Emancipation Levels among

Moroccan Women in the Netherlands

The Lasting Impact of Cultural Background

Roos van Kreij June 2016

Supervisor: Dr. Seiki Tanaka Second reader: Dr. Anja van Heelsum Master thesis Political Science, International Relations

2 Table of contents

1. Introduction 5

2. Literature review 11 2.1 General literature on emancipation 12 Education and job opportunity 12 Gender equality 12 Social institutions 13 2.2 Moroccan women in the Netherlands 13 Dutch policy 14 Religion 14 2.3 Moroccan women in Morocco 15 Education and job opportunity 15 Marital status and family 16 Participation in society 17

3. Argument 18 3.1 Urban versus rural 19 Traditionality and development 19 Education 21 Marital status and family composition 22 3.2 Differences in emancipation levels 23 3.3 Influence of the Dutch society 23 3.4 Operationalization 26 3.5 Research design 27

4. Analysis 30 4.1 Moroccan women in Morocco 31 Rural women 31 Urban women 33 4.2 Moroccan women in the Netherlands 35

3 Migration to the Netherlands 36 Social contacts 38 Norms and values, mentality and customs 39 Education 42 4.3 Findings and alternative arguments 43 Education 45 Age of arrival and length of stay in the Netherlands 46 Marital status when arriving in the Netherlands 47 Number of children 48 Religion 48

5. Conclusion and discussion 51 5.1 Conclusion 51 5.2 Limitations 52 5.3 Implications 55 Generalisation 55 Policy 56 5.4 Future research 57

References 58

Appendices 62 Appendix A: Social institutions variables 62 Appendix B: Influence of the Dutch society mechanisms 63 Appendix C: Summaries of interviews 65 Appendix D: Origins of interviewees 92 Appendix E: Characteristics of interviewees 93

4 1. Introduction

“In the Dutch society the Moroccan woman participates the least on the labour market, has the lowest level of education and the highest percentage of illiteracy. She is being controlled by the Moroccan law and religion. The influence of the Moroccan Family Law is also very big in the Netherlands. This Law considers the woman as weak and the man as wage earner. She cannot marry or divorce independently and can be disowned by her husband” - Azarkan (2000)

In the Netherlands, Moroccan immigrant women are often regarded as a homogenous group, as Western media have created abstract perceptions of these women. As a result, the ill- understood Moroccan women are perceived as one entity, in which social differences do not seem to matter. Their diverse social-cultural contexts are often neglected by Western perception, since, unfortunately, Moroccan culture is poorly understood in the West. Especially on the issue of gender equality and emancipation there are Western stereotypes about Moroccan women; not only are they portrayed as submitting to Islam and patriarchy, they are also objectified as helpless women with a lack of agency (Sadiqi, 2003:213). This thesis will clarify on the heterogeneity of Moroccan women in the Netherlands, especially on the issue of emancipation. According to the Dutch research institute CBS, emancipation implies three different aspects: participation on the labour market, economic independence and societal participation. In these aspects, women must have the same political, legal, cultural and social rights and opportunities as men (Putters and Tjin-A-Tsoi, 2014). In the Dutch policy on emancipation, emancipation is described as follows: ‘the possibility to be independent and the realization of equal rights, opportunities, freedoms and responsibilities for both men and women’ (Pels, 2006:11-12). Both definitions of emancipation contain women’s autonomous position, while the definition of CBS also contains women’s self-development by participation in society. In sum, emancipated women are more ‘free’ than women who are not or less emancipated. Emancipation also means a high level of autonomy (Sadiqi, 2003:162). Furthermore, women’s emancipation has a strong connection with gender equality, especially in Morocco, as women are often restricted relative to and subordinate to men. Also, when women are emancipated, it usually implies that there is case of more gender equality. In

5 Sweden, for example, there is a high level of women’s labour market participation. Labour market participation is an operationalized measure for emancipation. Women can be considered as economically independent if they participate on the labour market. Because of this, the uneven balance of work and power between the sexes is eliminated and an equal society is achieved. The government of Sweden defines gender equality as equal rights, obligations, and possibilities for men and women in all areas of life (Nordenmark and Nyman, 2003:181-182). As most research on emancipation is about the comparison between men and women, or between different national or religious groups, this thesis will compare women from the same Moroccan nationality and Islamic religion with each other. This thesis argues that there is variation in the level of emancipation among Moroccan women in the Netherlands. In other words: this study will argue that some Moroccan women are more emancipated than others; that is, some Moroccan women hold a high level of emancipation and others a low level of emancipation. The research question of this thesis is: what explains the difference in levels of emancipation among Moroccan women? The dependent variable here is emancipation, in which the variation is a high level of emancipation versus a low level of emancipation.

