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INTRODUCTION ( Thomas Pegelow Kaplan and Wolf Gruner INTRODUCTION ( Thomas Pegelow Kaplan and Wolf Gruner In the conclusions of his pathbreaking 1961 study of the Holocaust, Raul Hilberg commented that “in various forms, some more eloquent than oth- ers, the Jews appealed and petitioned wherever and whenever the threat of concentration and deportation struck them: in the Reich, in Poland, in Russia, in France, in the Balkan countries, and in Hungary.”1 Indeed, throughout the 1930s and early 1940s, offi cials and ordinary members of Jewish Communities as well as men and women whom the Nazi state defi ned as racially Jewish or partially Jewish wrote tens of thousands of petitions all across German-occupied Europe and in countries allied to the Nazi regime. Any given local, regional, or state archive on the continent and beyond encompasses collections with a myriad of such entreaties. These petitions ranged from rushed appeals for exemptions from pend- ing deportations, such as the case of Jewish war veterans, widows, and orphans who approached the Sorting Commi ee in the Romanian city of Dorohoi in late 1941, to very elaborate entreaties, such as Rabbi Jacob Kaplan’s July 1941 appeal against Vichy France’s second Statut des Juifs addressed to Xavier Vallat, the Commissioner-General for Jewish Aff airs.2 In light of this magnitude, it is striking—and even problematic for the broader understanding of Jewish responses during the Holocaust— that petitions have received so li le a ention in the scholarship on this genocide. This volume addresses this shortcoming and places petitioning practices at the center of its analysis, understanding these entreaties as evidence for the agency and o en even resistance of Jews during the Ho- locaust. Specialists of Jewish history in various European countries during the 1930s and 1940s discuss the origin and outcome of Jewish petitions and place them in their specifi c historical context. The neglect of Jewish petitions in the scholarly literature on the Ho- locaust is not so much grounded in a lack of awareness—almost every researcher searching for evidence of Jewish reactions to the persecution by the Nazis or other authoritarian regimes has been struck by these en- Notes for this chapter begin on page 20. "RESISTING PERSECUTION: Jews and Their Petitions during the Holocaust" Edited by Thomas Pegelow Kaplan and Wolf Gruner https://www.berghahnbooks.com/title/KaplanResisting 2 | Thomas Pegelow Kaplan and Wolf Gruner treaties and their abundance. Rather, it is based on a common disregard, resulting from an underestimation of the function, impact, and goals of petitioning practices in some of the most infl uential works in the fi eld. In his aforementioned magnum opus, Raul Hilberg even used the enor- mous number of entreaties to make his case for the alleged absence of “actual” Jewish resistance. “Everywhere, the Jews pi ed words against rifl es, dialectics against force and everywhere,” he argued, “they lost.”3 Over the decades, these scholarly evaluations of petitions have changed very li le. In her important study on the challenges of so-called Mischlinge in Hamburg during the Nazi period, historian Beate Meyer, for example, has pointed to the low success rate of petitions for exemptions from the Nuremberg Racial Laws. Moreover, Nazi state offi cials succeeded, in her view, in misleading petitioners to believe in “sham possibilities,” falsely suggesting that an “‘exit’ from ‘racial’ persecution was possible.”4 This volume challenges the widespread notion that Jews wrote their petitions in vain. It takes them seriously, discussing petitionary le ers authored by Jewish individuals and representatives of Jewish organiza- tions as a form of communication that was frequently able to surpass the asymmetrical power relations between the oppressed and the oppressor. In most previous studies, historians have reduced petitions to futile indi- vidual or collective quests for exemptions from of all kinds of anti-Jewish measures, ranging from early dismissals from jobs to being excluded from the mass deportations that began in 1941–42. Asking for exemptions, how- ever, already expressed a form of agency and even opposition to the Nazi or another authoritarian state. Moreover, in the 1930s and 1940s, quite a number of petitioners openly protested anti-Jewish measures and legisla- tion in general, be it in Germany, Romania, or France, and demanded their abandonment. This volume establishes that petitions repeatedly served as a critical but overlooked political tool for the persecuted in an authoritar- ian environment. In addition to requesting exemptions from or even the abolition of na- tional or local anti-Jewish measures, victims of persecution wrote petitions as an important means to reposition and redefi ne the social and political status assigned to them by the perpetrators. This is especially evident in petitionary le ers—be it from regular Jewish individuals or prominent Jewish representatives—addressed to authoritarian leaders such as Adolf Hitler, Rudolf Hess, or Josef Bürckel in Germany or