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Three Essays on Corporate Social Responsibility, Business Politicians and Corruption Dina Mohamed Kamal Kassab

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Three Essays on Corporate Social Responsibility, Business Politicians and Corruption Dina Mohamed Kamal Kassab Three essays on corporate social responsibility, business politicians and corruption Dina Mohamed Kamal Kassab To cite this version: Dina Mohamed Kamal Kassab. Three essays on corporate social responsibility, business politicians and corruption. Economics and Finance. Université Panthéon-Sorbonne - Paris I, 2015. English. NNT : 2015PA010021. tel-01663097 HAL Id: tel-01663097 https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01663097 Submitted on 13 Dec 2017 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. THESE Pour l’obtention du grade de Docteur de l’Universit´eParis 1, Panth´eon-Sorbonne Sp´ecialit´e: Economie (UFR 02) Pr´esent´eepar Dina KASSAB THREE ESSAYS ON CORPORATE SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY, BUSINESS POLITICIANS AND CORRUPTION TROIS ESSAIS SUR LA RESPONSABILITE SOCIALE DES ENTREPRISES, LES HOMMES D’AFFAIRES-POLITICIENS ET LA CORRUPTION Jury M.Stefan AMBEC Directeur de Recherches INRA, Lerna- Toulouse School of Economics (Rapporteur). Mme Mireille CHIROLEU-ASSOULINE Professeure, Universit´eParis 1 Panth´eon- Sorbonne et Paris School of Economics (Directrice). M.Vianney DEQUIEDT Professeur, Universit´ed’Auvergne (Rappporteur). M.Pierre FLECKINGER Maˆıtre de Conf´erencesHDR, Universit´e Paris 1 Panth´eon-Sorbonne et Paris School of Economics (Co-directeur). Mme Ariane LAMBERT-MOGILIANSKY Professeure Associ´ee,PjSE-Paris School of Economics . M.Jean-Philippe TROPEANO Professeur, Universit´eParis 1 Panth´eon- Sorbonne et Paris School of Economics. ii Acknowledgments This thesis would have been impossible without the support and mentoring of my advisors Mireille CHIROLEU-ASSOULINE and Pierre FLECKINGER. I would like to thank them for their academic guidance, feedback and inspiring discussions of ideas underlying this work. But most importantly, I would like to thank them for their continuous support in the roughest of times, personal openness and friendship. I would like to express my special appreciation and thanks to Professor Stefan AMBEC, Professor Vianney DEQUIEDT, Professor Ariane LAMBERT-MOGILIANSKY and Professor Jean-Philippe TROPEANO, for granting me the honor of being mem- bers of the Jury. This work benefitted from valuable comments and suggestions by (non-exhaustively) Stefan AMBEC, Vianney DEQUIEDT and Thomas LYON as well as Nicolas JACQUEMET and St´ephane GAUTHIER. Words cannot express how immensely grateful and indebted I am to my husband who gave me his full and unconditional support and love, and to my son who taught me to be curious about everything I see and question everything I know, literally. Thank you both for bringing joy and serenity into my life. Last but not least, a special thanks to my mother and mother-in-law for all the sacrifices they have made on my behalf. iii iv Contents Note de Pr´esentation Synth´etiqueen Fran¸cais vii Introduction 1 1 Corporate Social Responsibility and Regulation: Taxing Ethical Behaviour 17 1.1 Introduction . 19 1.2 Benchmark Model: the Unregulated Monopoly . 27 1.2.1 Demand of the Heterogenous Consumers . 27 1.2.2 Choice of the CSR-price bundle . 29 1.2.3 Equilibrium Analysis . 31 1.3 Regulated Scenario . 33 1.3.1 Choice of the CSR-price bundle: Second-stage outcome . 33 1.3.2 How do Consumers and the Monopolist react to an Ad Val- orem Tax? . 35 1.3.3 Choice of the Tax rate: A Benevolent Government . 38 1.4 Alternative Objectives for the Regulator . 42 1.4.1 Maximizing Tax revenues . 42 1.4.2 Maximizing Overall Level of Public Good . 44 1.4.3 Discussion . 48 1.5 Conclusion . 54 1.6 Appendix . 60 2 Corporate Social Responsibility, Political Benefits and Reputation 65 2.1 Introduction . 67 2.2 The Benchmark Model . 73 v 2.2.1 The Signaling Game . 73 2.2.2 Bayesian Equilibrium of the Game . 77 2.2.3 Political Benefits and the Signaling Content of CSR . 78 2.2.4 Discussion: When corruption becomes a social norm . 85 2.3 Explaining Different CSR Standards . 87 2.3.1 Model with Endogenous Political Multiplier . 87 2.3.2 Discussion: Business Politicians . 94 2.3.3 The One-Dimensional Uncertainty Model . 96 2.3.4 Discussion: All on Board or Restricted Access? . 100 2.4 Conclusion . 104 2.5 Appendix . 106 3 The Domino Effect of Corruption: A Game between the Politician and the Bureaucrat 113 3.1 Introduction . 115 3.2 Benchmark Model with Exogenous Transfers . 120 3.2.1 Basic Environment . 121 3.2.2 The Bayesian Nash Equilibrium . 124 3.2.3 Equilibrium Analysis . 127 3.2.4 The Private Transfers into Play . 130 3.3 Endogenous Bribery Decisions . 134 3.3.1 Minimizing the Cost of Bribery . 135 3.3.2 The Corruptor as a Principal . 