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CENTRAL AFRICA CRISIS SECTION Articles By: M AFRICA SOUTH, AFRICA SOUTH, Vol. 3 No. 4 July-Sept. 1959 Special Feature: CENTRAL AFRICA CRISIS SECTION Articles by: M. W. Kanyama Chiume, Kenneth Kaunda, Joshua Nkomo, Barbara Castle, M.P., and others THE UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA 3/9 GREAT BRITAIN AND AFRICA 4/- UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 75c INDIA AND CEYLON Ri. 2.50 VOL. 3 No. 4 EDITOR: RONALD M. SEGAL JULY-SEPT. 1959 CONTENTS DEAR SIR Roy . .. EMIGRANTSHIPbyReginaldReynolds . .. 4 THE SENATE FARCE by Stanley Uys, with a Cartoon by David Marais - 5 REVOLUTION: FURTHER REFLECTIONS by Joe Matthews - - 12 THE PLACE OF BOYCOTT by Stanley Trapido - 17 THE AFRICANISTS CUT LOOSE by Peter Rodda - 23 CONGRESSANDTHEAFRICANISTSbyWalterSisulu 27 SPORTS TEST FOR SOUTH AFRICA by D. A. Brutus - - 35 ORLANDOREVISITEDbyAnthonySampson. 40 THE NYASALAND CRISIS by M. W. Kanyama Chiume - - - 4 RIDER AND HORSE IN NORTHERN RHODESIA by Kenneth Kaunda 52 THE CRUCIBLE OF PRIVILEGE: SOUTHERN RHODESIA by Joshua Nkomo - 7 AN IOTA OF DIFFERENCE by Moses Makone - 62 PORTRAIT OF A FAILURE: SIR Roy WELENSKY by Frank Barton, with illustration by David Marais - 64 AN INTERVIEW WITH TODD by Denis Grundy - 70 NATIVES NO LONGER KILL TWINS by Colin Leys - 77 LABOUR AND CENTRAL AFRICA by Barbara Castle, M.P. - 84 CARTOON by Vicky - 93 KENYA AT THE CROss-ROADS by Tom Mboya, M.L.C. - - 94 A SOUTH AFRICAN IN NIGERIA by Ezekiel Mphahlele - - 99 THE UNITED STATES AT U.N.O. by Winifred F. Courtney - IO TOWARDS AN AFRICAN LITERATURE IX: THE TALE OF NONGQAWUSE byDr.A.C.Jordan III BELLA by Marianne Nordfors I 6 BOOKREVIEWSbyHomerA.Jack 121 AFRICA SOUTH is published quarterly by Africa South Publications (Pty.) Ltd. Editorial and Advertising Offices are at 2 Vlam Gebou, Parliament Street, Cape Town, South Africa. Price per issue 3s. 9d.; 15s. per year, post free in the Union of South Africa. In the United States, promotion offices are located at 320 W. 87th Street, New York, N.Y., and subscriptions should be sent to Mrs. S. Pauley at that address. Price per issue 75c; $3 per year, post free. Entered as second-class matter at the Post Office at New York, N.Y. Price per issue in the United Kingdom 4s.; 16s. per year, post free. Representative, Miss R. Ainslie, 31A, John Adam St., London, W.C.2. Price per issue in West Africa 4s.; 16s. per year, post free. Representative, Mr. E. Mphahlele, Dept. of Extra-Mural Studies, University College, Ibadan, Nigeria. Price per issue in South Asia Rs. 2.50; Rs. 10 per year, post free. Representatives, Messrs. K. V. G. de Silva & Sons, 415 Galle Road, Colombo 4, Ceylon. DEAR SIR ROY, 1- is six years now since the British Government collaborated with Central African settlerdom in forcing Federation upon some six and a half million clamorously hostile Africans. And for six years now a government geared to the 'maintenance of' civilized standards' and pledged to a policy of racial 'partnership' has had the chance to dispel that hostility, to prove its dedication to those principles of Western culture that it sanctifies so strenuously in its speech. Do you, the head of that government, believe that it has done so? Nyasaland survives in the Federation today as occupied territory, its allegiance as sure and as lasting as the guard at your detention camps and your army of occupation can forcibly ensure. You claim the existence of a Congress-sponsored massacre plot as the excuse tor the violence that you yourself have employed to retain the territory. And surely you must grope at an excuse, for no settler in Nyasaland has )een killed; though underneath the interminable explanation that you have piled high upon them, lie the bodies of fifty Africans shot, by your security forces. The evidence you have offered for the plot so far is flimsy enough, but doubtless you will supply the Commission of Inquiry with less fragile furniture. Do you think that that is likely to acquit you ? A people must be driven by suffering headlong beyond hope before it surrenders itself finally to violence. Would a campaign of murder satisfactorily illustrate the loyalty that the Federation has earned from its subjects since its inception? l)ominion status should wait upon somewhat more convincing proofs of African allegiance. Experience of your conspiracies in the past, however, promotes a sedulous scepticism. There have been too many Soviet plots that you alone have been able to discover; whenever African leaders confer, you eavesdrop on a take-over bid by the Kremlin. Does it not seem infinitely more probable that the campaign sponsored by Congress in Nyasaland was no more than a programme of civil disobedience? And who should be blamed for that? Can you say that you ever provided the people of Nyasaland with constitutional passage-ways to political advancement ! Six years after your policy of partnership was