Note on Polybius III. 47–50, and Livy XXI. 31, 32

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Note on Polybius III. 47–50, and Livy XXI. 31, 32 The Classical Review http://journals.cambridge.org/CAR Additional services for The Classical Review: Email alerts: Click here Subscriptions: Click here Commercial reprints: Click here Terms of use : Click here Note on Polybius III. 47–50, and Livy XXI. 31, 32 Spenser Wilkinson The Classical Review / Volume 28 / Issue 04 / June 1914, pp 123 - 126 DOI: 10.1017/S0009840X00007186, Published online: 27 October 2009 Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0009840X00007186 How to cite this article: Spenser Wilkinson (1914). Note on Polybius III. 47–50, and Livy XXI. 31, 32. The Classical Review, 28, pp 123-126 doi:10.1017/S0009840X00007186 Request Permissions : Click here Downloaded from http://journals.cambridge.org/CAR, IP address: 138.251.14.35 on 09 Apr 2015 THE CLASSICAL REVIEW 123 NOTE ON POLYBIUS III. 47-50, AND LIVY XXI. 31, 32. THE question of Hannibal's route pains with which Hannibal had studied through the Alps depends in part upon the country in advance and planned his the interpretation of Polybius III. 47-50, march, ending with the statement that and of Livy XXL, 31 and 32. 1 gave Polybius had himself followed and ex- in 1911 an account of the route, which amined Hannibal's route. He has already seems to me best to accord with the said in 36 that in describing a country narratives of Polybius and Livy, and I unknown to his readers he will not give propose now to supplement it by a close the names of places, rivers, and towns examination of the ancient description which will convey no meaning to them, of one part of the route. I assume that but will find other means of making the the words of Polybius 42. 1, evOea>$reality intelligible. Polybius, returning ive%eipei TroieZaOai TTJV 8id/3a<7iv Kara to his story, in which he had left rfjv airXrjv pvaiv, imply that the cross- Hannibal starting up the Rhone, de- ing of the Rhone took place about scribes Scipio's arrival at the empty Fourques, just above the head of the camp, his surprise at Hannibal's new Delta. I think that the words <7%eSoi> direction and his return to the sea. •f/fiepwv TBTTcLpcov 6Bbv airej^atv aTparo- Hannibal, in four days from the cross- ire8q> T??? 8aXaTrr)<; cannot be intendeindg of the Rhone, reached the place to convey an exact distance, and are an called the Island, populous and corn anticipatory reference to the four days growing, in the angle formed by the on the first of which Scipio left his fleet course of the Rhone with that of a tribu- to reach Hannibal's empty camp on the tary called Skaras, its third side being fourth. When his infantry and cavalry formed by impracticable mountains. had crossed the Rhone Hannibal as- The words show that Polybius did not sembled the army and made a speech. suppose his readers acquainted with the Next day, while he was getting the names Island and Skaras, but that he elephants across the Rhone, he set his had been struck by the resemblance be- infantry in march and then followed tween the shape and size of the Island, with the elephants as rear-guard, moving and that of the part of Egypt called the beside the river eastwards away from Delta, and that this analogy would the sea towards Central Europe. enable them to identify it. The analogy Here Polybius describes the Rhone suggests that Polybius is referring to the and the Alps. The Rhone flowed west- Rhone and the Durance, which enclose wards through a defile, of which the between them an area approximating in south side was formed by the northern size to the Delta, though what he says slope of the Alps, whose mass lies be- of the population and fertility of the tween the Rhone Valley and the plain island can be applied only to a small of the Po. Hannibal's route took him part of this area. through these Alps, from the Rhone If Hannibal marched from Fourques Valley to Italy. In 39 Polybius has up the Rhone he must have crossed the divided the journey into stages: the Durance. The other tributaries of the second from the crossing of the Rhone, Rhone are of no great importance—the along that river to the ascent of the Sorgues, the Ouveze, the Eygues, and Alps towards Italy, 1,400 stadia (154 the Drome. The country enclosed by miles), and the third the passage of the any one of them and the Rhone is too Alps, 1,200 stadia (132 miles). This small to be compared with the Delta. I means that Hannibal marched 