This study argues that region of origin, being rural or urban, is the most important indicator for the differentiation among Moroccan women. Regional origin determines the culture of a society. This cultural background implies norms and values, mentality and customs. These aspects differ per society. Within Morocco, the differences between urban and rural areas are the most apparent, because of the different development levels in these areas. Norms and values, mentality and customs influence variables that can influence women’s emancipation levels, such as marriage, education, labour market participation and social contacts. These variables are also influenced by the access women have to education, health and the labour market, as not all societies offer the same chances and opportunities. This access is determined by regional origin and its level of development as well. For example, in urban areas there generally is more access to education and health, which influences women’s opportunities. This thesis furthermore argues that the norms and values, mentality and customs of a woman, together with the characteristics she has such as marital status, education, having a job and social contacts, determine her level of autonomy and participation. As stated above, the levels of autonomy and participation indicate a woman’s emancipation level. In sum, this thesis argues that all these variables that affect women’s emancipation levels, such as her

6 norms and values, mentality, customs, marital status, education, job and social contacts, are a product of culture. Cultural background explains the differences in levels of emancipation among Moroccan women in Morocco. Culture is tied to geography, which is why this thesis uses regional origin as a proxy for cultural background. Regional origin does not only indicate differences between women in Morocco, since, after migrating to the Netherlands, Moroccan women are influenced by their regional origin as well. Moroccan women coming from urban areas are, due to the developed and modern culture in Moroccan urban areas, more familiar with the modern and Western lifestyle of the Netherlands. After migration they adapt quite easily to Dutch society. Women coming from rural areas have more difficulty to adapt and integrate, for their way of living in Morocco differs a great deal from the Dutch society they migrated to. Moroccan rural women harmonize less with Dutch modern and liberal norms and values, than with the mentality, customs and norms and values of their Moroccan regional origin. Their struggle to adapt affects their level of autonomy and participation in society and therefore their level of emancipation. In relation to Moroccan urban women, they will receive less education, will participate less on the labour market, have less Dutch contacts and remain to have more traditional ideas about, for instance, marriage. Moroccan urban women attune more to Dutch society than Moroccan rural women, which contributes to their autonomy, education level, participation in society and on the labour market and the dissemination of Dutch norms and values. Moroccan regional origin does also affect women’s emancipation level in the Netherlands, as it determines how much effect the Dutch society will have on the norms and values, mentality and customs of a woman. Urban women (for example from Casablanca) who are already more emancipated in Morocco, become more emancipated in the Netherlands. Rural women (for example from the mountainous region near Nador) who have a lower degree of emancipation in Morocco, do not become more emancipated in the Netherlands, as the influence of their region of origin restrains them. Therefore, not only does the gap in emancipation between different Moroccan women remain to exist in the Netherlands, it even increases. The mechanism as explained in this argument section is outlined in the graph below.

7

Figure 1: The argument of this thesis.

Most research on gender equality and emancipation among immigrants compares immigrants with natives, or different immigrant groups with each other, such as Turks with Moroccans. A distinction between different Moroccan women is seldom made, as Moroccan women are often considered as a homogenous group. Differences in age, class, education, cultural and religious orientations, ambitions, lifestyle or choices among Moroccan women, are not made visible (Roggeband and Verloo, 2007:284). Differences in regional origin among Moroccan women are also neglected, for only recently it has been recorded where Moroccan immigrants exactly come from (Fokkema et al., 2009:51). Some existing work does acknowledge the heterogeneity of Moroccan women, such as the articles by Sadiqi (2003) and Pels (2000). Pels (2000) talks about the traditional gender role division in Morocco and how these roles are challenged after migration to the Netherlands, mostly as regards household tasks and the upbringing of children. She mentions differences between families from rural areas and urban areas and acknowledges differences between women as to their education level, mastery of Dutch language, family structure and

8 importance of religion. However, Pels’ conclusions mostly imply differences between different Moroccan families, instead of differences between women. Furthermore, her conclusions regard gender equality within the household and do not consider different equality levels among women (Pels, 2000:88-89). Whenever differences among women are discussed in literature, only one or two variables are mentioned. Previous studies do not examine many variables at the same time. Education, for instance, is often considered as the most important indicator for difference. However, other indicators such as marriage, region of origin or class are often neglected. Therefore, it does not become clear how these different variables are related to each other and which variable is more plausible to explain differences in emancipation levels. This study will discuss several variables and explain how they relate to each other, in order to find out what the most plausible explanation is. This study also contributes to the structure-agency debate, as it shows the importance of structure for Moroccan women’s lives. This study poses that agency is subordinated to structure. People, when they make decisions, are always influenced by their cultural background. This thesis argues that Moroccan women in the Netherlands, especially of rural origin, are constrained in their agency by the culture of their regional origin. The choices they make, about, for instance, receiving education, getting a job, or getting married, are influenced by the structure of their original society, indicated by culture. This culture determines the norms and values, customs and mentality in the certain region of origin, and determines the behaviour of Moroccan women in Morocco and in the Netherlands (Hay and Wincott, 1998:952).