139 3.3.3 Optimal Bribery Decisions . 141 3.3.4 Corruption-Proof Incentives . 147 3.4 Conclusion . 152 vi Note de Pr´esentation Synth´etiqueen Fran¸cais Le 11 Janvier 2015, des milliers d’Egyptiens´ ont envahi la place Tahrir, le cœur symbolique de l’Egypte. Cette r´evolution ´etait le r´esultat naturel de la rage con- tre le r`egnede l’ancien pr´esident Moubarak qui s’est d´evelopp´eedurant la derni`ere d´ecennie. Les manifestations ont abouti `al’arrestation des anciens fonctionnaires d’Etat et politiciens, et une s´eried’arrestations et d’interdictions de voyager pour les autorit´esde haut niveau a suivi l’´eviction du r´egime de l’ancien pr´esident. Celle- ci reposait sur plusieurs accusations dont le d´etournement de fonds, les b´en´efices excessifs, la prise de pot-de-vin, l’appropriation illicite et le blanchiment de fonds. Les Egyptiens´ avaient du mal `acroire ce qui se passait : pour la premi`erefois depuis trente ans, le public commence `acroire que la loi est appliqu´ee`atous et que personne n’en est `al’abri. Les opinions `apropos des proc`es´etaient divergentes. Certains c´el´ebraient le r`egnede la loi et le fait que les revendications principales de la r´evolution ”Pain, Libert´e,Justice Sociale et Dignit´e”chant´ees`achaque manifes- tation ´etaient enfin satisfaites. D’autres, surtout dans les zones rurales, trouvaient les proc`esinjustifi´es; ils sympathisaient avec les politiciens arrˆet´esqui ´etaient en mˆemetemps les hommes d’affaires les plus influents dans l’´economie. Ce m´elange des genres – ce qu’on appelle le ph´enom`enedes Hommes d’affaires- Politiciens – ´etait un trait dominant de l’´economie ´egyptienne avant la r´evolution de 2011. Le pouvoir des hommes d’affaires s’´etaitconsid´erablement accru dans le Parti National D´emocratique (PND)1, le gouvernement, l’Assembl´eedu Peuple (le Parlement ´egyptien) pendant le mandat du premier ministre Ahmed Nazif, depuis 2004 jusqu’`a2011. Pour le profane, la liste des membres du Parlement ´egyptien pourrait ˆetrefacilement prise pour celle des hommes d’affaires les plus ´eminents. Le lien fort entre l’argent et le politique en Egypte ´etait ´evident. Pour demeurer membre de l’un des deux clubs, il fallait ˆetremembre de l’autre. Selon les estimations, environ un cinqui`emede l’Assembl´eedu Peuple ´etait com- pos´ed’hommes d’affaires fortun´eset l’opposition ´etaitimpuissante devant cette oligarchie. Dans les ´elections de 2010, les magnats de l’industrie, membres du Parti National D´emocratique, se sont taill´ela part du lion en tant que pr´esidents des 19 commissions du Parlement. Par exemple, Ahmed Ezz, Secr´etaire du parti pour les 1qui ´etait le parti au pouvoir `al’´epoque. vii a ffaires organisationnelles et magnat important de l’acier, a ´et´e´elupr´esident de la commission du budget trois fois entre 2000 et 2011. Mohamed Aboul-Enein, indus- triel bien connu et ´egalement membre du PND, a conserv´een 2010 sa position de pr´esident de la commission de l’industrie et de l’´energie pour la seconde fois depuis 2005. L’aspect le plus int´eressant du comportement des Hommes d’affaires-Politiciens en Egypte est qu’ils investissent des montants importants, `atravers leurs activit´esde Responsabilit´eSociale des Entreprises (RSE)2, dans la provision de biens publics3 que le gouvernement, dont ils font partie, tend `afournir en quantit´einsuffisante. Le pr´esident du Groupe Mansour, l’un des principaux conglom´erats du secteur priv´een Egypte (pr´esent dans plusieurs secteurs industriels en six grands domaines d’activit´e,dont l’automobile, les march´esde capitaux, la grande consommation, les ´equipements industriels, la logistique et les services ; il est ´egalement le distribu- teur exclusif de marques internationales comme General Motors, Caterpillar, Cr´edit Agricole Bank, Phillip Morris, UPS, Michelin, Samsung) ´etait ministre du trans- port sous le r´egime de Moubarak. La ”Fondation Mansour pour le D´eveloppement” entreprend des projets de RSE visant `a´eradiquer l’analphab´etisme, financer des orphelinats. etc. L’entreprise d’eau potable, Hayat, qui fait partie du Groupe Mansour, fait un don de 8,000 m3 d’eau par jour aux habitants du village de ”Siwa” pour l’usage agricole. La compagnie contribue ´egalement au quotidien 100 kw/hr d’´electricit´e qu’elle produit localement et qui est utilis´eepour alimenter l’´ecole du village, son principal cabinet m´edical, les bˆatiments des services sociaux et la Mosqu´ee,gratuite- ment. Suivant la mˆemetendance, Abou El Enein, politicien bien connu et pr´esident du groupe industriel Ceramica, un autre des conglom´eratsles plus importants en Egypte, a fond´een 2001 ”L’Organisation Abou El Enein pour les Activit´esSo- ciales et Caritatives” qui entreprend des activit´esd’alphab´etisation, d’am´elioration de services sanitaires, de soutien aux petites et moyennes entreprises et aux m´enages dirig´espar les femmes.
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