154 miles think anyone reading Polybius without along the Rhone Valley, the avXmv, that preconceptions, and looking for his when he left the av\a>v he was entering island on a map of France, would sup- the Alps, and that the 132 miles are the pose he was giving a general description distance by his route from the Alpine of the course of the Durance with refer- edge of that valley to the entrance to ence to the Rhone. Polybius does not the plain of the Po. mention the distance from the camp by Then comes a digression on the the Rhone to the Skaras or the Island. I24 THE CLASSICAL REVIEW He says that after four days Hannibal Accordingly the 1,400 stadia from the came to the island, but gives no indica- Rhone to the first battlefield, which is tion of distance. We have to consider at the beginning of the Alps, are not to the conditions. Hannibal had 38,000 be divided into 800 for the ten days' infantry, 8,000 horse, a number of ele- march and 600 for the distance from the phants and a great mule-train. The crossing of the Rhone to the Island. infantry and cavalry alone in the most The difference between 1,400 and 800 perfect modern order would form a must be divided between the four days column sixteen miles long, which with before the Island and the two days the elephants and mules would be twenty before the battle. Up to the battle miles long. It would take the infantry Hannibal is moving in the Rhone Valley alone between five and six hours to (avka>v). The battle takes place at the march across London Bridge and twice point where the army enters the Alps, the that time to ford a river, where the pace mass of mountains between the Rhone must be much reduced. I infer that the Valley and Italy. The two previous days whole army could not have forded the are spent in the approach to the difficult Durance in one day. But the Durance ground. at its nearest point is at least eighteen Recapitulating this narrative of Poly- miles from Fourques, and there is no bius, I think it means that from a point reason to suppose that the ford was at not far north of the Durance Hannibal the nearest point. I see no difficulty in marched his infantry along the easiest supposing that Hannibal would spend ground near the bank of the Rhone, four days in moving his army from that his cavalry guarded its right flank, Fourques to the north bank of the and that the troops of the native chiefs Durance, and much in supposing that marched on the right of the cavalry as a in that time he could have reached a flank guard against attacks from the point more than twenty miles north of tribes in the hills. This native flank that river. Once in the Island, Hannibal guard was withdrawn when the army sided with the elder of two brothers, was near Valence, and Hannibal entered who were quarrelling as to the kingship, the narrow country between the Isere secured him the supremacy, and conse- and the mountains. quently obtained from him supplies and I now propose to examine Livy's new arms for his troops and an alliance account of this part of the journey. against the Allobroges, whose resistance After crossing the Rhone Hannibal he expected to meet further north. assembles the army and makes a speech. Accordingly there was no opposition to Next day he sets out for Mediterranea his march until he approached the route Galliae (&>? ei? TTJV fieaoyaiav T?)? Ei/pairr)? through the Alps. From the Island he as Polybius writes), not thinking it the marched eighty-eight miles in ten days, more direct route to the Alps, but that meeting with no opposition from the the further he went away from the sea local chiefs of the Allobroges, who feared the less likely he would be to be impeded his cavalry and the native allies. But by Scipio, with whom he had no mind the native allies went home as Hannibal to fight until he reached Italy. His was approaching the difficult ground, fourth camp was in the Island, formed where the Allobroges assembled an army by the confluence of two Alpine rivers, to resist him and occupied a position the Rhone and the Saras, which rise in which could not be turned. Hannibal, .the Alps at a distance from one another on finding the enemy in the hills, halted and embrace a good deal of country in and had a reconnaissance made; he the interval between them. then advanced to a second camping- ground, from which he sent forward a Livy gives the same account as Poly- body of the troops to seize the enemy's bius of the events in the island, but he position in the night.