Moroccan women’s emancipation is a much-debated subject in the Netherlands. Migrant Moroccan women are represented as the principal key to solving problems of integration and gender equality, and are the foundation of improving the position of Moroccans in the Netherlands (Zwart, 2015). The quantity of organisations for Moroccan women in the Netherlands proves this concern for Moroccan women in the Netherlands. In the Netherlands, such an organisation can be found in almost every big city, and there are several national ones, such as ‘Al Amal’ in Utrecht, ‘El Moustaqbal’ in The Hague and ‘Moroccan Women Society Netherlands’ on national level. Their websites all claim to aim for better participation of women in the Dutch society and the improvement of women’s positions (Stichting Aknarijwest, 2010; MVVN, 2012; Stichting Al Amal, 2015; El Moustaqbal, 2016). Alongside the existence of organisations in civil society, the political society has to cope with the issues around Moroccan women as well. Policies on integration, gender

9 equality and women’s emancipation focus on Moroccan immigrants and try to improve the current situation. Van den Berg (2011) argues that Dutch policy is based on public debate, which portrays Moroccan women as a vulnerable group. Integration policies often focus on gender issues, but the differences among Moroccan women in, for instance, social status, education, and paid work are often neglected (van den Berg, 2011:504-505). To make effective policy on Moroccan immigrant women, it is important to recognize and acknowledge not only their values and social situation, but also their heterogeneity. In brief: Dutch policy should let go of its stereotypical attitude, as a better understanding of the heterogeneity of Moroccan women could lead to better policy (Sadiqi, 2003:213-214). This thesis could also have implications for policy on emancipation and gender equality, as it discusses reasons for different emancipation levels. To make these policies more purposeful, it is crucial to know what contributes to women’s emancipation levels, and which indicators have less impact. Finally, this thesis contributes to the tackling of epistemic violence. The assumption about homogeneity of Moroccan women can be considered as an act of epistemic violence, namely, the stereotyping and generalizing of the conditions of women from the developing world, i.e. the assumption they are all lacking agency. This stereotyping is mostly done by Western scholars and dominates Western perception (Ayotte and Husain, 2005:113). In the yearly Dutch integration report, the only distinctions that are made in socioeconomic status are between different ethnic groups, different generations, and between men and women. Differences among women are only made between women with different nationalities (CBS, 2014).

This study commences with an overview of the literature on emancipation that is most applicable for this thesis. General literature is discussed, whereupon more specific literature on emancipation among Moroccan women in the Netherlands and in Morocco is outlined. After that, the argument of this study is discussed, following the corresponding mechanism. At the end of the argument section, the research question, argument, and analysis are connected by the operationalization, and the research design is presented. Subsequent to the argument section, the analysis is outlined, which ends with alternative arguments to answer the research question. Lastly, this thesis will be concluded, and limitations, implications, and possible future research are discussed.

10 2. Literature review

Women’s emancipation is a much-debated subject, and existing literature offers different perspectives on how to measure emancipation and which variables influence emancipation. Literature shows that education generally appears to have considerable influence on the level of emancipation a woman holds. For the specific case of Morocco, however, other aspects are considered to be more important for the emancipation issue. Influence of family and social institutions, for instance, seems to be of greater importance in Morocco than in other societies. However, when taking into consideration the importance of education and the importance of social institutions and family, there is case of a paradox. If education were considered to be the most important indicator for women’s emancipation levels, the importance of social institutions and family would be undermined. It would presume that all women have the opportunity and ability to educate themselves, no matter what their background is. If it is argued that the influence of social institutions and family would determine women’s emancipation levels, education loses its importance. The paradox here is a discussion about whether agency or structure has the most influence on women’s emancipation levels. Structure is understood as the institutional context, such as family or community, in which a woman finds herself. Influence of social institutions and family are part of structure. When structure predominates, a woman is constrained in her agency. Agency implies a woman’s own rational choice, and predominates when she is not constrained in any way by her institutional context. If a woman decides to get an education, that can be considered as agency (Hay and Wincott, 1998:952,956). This thesis argues, however, that agency is constrained by structure, because the decisions a woman makes are always influenced by her cultural background, determined by her regional origin. This argument fills a gap in existing literature. Current literature on women’s emancipation provides different explanations for the differences in levels of emancipation. Literature on Moroccan women in the Netherlands also provides variables that are determining for different emancipation levels. However, the importance of cultural background is often neglected in this literature, as women’s agency seems to receive more attention than structure. The first section of this literature review offers an outline of the different variables to explain emancipation that are presented in literature. The second section discusses literature

11 on emancipation among Moroccan women in the Netherlands. To show the importance of cultural background for women’s emancipation levels, the third section will show how emancipation levels are determined in Morocco.

