretical journals, documentary collections drawn from several German archives, as well as interview material, and Nazi, Communist opposition and Social Democratic sources, this study traces the development of the KPD's tactical orientation towards the Nazis for the period 1923-1933. In so doing it complements the existing literature both by its extension of the chronological scope of enquiry and by its attention to the tactical requirements of the relationship as viewed from the perspective of the KPD. It concludes that for the whole of the period, KPD tactics were ambiguous and reflected the tensions between the various competing factors which shaped the party's policies. 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE abbreviations 4 INTRODUCTION 7 CHAPTER I THE CONSTRAINTS ON CONFLICT 24 CHAPTER II 1923: THE FORMATIVE YEAR 67 CHAPTER III VARIATIONS ON THE SCHLAGETER THEME: THE CONTINUITIES IN COMMUNIST POLICY 1924-1928 124 CHAPTER IV COMMUNIST TACTICS AND THE NAZI ADVANCE, 1928-1932: THE RESPONSE TO NEW THREATS 166 CHAPTER V COMMUNIST TACTICS, 1928-1932: THE RESPONSE TO NEW OPPORTUNITIES 223 CHAPTER VI FLUCTUATIONS IN COMMUNIST TACTICS DURING 1932: DOUBTS IN THE ELEVENTH HOUR 273 CONCLUSIONS 307 APPENDIX I VOTING ALIGNMENTS IN THE REICHSTAG 1924-1932 333 APPENDIX II INTERVIEWS 335 BIBLIOGRAPHY 341 4 ABBREVIATIONS 1.
  • Cybernetics, Economics, and Philosophy in the German Democratic Republic

    Cybernetics, Economics, and Philosophy in the German Democratic Republic

    Georgia State University ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University History Theses Department of History Spring 5-7-2011 Red Helmsman: Cybernetics, Economics, and Philosophy in the German Democratic Republic Kevin T. Baker Georgia State University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/history_theses Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Baker, Kevin T., "Red Helmsman: Cybernetics, Economics, and Philosophy in the German Democratic Republic." Thesis, Georgia State University, 2011. https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/history_theses/47 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of History at ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in History Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. RED HELMSMAN: CYBERNETICS, ECONOMICS, AND PHILOSOPHY IN THE GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC by KEVIN T. BAKER Under the Direction of Jared Poley ABSTRACT Cybernetics, despite being initially rejected in the Eastern Bloc throughout the 1950s for ideological reasons, rose to a high level of institutional prominence in the 1960s, profoundly influencing state philosophy and economic planning. This thesis is an examination of this transition, charting the development of cybernetics from the object of the Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands’s (SED) opprobrium to one of the major philosophical currents within the party intelligentsia. INDEX WORDS: East Germany, Marxism, History of science, Economics, Cybernetics, Philosophy, Cold War, Information theory, Georg Klaus, Walter Ulbricht RED HELMSMAN: CYBERNETICS, ECONOMICS, AND PHILOSOPHY IN THE GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC by KEVIN T. BAKER A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of the Arts in the College of Arts and Sciences Georgia State University 2011 Copyright by Kevin T.
  • National Bolshevism

    National Bolshevism

    TOTALLY LEFT. TOTALLY RIGHT. NATIONAL BOLSHEVISM Its Essence, Roots and Contemporary Relevance Peter Wilberg 2011 A publication of the National People’s Party in the U.K. Contents Introduction....................................................................................................................... 1 On the term ‘National Bolshevism’ ................................................................................... 4 ‘Social Revolutionary Nationalism’ versus ‘National Socialism’ ....................................... 4 National Bolshevism, National Socialism and ‘Strasserism’ ............................................. 6 ‘Naz-Bol’ versus ‘Nat-Bol’................................................................................................. 8 A New Spiritual and Philosophical Foundation for National Bolshevism ........................ 9 The Awareness Principle ................................................................................................. 11 Eurasianism..................................................................................................................... 13 Introduction This essay aims to provide a new political-economic focus and a new spiritual-philosophical foundation by which to redefine National Bolshevism – as Social Nationalism, National Marxism and National Communist - anti-capitalist, anti-fascist, anti-racist, anti-Zionist – and above all directed against the domination of all nations by the international banking and monetary system and its political puppets. The National Bolshevism
  • The Communist Left in Germany 1918-1921