Recommended publications
  • Hannibal's March Hannibal's March. by Spenser Wilkinson
    The Classical Review http://journals.cambridge.org/CAR Additional services for The Classical Review: Email alerts: Click here Subscriptions: Click here Commercial reprints: Click here Terms of use : Click here Hannibal's March Hannibal's March. By Spenser Wilkinson. Clarendon Press. A. D. Godley The Classical Review / Volume 25 / Issue 04 / June 1911, pp 116 - 118 DOI: 10.1017/S0009840X00046655, Published online: 27 October 2009 Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0009840X00046655 How to cite this article: A. D. Godley (1911). The Classical Review, 25, pp 116-118 doi:10.1017/ S0009840X00046655 Request Permissions : Click here Downloaded from http://journals.cambridge.org/CAR, IP address: 130.216.129.208 on 21 Apr 2015 THE CLASSICAL REVIEW HANNIBAL'S MARCH. Hannibal's March. By SPENSER WIL- On the statements of Polybius, it KINSON. Clarendon Press. would be easiest to suppose that Hanni- bal crossed the Little St. Bernard; and THE data for a conclusion about Hanni- till the early eighties that view was bal's Pass still provide a healthy exer- generally accepted. It was approved cise for intellectual athletes, and will by Arnold and by Mommsen. But probably continue to do so till such clearly there was always much to be time as scholars shall agree about the said in favour of a more southern pass, date and personality of Homer. Pro- not involving a long circuit like the fessor Wilkinson has now entered the Little St. Bernard route—unless, in- lists; and perhaps it is not altogether deed, we are to press the statement of superfluous for a reviewer of his mono- Livy and Polybius that Hannibal went graph to recapitulate in the briefest north so as to escape Scipio.
    [Show full text]
  • The Herodotos Project (OSU-Ugent): Studies in Ancient Ethnography
    Faculty of Literature and Philosophy Julie Boeten The Herodotos Project (OSU-UGent): Studies in Ancient Ethnography Barbarians in Strabo’s ‘Geography’ (Abii-Ionians) With a case-study: the Cappadocians Master thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master in Linguistics and Literature, Greek and Latin. 2015 Promotor: Prof. Dr. Mark Janse UGent Department of Greek Linguistics Co-Promotores: Prof. Brian Joseph Ohio State University Dr. Christopher Brown Ohio State University ACKNOWLEDGMENT In this acknowledgment I would like to thank everybody who has in some way been a part of this master thesis. First and foremost I want to thank my promotor Prof. Janse for giving me the opportunity to write my thesis in the context of the Herodotos Project, and for giving me suggestions and answering my questions. I am also grateful to Prof. Joseph and Dr. Brown, who have given Anke and me the chance to be a part of the Herodotos Project and who have consented into being our co- promotores. On a whole other level I wish to express my thanks to my parents, without whom I would not have been able to study at all. They have also supported me throughout the writing process and have read parts of the draft. Finally, I would also like to thank Kenneth, for being there for me and for correcting some passages of the thesis. Julie Boeten NEDERLANDSE SAMENVATTING Deze scriptie is geschreven in het kader van het Herodotos Project, een onderneming van de Ohio State University in samenwerking met UGent. De doelstelling van het project is het aanleggen van een databank met alle volkeren die gekend waren in de oudheid.