2.1 General literature on emancipation Education and job opportunity In several studies about emancipation, the variable of education is mentioned as an important indicator for emancipation. Jütting et al. stress the importance of education for women, for when women are badly educated or illiterate, the discrimination of women through social institutions is more apparent. Without education, they lack the knowledge and status to uphold themselves and resist patriarchy (Jütting et al., 2008:71; Sadiqi, 2003:189-192). Whether a woman has had some form of education will also influence her level of autonomy as regards participation on the labour market and earning an independent income. She will be less dependent on her husband or male kin, which contributes to her self-esteem, self- promotion and satisfaction. She will also gain more power, since having a job contributes to having a social network and master more languages (Sadiqi, 2003:189-198). Being educated, having a job, earning an independent income, and having access to money, influence their emancipation level and can indicate differences in emancipation levels. Compared to uneducated women, educated women have a higher income level, have more autonomy and authority, they mostly speak more languages and they receive more social prestige (Sadiqi, 2003:185-188).

Gender equality Emancipation is closely related to gender equality, as women can be regarded as more emancipated when there is case of gender equality. Levels and measurements of gender equality, therefore, have influence on emancipation levels. The World Bank has defined gender equality as equality between men and women under the law, and equality of opportunity and voice. Discrimination against women therefore indicates the level of gender equality (Jütting et al., 2008:65). The GID-DB (Gender, Institutions and Development Data Base) provides variables to measure the level of gender equality. The meanings of the different variables are explained in the accompanying table (Appendix A).

12 Social institutions variables Family code Physical integrity Civil liberties Ownership rights Early marriage Female genital Freedom of Access to land mutilation movement Polygamy Violence against Restriction of dress Access to bank loans women Parental authority Missing women Access to property Inheritance Figure 2: The GID-DB (Jütting et al., 2008:67).

The GID-DB is mostly meant to measure gender equality on country-level. For micro-level analyses not all variables mentioned by Jütting et al. can be used. Only variables that can be used for micro-level analysis need to be considered for this thesis, as only differences between women within the same country are discussed. For example, some variables, such as female genital mutilation, or access to land, are subject to national legislations and therefore cannot explain differences among women within the same country (Jütting et al., 2008:71). The variables that cannot be used to explain differences within the same country are indicated in italics.

Social institutions Norms, values and attitudes may be the most important determinants for emancipation level, as they have existed for centuries, are difficult to change and are often considered more important than formal laws and regulations (Jütting et al., 2008:67). According to Jütting et al., these social institutions affect other variables that influence emancipation levels. Economic development, for instance, decreases in regions where the social institutions have the most influence, because they restrict women to participate in the labour market (Jütting et al., 2008:73). Striking is that Jütting et al. thus acknowledge that social institutions are an indicator of considerable importance for emancipation levels, as they also have great effect on education and labour-force participation.

2.2 Moroccan women in the Netherlands As most scholars agree on, education, job opportunity, gender equality and social institutions are the underlying variables of emancipation. As this thesis discusses Moroccan women in

13 Morocco and in the Netherlands, this section will look at what is perceived as emancipation and which variables underlie emancipation in the Netherlands. Especially policy on emancipation of Moroccan immigrant women will be outlined.

Dutch policy In Dutch policy, emancipation among Moroccan immigrant women is considered as crucial to achieve gender equality. Gender equality is defended as a ‘Dutch’ central value, that immigrants must understand and respect (Roggeband and Verloo, 2007:272). Dutch policy emphasizes on autonomy and independence in achieving emancipation among Moroccan immigrant women (Bartels, 2005:16). Emancipation, then, implies being educated, having access to the labour market, having Dutch language skills and having knowledge of Dutch cultural norms (Roggeband and Verloo, 2007:272,284). This creates a gap between Dutch and Moroccan culture, as in Morocco other values are prioritized. As regards the place and role of women, Moroccans rather focus on honour and disgrace, the family and group solidarity (Bartels, 2005:16). According to Dutch policy, this Moroccan mentality is a reason for Moroccan women in the Netherlands not being emancipated. Moroccan immigrant women are generally presented in the Netherlands as traditional, poorly educated, and passive. Some exceptions to this negative representation are put forward as role models, such as some popular politicians and actresses, but overall there is no attention to the heterogeneity of the group. Unequal gender relations among Moroccan immigrants are seen as a core problem, demonstrating the gap between modern Dutch culture and the imported culture of Moroccan immigrants. The emancipation of Moroccan women in the Netherlands is viewed as a crucial step towards the solving of integration problems (Roggeband and Verloo, 2007:272,284).