    The Communist Left in Germany 1918-1921

    Gilles Dauvé and Denis Authier The Communist Left in Germany 1918-1921 With texts by: Laufenberg, Wolffheim, Gorter, Roland-Holst and Pfempfert Original Title: La Gauche Communiste en Allemagne (1918-1921) (First published in France in 1976) Translator’s Note This revised edition of The Communist Left in Germany: 1918-1921 retains the first, historical part of the original volume unaltered, with the exception of a few added editorial notes which were suggested by Gilles Dauvé. The second part of the book, which contains texts of the Ger- man Left, has been substantially changed in order to provide selections which have not yet, to the best of my knowledge, become available in English translation. Pannekoek’s The Theory of the Collapse of Capitalism, which is currently available in English translation at the website, marxists.org, has been replaced by several programmatic texts of the German Left and Pfempfert’s response to Lenin’s Left Wing Communism… In addition, Gilles Dauvé authorized the inclusion of an “Epilogue” which he wrote in 2004 and which gives the reader an idea of how his conceptions regarding the subject matter of this book have evolved since it was origi- nally published in 1976. M. DeSocio September 5, 2006 html source [ http://us.share.geocities.com/collectiveact/dauve11.htm ] INDEX Introduction ....................................................................................................................................................................7 Chapter 1. Germany in 1914 .....................................................................................................................................19
  • On the Development of Socialist Democracy in the German Democratic Republic

    On the Development of Socialist Democracy in the German Democratic Republic

    ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIALIST DEMOCRACY IN THE GERMAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC by Raymond Bruce Cronrath B.A., Whitman College, 1963 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Political Science, Sociology and Anthropology @ RAYMOND BRUCE CRONRATH SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY October 1971 APPROVAL Name : Raymond Bruce Cronrath Degree : Master of Arts Title of Thesis: On the Development of Socialist Democracy in the German Democratic Republic Examining Comni ttee : Chairman: H. Hickerson Heribert Adam Senior Supervisor / Albert0 Ciria - 1 - J\. M. Kitchen Date Approved: OdCbe, 1y7 ) ABSTRACT The central question to be asked in this thesis is to what extent democracy in the German Democratic Republic is developing. As a pre-understanding, democracy is taken to mean a social system in which the members exercise a high degree of control over the conditions of their existence. The specific functions and forms of democracy in a given society can only be determined on the basis of a concrete analysis of the relationships of production and the concrete decision-making processes inherent therein. For this reason the economic reforms which began to be introduced in 1963 are of special interest. In the first chapter the reasons for these changes in light of the problems and contradictions of the previous administrative planning system are reviewed and the specific content of the reforms is established. The reforms constitute a certain decentral- izing redistribution of decision-making powers, though central planning has not been eliminated. Administrative relation- ships have been to a great extent replaced by economic relationships; feedback mechanisms, including the market, have been incorporated with an increased emphasis on commercial- ization and differentiated economic incentives.
  • Ernst Thälmann Als Leitfigur Der Kommunistischen Erziehung in Der DDR