    [Show full text]
  • Was Galatian Really Celtic? Anthony Durham & Michael Goormachtigh First Published November 2011, Updated to October 2016
    Was Galatian Really Celtic? Anthony Durham & Michael Goormachtigh first published November 2011, updated to October 2016 Summary Saint Jerome’s AD 386 remark that the language of ancient Galatia (around modern Ankara) resembled the language of the Treveri (around modern Trier) has been misinterpreted. The “Celts”, “Gauls” or “Galatians” mentioned by classical authors, including those who invaded Greece and Anatolia around 277 BC, were not Celtic in the modern sense of speaking a Celtic language related to Welsh and Irish, but tall, pale-skinned, hairy, warrior peoples from the north. The 150 or so words and proper names currently known from Galatian speech show little affinity with Celtic but more with Germanic. Introduction In AD 386 Saint Jerome wrote: Apart from the Greek language, which is spoken throughout the entire East, the Galatians have their own language, almost the same as the Treveri. For many people this short remark is the linchpin of a belief that ancient Celtic speech spread far outside its Atlantic-fringe homeland, reaching even into the heart of Anatolia, modern Turkey. However, we wish to challenge the idea that Galatians spoke a language that was Celtic in the modern sense of being closely related to Welsh or Irish. Galatia was the region around ancient Ancyra, modern Ankara, in the middle of Turkey. Anatolia (otherwise known as Asia Minor) has seen many civilisations come and go over the millennia. Around 8000 BC it was a cradle of agriculture and the Neolithic revolution. The whole family of Indo-European languages originated somewhere in that region. We favour the idea that they grew up around the Black Sea all the way from northern Anatolia, past the mouth of the river Danube, to southern Russia and Ukraine.
    [Show full text]
  • Hannibal's March Through the Alps
    HANNIBAL'S MARCH SPENSER WILKINSON / Price Seven SUlUngs and Sixpence net / \\ OXFORD AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 1911 vtf HANNIBAL'S MARCH THROUGH THE ALPS BY SPENSER WILKINSON CHICHELE PROFESSOR OF MILITARY HISTORy WITH TWO FIGURES AND FOUR MAPS OXFORD AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 1911 HENRY FROWDE, M.A. PTJBLISHEE TO THE UNIVEESITY OF OXFORD LONDON, EDINBTIEIGH, NEW YORK TORONTO AND MELBOURNE HANNIBAL'S MARCH THROUGH THE ALPS THE PROBLEM AND THE CLUE TO ITS SOLUTION From the age of Augustus until the present day historians have been unable to agree with one another concerning the route which was followed by Hannibal in the year 218 B.C., in his march from the P3n['enees through Southern France and the Alps to the plain of the Po. The purpose of this essay is to show that, chiefly in consequence of the researches of a group of French officers, that route can now be traced as regards its main points with reasonable certainty, and as regards the incidents of the march, with a fair degree of probability. The sources of our information are the third book of the History of Polybius and the twenty-first book of that of Livy. Polybius was born at Megalopolis in Arcadia between 208 and 198 B. c.^ In 166 or 167 b. c. he was taken as a hos- tage to Rome, where he remained continuously for seventeen years. He was then at liberty to return to Greece and to travel, but it was in Roman rather than in Greek society that he was thence- forth at home.
    [Show full text]
  • Liste Des Peuples Celtes 1 Liste Des Peuples Celtes
    Liste des peuples celtes 1 Liste des peuples celtes Cet article ne cite pas suffisamment ses sources (mars 2013). Si vous disposez d'ouvrages ou d'articles de référence ou si vous connaissez des sites web de qualité traitant du thème abordé ici, merci de compléter l'article en donnant les références utiles à sa vérifiabilité et en les liant à la section « Notes et références ». (Modifier l'article [1] ) Cet article a pour vocation de servir d'index des peuples celtes ou à caractère celtique. Le nom latin du peuple est donné entre parenthèses lorsque le nom francisé sert de titre à l'article détaillé. Gaule cisalpine Sud du Pô • Boïens (boii) • Lingons (lingones) • Sénons (senones) Nord du Pô • Cénomans (cenomani) • Insubres (insubri) • Taurins (taurini) • Carni Peuples de moindre importance établies au nord du Pô et dominées un temps par les Insubres : Les peuples de la Gaule cisalpine 391-192 av. J.-C. • Anares • Comasques • Laevi • Libici • Lépontiens (lepontii) • Marici • Orobiens (orobii, orumbovii) • Salasses (salassi) Liste des peuples celtes 2 Gaule transalpine Gaule Belgique Article détaillé : Liste des peuples de la Gaule belgique. Remarque : Tous les peuples belges n'étaient probablement pas des Celtes au sens propre du terme, mais leur aristocratie était celtisée. • Aduatuques • Ambiens (Ambiani) • Atrebates (Atrebates) • Bellovaques (Bellovaci) • Caeroesi • Calètes (Caletes) • Catalaunes • Catuslogues (Catuslogi) • Condruses (Condrusi) • Éburons • Geidumnes (Geidumni) • Leuques (Leuci) • Médiomatriques (Mediomatrici) • Ménapiens ou Ménapes (Menapii) • Morins (Morini) • Nerviens (Nervii) • Pémanes (Paemani) • Rèmes (Remi) • Sègnes (Segni) • Silvanectes (Silvanectes) • Suessions (Suessiones) • Tongres (Tungri) • Trévires (treveri) • Tricasses • Viromanduens (Viromandui) Liste des peuples celtes 3 Gaule Celtique Remarque : La Gaule Celtique était habitée par les Celtes.