Religion While Dutch policy comes up with different ways to increase emancipation levels among Moroccan immigrant women, some of these women seem to emancipate themselves in a way that is not foreseen by Dutch policy. They use certain interpretations of following Islam, in order to achieve empowerment and independency. In those interpretations there is room for responsible women who can make their own choices, but there is no room for the oppression of women, what can be considered as Moroccan cultural baggage. When they show their religiousness, by for example wearing a headscarf, they present their selves as a self-confident and responsible woman. They show their Moroccan and Islamic identity, but at the same time

14 create the new identity of the Moroccan woman that is not restricted in her emancipation by her cultural background (Bartels, 2005:25-26). Moroccan women in the Netherlands that interpret and study Islam like this, can be considered as more emancipated than the women who stick to the traditional Moroccan interpretation of Islam.

In the existing literature discussed, it becomes clear what the indicators for emancipation are in general and how emancipation levels among Moroccan women are perceived in the Netherlands. In this literature, indicators such as education receive more attention than cultural background, as Moroccan immigrant women in the Netherlands are presented as a homogenous group with a collective cultural background. What is neglected in literature is that immigrated women are not a tabula rasa. Literature on Moroccan immigrant women in the Netherlands neglects the effects of norms and values, mentality and customs that already had their influence on women in Morocco. However, immigrated Moroccan women are already shaped by the structure of their regional origin before they are exposed to variables that influence their emancipation level in the Netherlands. In Dutch policy, this cultural background is considered to be the same for all Moroccan immigrant women so it receives scant attention. Differences among them, especially as regards region of origin, are not discussed.

2.3 Moroccan women in Morocco To show the importance of regional origin and the differences in emancipation levels it can cause, this section will provide an outline of indicators for emancipation levels of Moroccan women in Morocco. As issues like gender equality and women’s rights are extensively studied in Islamic countries, existing literature also provides explanations on women’s emancipation in Morocco, where almost 100 percent of all people are Muslim (Global Religious Landscape, 2012). Some variables that are already described above are applicable to the Moroccan case as well. However, some specific variables are only applicable to the case of Morocco.

Education and job opportunity In the case of Morocco, education contributes to emancipation as well. Education does not only imply going to school, but can simply be learning to read and write. As illiteracy is still an issue in Morocco, being literate can already make a big difference in emancipation level. Literacy contributes to being acquainted with Moroccan law. Desrues and Moreno Nieto

15 (2009) argue that knowledge about the Family Code, the Moroccan law that ensures equality between men and women, strengthens a woman in her emancipation. This knowledge about the Family Code can be a result of being educated or at least of being literate (Desrues and Moreno Nieto, 2009:30-31). Furthermore, they argue that education is the driving force behind the process of social change of Moroccan women. “Access to education by Moroccan women constitutes a true break-up with the past” (Desrues and Moreno Nieto, 2009:26). Education provides girls and women with an outlet from the private sphere and more equality with boys and men in terms of expectations (Desrues and Moreno Nieto, 2009:27). Educated women also have more access to paid jobs and gain more autonomy and power. Having a job can make their income level increase and as such further contributes to their emancipation. For some women though, it is not a privilege to have a job, but a necessity because their husband’s income is not sufficient and they have to support their kin. For these women, having a job will not immediately increase their emancipation because their income level remains low, although it will give them more authority within the household (Skalli, 2001:78-79). Finally, education opens up the opportunity to increase language skills or learn more languages. Sadiqi grants high value to language skills and assumes it is an important variable to distinguish between different women in Morocco. She states that multilingual women are associated with high class, modernity and urbanity and have more autonomy due to their education and literacy. Monolingual women in Morocco are often illiterate and have less access to the labour market, which decreases their level of autonomy, social status and emancipation (Sadiqi, 2003:198-200).