    Ernst Thälmann Als Leitfigur Der Kommunistischen Erziehung in Der DDR

    Ernst Thälmann als Leitfigur der kommunistischen Erziehung in der DDR Von dem Erziehungswissenschaftlichen Fachbereich der Technischen Universität Braunschweig zur Erlangung des Grades eines Doktors der Philosophie — Dr. phil. — genehmigte Dissertation von René Börrnert geboren am 14. Juli 1971 in Wernigerode Erstreferent: Prof. Dr. Hein Retter Koreferentin: PD Dr. Petra Korte Tag der mündlichen Prüfung: 15.11.2002 VORWORT „Über den Thälmann-Kult nachzudenken oder zu reden, ist eigentlich langweilig. Ein armseliges, dürftiges Thema, das mit wenigen Gedanken auskommt.“ Dieser Aussage der Berliner Historikerin Annette Leo (1995, S. 205) möchte ich nach abgeschlossener Forschungsarbeit zu diesem Thema widersprechen. Schon der chronologische Vergleich der Dokumente, mit denen die SED seit Beginn der DDR- Geschichte den ehemaligen Kommunistenführer zu idealisieren versuchte, erwies sich als Offenbar- werden von eklatanten Widersprüchen. Noch interessanter aber war, Widersprüchlichkeiten in den Texten von solchen Autoren nachzuspüren, die das Thälmann-Bild vor und nach der politischen Wende unterschiedlich schilderten. Das Buch von Thilo Gabelmann (alias Egon Grübel) Thälmann ist niemals gefallen? Eine Legende stirbt von 1996 gab den eigentlichen Anstoß für meine erzie- hungswissenschaftlich ausgerichtete Forschung. Nicht zuletzt war die Beschäftigung mit den Doku- menten aus den 70er und 80er Jahren zugleich eine Auseinandersetzung mit meiner eigenen Biogra- phie, da ich in dieser Zeit auch mit Ernst Thälmann als Vorbild erzogen worden bin. Herrn Prof. Dr. Hein Retter möchte ich danken für die Betreuung der Arbeit. Ein weiterer Dank für hilfreiche Informationen und für die Bereitstellung von Dokumenten gilt: Herrn Prof. Dr. Werner Bramke (Universität Leipzig); Herrn Prof. Dr. Reinhard Golz und Herrn Dr. Wolfgang Mayrhofer (Universität Magdeburg); Frau Ursula Härtl und Frau Sabine Stein (Gedenkstätte Buchenwald- Weimar) sowie Frau Rotraud Urbanek (Mahn- und Gedenkstätte Wernigerode).
  • Paetel History 1918-32

    Paetel History 1918-32

    German National Bolshevism 1918 to 1932 Karl Otto Paetel At present, when political tendencies in West Germany, groups or individuals are described as "national-Bolsheviks" (with the intention of creating controversy and a pejorative undertone, as for "trotzkisti " or "titisti"), we mean East- oriented and pro-Russian tendencies, groups or people, or at least sympathizers. But this definition is not enough to characterize the movement that, between the end of the First World War and Hitler's seizure of power, attracted the attention of the theoretical-political spheres, to the "extreme right" as well as to the "extreme left" in many ways and with the same name. On both sides, the movement was fundamentally based on internal political motivations: the revolutionary socialists rallied around the idea of the nation because they saw it as the only way to put socialism into practice. The staunch nationalists tended towards the "left" because, according to them, the destinies of the nation could only be entrusted through trust to a new ruling class. Left and right united in a common hatred of everything they called Western imperialism, the main symbol of which was the Treaty of Versailles and the guarantor, the "Weimar system". So it was almost inevitable that we would turn, in foreign policy, to Russia, which had not taken part in the Treaty of Versailles. The "national" circles did so with the intention of continuing the policy of Baron von Stein, of the Tauroggen Convention and finally that of Bismarck 's "counter-insurance"; the dissenting left, for its part, despite the often violent criticisms it formulated against the international communist policy of the Soviet Union, remained convinced of the socialist character, therefore related to it, of the USSR, and awaited the formation of a common front against the Bourgeois and capitalist West.
  • 'Localist' Trade Unionism in the German Building Industry, 1868-1893 JOHN

    'Localist' Trade Unionism in the German Building Industry, 1868-1893 JOHN

    Lokalisten and Sozialdemokraten: ‘localist’ trade unionism in the German building industry, 1868-1893 JOHN GODDARD UCL Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 1 I, John Goddard, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. ...................................................................... 2 ‘Lokalisten and Sozialdemokraten: ‘localist’ trade unionism in the German building industry, 1868-1893’ This study looks at the first part of what for want of a better term could be described as the ‘pre-history’ of German syndicalism, that is, at its earliest roots among building worker supporters of the ‘localist’ conception of trade union organization before 1893. Its aim is not to ‘uncover’ the localist movement’s history for the benefit of English- speaking readers unfamiliar with it but, rather, to seek to find in the earlier history of this movement an explanation as to why a branch of trade unionism which initially defined itself as a tactical response to restrictive state legislation (above all, the Prussian Law of Association of 11th March 1850) continued to exist after the ban which most local laws of association placed on political association was over-written by national legislation which guaranteed the right to such (for men) in December 1899. How did a ‘tactical response’ come to assume a longevity none of its earlier advocates had foreseen? This begs a second question: how significant, then, was the legal framework? It is my belief that the answers to these questions can already be found in the localist building worker movement’s earlier history.