    [Show full text]
  • Celts Ancient and Modern: Recent Controversies in Celtic Studies
    Celts Ancient and Modern: Recent Controversies in Celtic Studies John R. Collis As often happens in conferences on Celtic Studies, I was the only contributor at Helsinki who was talking about archaeology and the Ancient Celts. This has been a controversial subject since the 1980s when archaeologists started to apply to the question of the Celts the changes of paradigm, which had impacted on archaeology since the 1960s and 1970s. This caused fundamental changes in the way in which we treat archaeological evidence, both the theoretical basis of what we are doing and the methodologies we use, and even affecting the sorts of sites we dig and what of the finds we consider important. Initially it was a conflict among archaeologists, but it has also spilt over into other aspects of Celtic Studies in what has been termed ‘Celtoscepticism’. In 2015–2016 the British Museum and the National Museum of Scotland put on exhibitions (Farley and Hunter 2015) based largely on these new approaches, raising again the conflicts from the 1990s between traditional Celticists, and those who are advocates of the new approaches (‘New Celticists’), but it also revived, especially in the popular press, misinformation about what the conflicts are all about. Celtoscepticism comes from a Welsh term celtisceptig invented by the poet and novelist Robin Llywelin, and translated into English and applied to Celtic Studies by Patrick Sims-Williams (1998); it is used for people who do not consider that the ancient people of Britain should be called Celts as they had never been so-called in the Ancient World.
    [Show full text]
  • Us M. Crossing Over. Here, As Often, Accipere Means “To Hear”. Priscus, -A, -Um, Original, Former, Previous
    1 transitus, -us m. crossing over. Here, as often, accipere means “to hear”. priscus, -a, -um, original, former, previous. L. Tarquinius Priscus, the fifth king of Rome, ruled from 616-579 B.C. 2 Celtae, -arum m.pl. Celts. Gallia, -ae f. Gaul. penes + acc. in the power of, in the possession of, belong to. Bituriges, -um m.pl. a tribes of central Gaul with their capital at Bourges. 3 summa, -ae f. the highest, the most important. Celticus, -a, -um, Celtic. Here a substantive. 4 cum . tum, both . and. praepolleo, -ere, to be very powerful. 5 adeo . ut: “to such a degree that”. frux, frugis f. (usually pl. fruges, -um) fruits, produce, harvest; success. fertilis, -e, fertile. abundans, -antis, overflowing, abundant, numerous. vix adv. scarcely. rego, -ere, rexi, rectum, to direct, rule, govern. 6 magno natu: old. exorno (1) to unburden, unload, relieve. praegravo (1) to press heavily upon, weigh down. turba, -ae f. tumult, disturbance; crowd, throng; multitude, band, mob. Here ablative of separation. 7 sororis filius, nephew. impiger, -ra, -rum, diligent, active. 8 quas: read with sedes. Note the prepositioning of the relative pronoun. di = dei. augurium, -i n. augury, auspice. sedes, -is f. seat, chair; abode, home; base, foundation. ostendo, -ere, -i, -tum, to hold out, show, reveal, make clear. quantus, -a, -um interr. how great. 9 excieo (excio), -ire, -ii, -citum, to call out, arouse, summon. aliqui, aliqua, aliquod adj. any. arceo, -ere, -ui, to shut in; keep at a distance, prevent, keep away. 10 sors, sortis f. casting of lots; fate. dati = dati sunt.