Marital status and family Marital status is a remarkable variable as regards the level of autonomy and emancipation of Moroccan women. It has a paradoxical effect on women’s statuses. On the one hand, not being married provides a woman more freedom, autonomy and authority in the household, if she is not living in an extended family where the male kin is in charge. Unmarried women are more often educated, with all the consequential advantages, as education often is a reason for the postponement of marriage. This would imply that unmarried women are more emancipated than married women (Desrues and Moreno Nieto, 2009:29). On the other hand, not being married is still socially unaccepted in Morocco, which makes unmarried women vulnerable for social oppression. Moroccan culture, institutions and Islam encourage women to marry before pursuing other ambitions. Therefore, women often put an education on hold

16 in order to secure a husband first. From a male point of view, educated women may be too experienced, harder to deal with and not obedient enough, which makes them unqualified as spouse. Married women generally receive higher social status than unmarried women (Sadiqi, 2003:200-203). Furthermore, research in Morocco has shown that economic recession has more effect on women than on men, as women are more likely to lose jobs. Female-headed households are the manifestation of poverty in Morocco, and show that widowhood and divorce affects women disadvantageously (Skalli, 2001:79,81). How does this affect their autonomy and participation? Unmarried women may have more freedom, but married women have the power of their social status. They can exercise this power to resist patriarchy and gain more authority. Moreover, the wealth of their husband is often what provides them with the access to education and job opportunity. Married women may be less emancipated, but relative to unmarried women, they seem to enjoy more privilege (Sadiqi, 2003:200-203). When looking only at married women, marriage age would be a better indicator for emancipation level. Women who married at an older age have usually had more education and have fewer children. Proof of this is that educated women get married seven years later than illiterate women (Desrues and Moreno Nieto, 2009:29). Next to marriage age, family composition can also influence women’s emancipations levels. The size and composition of her family can indicate the amount of authority a woman has. A low number of children means that women have had more time to get educated and that they take the decisions regarding fertility (Desrues and Moreno Nieto, 2009:28).

Participation in society Women can be empowered by their participation in feminist organizations or other forms of civil society. Being able to actively promote gender equality and defend women’s rights contributes to their emancipation, as it gives them the knowledge and ability to speak up and talk about taboos (Desrues and Moreno Nieto, 2009:29-30). The participation of women in the process of development and democratization makes gender equality increase and contributes to the overall emancipation of women in Morocco. Women who are actually involved in this civil society and use their voice to gain authority possess a certain agency. It makes them more emancipated than women who remain ‘invisible’ (Ennaji, 2008:347-348).

17 3. Argument

Some of the literature discussed, such as the writings by Jütting et al. (2008) and Desrues and Moreno Nieto (2009), owe importance to family structures and social institutions. More recently, scholars of the University of Utrecht found that family systems and compositions, which are bound to local culture, are more important in determining immigrant women’s positions than variables as education or income do. One of these scholars describes in her article that the most important determent for the level of emancipation are the norms and values that exist in a society, which are disseminated by social institutions, such as the family (Dilli, 2015:12-13). According to this literature, cultural background seems to be the most important cause for the variation in emancipation levels. Cultural background is part of the structure of a certain society. Regional origin determines structure, because societies are tied to geography. In this thesis, regional origin will be subdivided between urban and rural areas in Morocco. In literature on women’s emancipation in Morocco the distinction between urban and rural areas in Morocco is often made, but never mentioned as an important indicator for differences in emancipation levels. However, in Morocco there is a clear distinction between urban and rural areas as regards the extent and intensity of development. These different levels of development cause a distinction between urban and rural areas as regards culture. Culture consists of norms and values, mentality, and customs, which underlie several variables that influence emancipation levels. The distinction within the education variable is most apparent here, which is visible between urban and rural areas. 45% of urban women are illiterate, versus an almost double 84% of rural women (Desrues and Moreno Nieto, 2009:26- 27). The mentality and customs concerning marriage also differ a great deal between urban and rural areas. Different development levels, which are correlated with the distinction between urban and rural areas, hence lead to different cultural backgrounds. Different cultural backgrounds lead to different levels of emancipation, and therefore, this thesis argues that regional origin, that is, the distinction between urban and rural areas, is the most important indicator for the difference in levels of emancipation between Moroccan women. Regional origin is used as a proxy for cultural background, because cultural background is tied to geography. In Morocco, the distinction between urban and rural areas is significant in such a way, that this distinction can be considered as a cause for different emancipation levels of Moroccan women. The next

18 section will further elaborate on this distinction.

3.1 Urban versus rural Since ancient times the difference between urban and rural areas is stereotyped, as urban areas are considered as modernized and westernized, and rural areas as relying on traditional values and lifestyles (Erman, 1998:541). This section will outline the distinction between urban and rural areas.