born, some seven thousand settlers in the territory possess more power than its two million seven hundred thousand natives. Having seen the strident career of white supremacy receive no AFRICA SOUTH even temporary check during its years of trial, the Africans of Nyasaland may be forgiven for having wondered what constitutional protest was likely to accomplish for them. And as the i96o Constitutional Conference approached, their distrust must have turned rapidly to terror, as they foresaw themselves sacrificed finally to settler rule. How would you and the members of your government have acted in similar circumstances? Your public admiration of the Boston rebels under George III would seem to commit you clearly enough to the principles of civil disobedience. Is it reasonable to abuse your subjects for drawing encouragement from your example? Your associates in Southern Rhodesia have followed their leader and thrown themselves head over heels into a riot of repression. They too claim a conspiracy of violence against the State, though it must be admitted that they are either less aware or much less able than yourself, for they have produced no evidence at all and been unable to promise any. Having outlawed the Congress movement and detained its leaders, they have busied themselves in disfiguring the statute book with the most repressive measures that have ever mocked the principles of parliamentary rule. Outdoing even the Nationalists in mutilating the rule of law, the governing party you control has provided itself with powers of arbitrary arrest and made the most elementary African opposition into a criminal offence. If its objects were to terrorise African sentiment into submission and break the hold that the Congress has upon African allegiance, it has failed ludicrously in both. For far from stilling African hostility, it has inflamed it; while by arresting moderates and radicals alike, it has offered its opponents the obduracy of extremes and united them on the rack of Congress martyrdom. Above all, by preventing the Africans from organizing themselves peacefully for change, it has left only the avenue of civil disobedience open to opposition, and stimulated the very violence against which it now pretends that it was obliged to protect itself. When even boycott is banned as a political weapon, revolution remains the only recourse left the oppressed. Can that be what you and your accomplices actually want? What in all this have you gained? The shooting of Africans by white territorials from Southern Rhodesia has infuriated Nyasaland beyond the possibility of compromise, and made it difficult for the most sympathetic British administration to DEAR SIR ROY concede the ultimate authority over the protectorates that you demand. Can you really expect to wring dominion status from the Constitutional Conference? When Britain will be standing trial before its Commonwealth? No doubt you can go it alone for a little while, governing Central Africa by the gun till the gun cannot govern any longer and hostility spills over at last into revolution. No doubt too you can postpone that calamity by abdicating to Dr. Verwoerd in a Nationalist-dominated union, a wild final fling of white supremacy. But the price of that postponement would be surrender to a double violence with all escape-hatches locked. Consider yet, in the few months left of choice, the agony that shadows your present course. It is not only yourself, but the three hundred thousand settlers who fumble after you that you are committing to calamity. But then perhaps one must stare calamity in the face, as you are surely doing now, to recognize its features and find in them the courage to escape. Then indeed the savage stupidity of what you have done will no longer matter, as a new society grows out of the rubble of the old, covering it over in time as a Troy upon Troy, Africa leaving its blood once again on the step below. But however you choose, Africa will endure and advance by its very endurance, a continent climbing slowly on its knees. In the end, it is only your own part of it and the part that should belong to those who follow you that you can destroy. AFRICA SOUTH EMIGRANT SHIP The Pilgrim Poppa, grilling manly torso, Sprawls on the deck in Port-Said-purchased hat; Here, by this floating Serpentine (but more so) The Pilgrim Momma chides her Pilgrim Brat. They talk of Wogs and Niggers, trash and treasure And bargaining. The urgent wail of sex And Tin Pan Alley stirs in strident measure The unfulfilment of our lower decks. They sense no lure in the Arabian magic Vast, to the East, across the narrow sea, Nor know the Western shore where, bright or tragic, There swells a continental pregnancy. The tales of Sinbad, scimitars and raiders And of strong, silent Englishmen-each ghost Is lost upon this lido, like the traders Who still hawk bodies from the evening coast.
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