    [Show full text]
  • Annibal En Gaule
    ANNIBAL EN GAULE PAR JEAN COLIN. CAPITAINE D'ARTILLERIE BREVETÉ PARIS - 1904 AVANT-PROPOS. CHAPITRE PREMIER. — La Région rhodanienne avant la conquête romaine. I. Géographie physique. — II . Géographie politique. CHAPITRE II. — Les textes. I. Polybe et Tite-Live. — II . Les historiens anciens. — III . La méthode de Tite- Live. — IV . Polybe. — V. Les textes perdus. — VI . Vie et travaux de Polybe. — VII . Travaux comparatifs sur Polybe et Tite-Live. — VIII . Comparaison des textes. — IX . Les connaissances géographiques des anciens. CHAPITRE III. — Le passage du Rhône. I. L'Emporium au Rhône. — II . Le point de passage. CHAPITRE IV. — La traversée des Alpes. I. La distance du Rhône aux plaines du Pô. — II . Les bords du Rhône. - L'Île. — III . L'entrée dans les Alpes. — IV . A travers les Alpes. — V. Le col. CONCLUSION. TRADUCTION DES TEXTES. I. Le récit de Polybe. — II . Le récit de Tite-Live. AVANT-PROPOS. Quelle route Annibal a-t-il suivie dans sa marche à travers la Gaule ? Il n'y a guère de problème historique plus captivant que celui-ci ; mais on lui a fait une réputation détestable; les savants le croient insoluble, et il leur paraît aussi fou de le reprendre pour la millième fois que de tenter la quadrature du cercle; encore n'est-ce pas aussi méritoire, car c'est une distraction accessible aux moindres talents. On n'admet pas que les données soient en nombre assez grand, et de nature assez précise : une dissertation sur la marche d'Annibal ne saurait être qu'une œuvre d'imagination, non un travail scientifique basé sur des faits positifs, aboutissant à des conclusions en règle.
    [Show full text]
  • Map 17 Lugdunum Compiled by E
    Map 17 Lugdunum Compiled by E. Bertrand, 1997 Introduction From both geographic and economic perspectives, the area covered by the map divides into three zones, west to east. In the west, the economy of the Massif Central (ancient Cebenna Mons) depended upon animal husbandry, forestry and mining. Ancient authors (note Strabo 4.6.9) emphasize how hard life was in the high mountains, and this zone–like the Alps to the east–was resistant to romanization. The Alps (where the economy was similar) formed a natural boundary; securing its passes became a necessity for Roman administration. Both before and after the conquest, these passes were used more than the coast road for traffic between Italy and Gaul, and they remain vital economic arteries for the area. It has always been difficult to identify the minor towns and road stations located in the Alps by the ancient itineraries, in particular because of considerable erosion which has buried many sites beneath alluvium. In the center, the romanization of the R. Rhône (ancient Rhodanus) valley was more rapid and more complete. In the fertile land of the Rhône plains there remain traces of extensive Roman centuriation linked to the colonies there. Archaeological survey has also located numerous villas in this zone, although very few are excavated. The Rhône and the roads along it were a key axis in the economic relationship between Italy, Gaul and Spain. Major changes to the physical landscape since antiquity are few. In the Alps, a number of reservoirs have been constructed; notably, at Serre-Ponçon such development has led to the submersion of several valleys near Vappincum.