Traditionality and development Before its rapid development, gender roles were strictly separated in Morocco, and women had very limited rights and were subordinated to men. After development in Morocco, this traditionalism became more modern and women gained increasingly more rights. However, development did not come about everywhere at the same pace; rural areas lagged somewhat behind. Already in 1979, the unequal benefits of development, especially for rural women, were acknowledged. From all the regions in the world, the Middle East is where rural women participate the least in non-household activities and are thus the most ‘invisible’. They do gain more autonomy as result of husbands that migrate to mostly countries in Europe, which leaves them as head of the household and causes an increase in divorces. However, traditional cultural values restrain gender equality, especially in rural areas (Blumberg, 1979:463-464). In rural areas women still do not participate on the labour market much and there are significantly less emancipatory women’s movements. Urban women also more often think of the position of the western woman as a situation worth striving for, while rural women still value their traditional role in the household, and Islamic and Islamist movements have more support in rural areas (Pels, 2000:77-80). Rural areas tend to be more religious, and religious leaders are more powerful in these areas than in urban areas (Gündüz-Hosgör and Smits, 2006:5-6). For example, Islamists, who have quite some power in rural Morocco, are a reason for less development and more subordination of women (Ennaji, 2008:340,345-346). Despite the official law of Morocco forbids discriminating women, traditional thought is still very important in rural areas. As a result, rural areas are less developed and remain more traditional than urban areas. These different levels of development determine the culture of urban and rural areas. People in urban areas have different norms and values, a different mentality and different customs than people from rural areas. Norms and values, mentality and customs influence the position of women because they determine their level of autonomy and participation. Thus,

19 different levels of development in rural and urban areas cause differences in culture, which then cause differences in emancipation levels. The variation in development in Morocco is most clear between rural areas such as the northern Rif Mountains (villages like Berkane, Al Hoceima, Nador and Oujda) and urban areas such as the metropolitan cities of Agadir, Rabat and Fes (van den Berg, 2011:506). Between women in these areas, the distinction is perceivable through differences in cultural background and hence through differences in emancipation levels. However, levels of autonomy and participation are not only influenced by cultural background, but also by the opportunities women have and the chances they receive. The level of development in a certain area determines opportunities and chances; the access women have to health, education, and the labour market. In rural areas there is less access to healthcare, as people have more financial restrains and there is scarcity of health centres. This leads to poor health conditions, a higher amount of children and a higher amount of infant and maternal mortality than in the urban areas of Morocco (Skalli, 2001:78-79). Besides the access to health, rural areas have less access to education and the labour market because of infrastructural constraints. The difference in levels of development and levels of tradition thus indicates the difference that exists between urban and rural areas. Differences in cultural background and in access to health, education, and the labour market, influence emancipation levels through several variables. Besides norms and values, mentality, and customs, other variables also affect women’s levels of autonomy and participation. These variables are, for instance, education, marital status, social contacts, having a job, income level, participating in emancipatory movements, and language skills. The impact of these variables on emancipation level, differ per region and are dependent on the level of development in that region. The upcoming sections will discuss the variables of education and marital status. Education is highlighted in this thesis since, in existing literature, education is often brought forward as the most important indicator to explain differences in emancipation levels. Marriage is highlighted because the discussion of this variable clarifies the cultural differences between urban and rural areas. Moreover, the variables of education and marriage correlate with many other variables. Education is related to the variables of literacy, language skills, job opportunity, and income level. Marriage relates to, among other things, family composition, number of children, access to finance, and division of household labour. Education and marriage also relate to each other, as marriage can be the cause for a low education level, or marriage can be postponed because of an education. They can be

20 considered as two opposite sides of autonomy level, for, among Moroccan women, marriage generally represents a low level of autonomy and education a high level of autonomy, though education is not a prerequisite for autonomy and marriage does not exclude autonomy.

Education Cultural background influences emancipations levels through variables such as education. The different levels of development in Morocco affect the impact of education on emancipation level, which is perceivable by that the clearest distinction in education in Morocco is visible between urban and rural areas. 45% of urban women are illiterate, versus an almost double 84% of rural women. The gap between men and women as regards education is also clearly bigger in rural areas (Desrues and Moreno Nieto, 2009:26-27). A labour- and gender division between men and women marks rural areas, more than urban areas. Women mostly have to take care of the survival of their families; while in urban areas they more often have paid jobs outside the household (Ennaji, 2008:340). Women’s lack of education, and illiteracy as result, makes them vulnerable and thus obstructs their emancipation. The rate of girls and women that attend school is remarkably lower in rural areas, because in rural areas the financial resources within the household are often more limited and more household tasks and responsibilities are assigned to girls. Furthermore, in rural areas there is less access to educational and transportation infrastructure and the patriarchal ideology that favours the education of boys is more apparent there (Skalli, 2001:77). Especially in rural areas, there are poor housing conditions and poor access to basic necessities as water, electricity and wood, which often are the responsibilities of women. This also prevents them from getting education or paid jobs (Skalli, 2001:78-79). Moreover, being educated or having a job can affect women’s image in Morocco, as it challenges existing gender norms and clashes with traditional Moroccan values. This disadvantage is, again, more apparent in Morocco’s rural areas, as tradition is more significant there, and household tasks and raising children are more prestigious than paid work. This means that if rural women have the chance of being educated, it does not contribute to their emancipation as much as it does for urban women. Working women are therefore more associated with urban areas, as in rural areas there are not even many paid job opportunities for women (Sadiqi, 2003:192-198). It must be kept in mind, however, that in urban areas, working women face less favourable job conditions than men, have no access to positions of responsibility, and earn lower salaries than men, which keeps holding them back from full- fledged emancipation (Desrues and Moreno Nieto, 2009:27).