Ion Antonescu in Ro- mania, as Wolf Gruner and Ştefan C. Ionescu’s chapters in this volume show.5 Thus, the analyses of this collection serve the purpose of reevaluat- ing petitions as a means of contestation that could also amount to a form of resistance. Eschewing simplifying binaries of resistance versus collabo- "RESISTING PERSECUTION: Jews and Their Petitions during the Holocaust" Edited by Thomas Pegelow Kaplan and Wolf Gruner https://www.berghahnbooks.com/title/KaplanResisting Introduction | 3 ration, the contributions in this volume off er a more nuanced understand- ing of these complex and o en convoluted practices. By necessity, entreaties authored by Jewish women and men combined multiple voices and languages, including, at a minimum, those of the peti- tioners and the petitioned. O en, they referred to traditional, scientifi c, or religious authorities or employed—in line with Emancipation discourses and gains—legal arguments. In other cases, entreaties revolved around personal appeals, o en subservient, and outright fl a ery that used to be the defi ning characteristics of pre- and early modern supplications. All in all, they present public or semi-public documents composed by the pe- titioners with a more or less clear objective, received and, in their vast majority, read by the petitioned agencies or individuals of real or imag- ined power. Hence, these petitions constituted the kind of hybrid source that should be at the center of the much-needed “integrated histories” of the Holocaust that prominent scholars such as Saul Friedländer and Dan Michman have called for and that relate the practices of the perpetrators, victims, and—as Tim Cole’s chapter on petitioners in Budapest demon- strates—neighbors alike.6 Why are petitions so important? In non-authoritarian societies, it is hard to imagine that writing le ers to a government might be an eff ective way to communicate or have any noticeable impact in light of the myr- iad means to assert infl uence.7 In a dictatorship, conversely, interactions between perpetrators and the persecuted work very diff erently. The per- secuted are excluded from any political participation and representation. They cannot resort to a free press or rely on free speech, since any public or private critique would be in danger of being punished by law or extra- juridical means. Therefore, entreaties o en constitute the petitioners’ only or most prominent permissible expression of individual or collective opin- ion, while simultaneously some also carry considerable risk, as scholars of Soviet history have shown.8 At the same time, personal relationships and direct access to individuals in positions of power amount to much greater signifi cance in an authori- tarian environment than in a pluralistic society, where diff erent branches of power exist. As a consequence, establishing a channel of communica- tion with authoritarian leaders or their regional and local counterparts via entreaties can be a more eff ective way to challenge discrimination and persecution than open protest or armed resistance. As James Sco pointed out, autocratic leaders prefer to be in control of requests, which affi rms their personal political power.9 As a result, a large number of petitions in the 1930s and 1940s—despite popular belief—did not get shelved, but were discussed by the authorities and received answers. "RESISTING PERSECUTION: Jews and Their Petitions during the Holocaust" Edited by Thomas Pegelow Kaplan and Wolf Gruner https://www.berghahnbooks.com/title/KaplanResisting 4 | Thomas Pegelow Kaplan and Wolf Gruner Moreover, responses of the perpetrators to petitioners necessitated the allocation of human and other resources of the oppressors. A er all, pe- titions functioned as a place of negotiation of two or more groups in an asymmetric fi eld of power.10 As the following chapters prove with striking examples, perpetrators took entreaties seriously as indicated not only by processing them, but also by, time and again, involving agencies other than the addressed to formulate an adequate response or come to a decision. These dynamics o en provided the oppressed with much-needed time and even opened opportunities to manipulate perpetrator agencies. As Ştefan Ionescu’s analysis of Romanian Jewish leader Wilhelm Filderman’s entreat- ies to Ion Antonescu reveals, petitioners occasionally sought to pit one of- fi ce against another by appealing to their specifi c institutional and personal interests. In a dictatorship, in which Jews had no political currency and o en lacked the legal means, petition writing, surprisingly, served many men and women as one of the last remaining ways to defend themselves individually or as a community from anti-Jewish laws, local restrictions, and violent a acks. Astonishingly, such eff orts frequently bore success. Methodological Questions The study of petitions poses a number of methodological and conceptual challenges. In addition to scholars of communist rule in Europe, early mod- ernists outside the fi eld of Jewish studies have extensively grappled with entreaties.
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