    [Show full text]
  • ATLAS of CLASSICAL HISTORY
    ATLAS of CLASSICAL HISTORY EDITED BY RICHARD J.A.TALBERT London and New York First published 1985 by Croom Helm Ltd Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2003. © 1985 Richard J.A.Talbert and contributors All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Atlas of classical history. 1. History, Ancient—Maps I. Talbert, Richard J.A. 911.3 G3201.S2 ISBN 0-203-40535-8 Master e-book ISBN ISBN 0-203-71359-1 (Adobe eReader Format) ISBN 0-415-03463-9 (pbk) Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication Data Also available CONTENTS Preface v Northern Greece, Macedonia and Thrace 32 Contributors vi The Eastern Aegean and the Asia Minor Equivalent Measurements vi Hinterland 33 Attica 34–5, 181 Maps: map and text page reference placed first, Classical Athens 35–6, 181 further reading reference second Roman Athens 35–6, 181 Halicarnassus 36, 181 The Mediterranean World: Physical 1 Miletus 37, 181 The Aegean in the Bronze Age 2–5, 179 Priene 37, 181 Troy 3, 179 Greek Sicily 38–9, 181 Knossos 3, 179 Syracuse 39, 181 Minoan Crete 4–5, 179 Akragas 40, 181 Mycenae 5, 179 Cyrene 40, 182 Mycenaean Greece 4–6, 179 Olympia 41, 182 Mainland Greece in the Homeric Poems 7–8, Greek Dialects c.
    [Show full text]
  • THE CRISIS of the THIRD CENTURY AD. in the ROMAN EMPIRE: a MODERN MYTH? by LUKAS DE BLOIS
    THE CRISIS OF THE THIRD CENTURY AD. IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE: A MODERN MYTH? By LUKAS DE BLOIS Until weIl into the seventies of the last century the third century AD. was perceived as aperiod of crisis, a crisis which was already announced under the emperor Marcus Aurelius A.D. 161-180), whose reign was characterised by warfare and epidemics. Many observers saw the third century crisis as a decisive period of transition to Medieval History. In a highly rhetorical and suggestive passage in his Birth 0/ the Western Economy, Robert Latouche describes the second and third quarters of the third century AD. as " .. a sinister age, the least known of the whole history of Rome .. " and he teIls us: "After the reign of the Severi we seem to plunge into a long tunnel, to emerge only at the beginning of the Late Empire under Diocletian, and when we step out again into daylight unfamiliar country lies all about US".I In later decades the third century crisis was seen as a complex historical process, brought about by the interaction of many different factors. Geza Alföldy summarlses the various aspects of the crisis that dominated the history of the Roman empire from 249 to 284 in nine points: the switching from the rule of an emperor to that of a military despot, the general instability, the growing power of the armies, the increasing influence of the military provinces such as those along the Danube, social shifts, economic problems, the decrease in and unequal distribution of the population, a religious and moral crisis and invasions of foreign peoples in practically all border regions and even beyond, into the heartlands of the empire.
    [Show full text]
  • [Type the Document Title]
    AUGUSTUS AND THE ROMAN PROVINCES OF IBERIA Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy by David Griffiths September 2013 To my parents. Table of Contents List of figures ........................................................................................................................... iii Abstract ...................................................................................................................................... v Acknowledgements .................................................................................................................. vii Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 1 Chapter 1: Militarism and the princeps: The Cantabrian War and its meaning for Augustus ... 6 1.1 The campaigns ................................................................................................................. 6 1.2 The motives for the campaigns ...................................................................................... 13 1.3 The political context of the war ..................................................................................... 18 1.4 The contemporary literary treatment of the war ............................................................ 27 1.5 The ghost of Antonius .................................................................................................... 33 1.6 The autobiography ........................................................................................................
    [Show full text]