21 Clearly, education is subject to infrastructural constraints. Even when a woman does get the chance to become educated in a rural area, she still has to cope with cultural constraints, such as certain norms and values about the place of women in society. Different levels of emancipation could be explained by means of the variable of education; however, the variable of education always depends on the context and culture in which a woman finds herself. Because the clearest differences are tangible between urban and rural areas, this study argues that the distinction between urban and rural origin indicates differences in emancipation levels.

Marital status and family composition Different cultural backgrounds as result of differences in development levels, affect the impact of marriage on emancipation levels. Family composition also has different consequences for emancipation in rural and urban areas. In urban areas, the amount, and acceptance, of unmarried women is considerably higher than in rural areas. This is due to the fact that tradition and religion remain more important in rural areas, and the opportunities for unmarried women in urban areas are more varied because there is more access to education and the labour market. In rural areas the extended family is more apparent, which makes the social pressure to marry increase (Sadiqi, 2003:200-203). These differences in family structure between urban and rural areas are a consequence of the level of industrialization and developed infrastructure. In rural, less developed areas, the extended family is more important than the village or community (Gündüz-Hosgör and Smits, 2006:5-6). As a result, the number of children is relatively high in rural areas, and it is not uncommon that several generations live together. In urban areas the nuclear family is more usual, and the number of children is significantly lower than in rural areas (Desrues and Moreno Nieto, 2009:28). Family size and organization is crucial for women’s status and their level of development as part of the overall development in their region (Boserup, 1989:45). Family size is the result of the level of subordination and dependency of women. Women tend to have more children if they cannot generate their own income, so that their children can support them when they grow up (Boserup, 1989:58). Again, the variables of marital status and family composition, which influence emancipation levels, are constrained by culture. Tradition, religion, access to education, and the composition of the family are cultural components and therefore depend on regional origin, being a proxy for cultural background.

22 3.2 Differences in emancipation levels As discussed above, the different levels of development in Morocco are associated with a considerable difference between urban and rural areas. Variables that influence emancipation levels, such as education and marriage, are determined by this regional origin; they are subject to culture. The variables of education and marriage are outlined in the prior section, but the differences in emancipation levels are also perceivable through several other variables. These other variables will not be discussed in detail in this study, as education and marriage are the ones that most obviously reflect the differences between urban and rural areas. According to the discussion of the variables of education and marriage it becomes clear that regional origin is the most important indicator for differences in emancipation levels. To indicate that cultural background differs significantly between urban and rural areas, regional origin is used as a proxy for cultural background. Differences in cultural background cause that variables such as education do not have the same effect on emancipation in every area. Obviously, even though rural women have less access to and chances for education, educated rural women do exist. They are undoubtedly more emancipated than uneducated rural women, as they for instance have a higher chance to generate an income, and are more likely to have knowledge about laws that protect women’s rights. However, they are held back from full- fledged emancipation and will not reach the same level of emancipation as urban women, as their cultural background constrains them. Not only are chances for education and opportunities to participate on the labour market limited in rural areas, educated and working women are also less accepted by families and communities in rural areas, as tradition and a traditional gender role division is highly valued. The same goes for marriage, which is of different value in urban areas and rural areas. Marital status and family composition, just as other variables, influence the level of autonomy and participation of Moroccan women, thus are affecting their emancipation level. As outlined in the section on marriage above, the consequences of being married differ per region, which is why marital status alone cannot be a sufficient explanation for differences in emancipation levels. The consequences of marital status for the level of emancipation of Moroccan women rely on their cultural background. Cultural differences are the most important cause for differences in emancipation levels, as cultural differences lead to different norms and values about marriage, different education levels and so on.

3.3 Influence of the Dutch society The different levels of development, which are associated with the difference between rural

23 and urban areas, also have their influence on Moroccan women’s ability to adapt to a new society when they migrate. Urban Moroccan women will have less trouble to integrate into the Dutch society than rural women do, because of the relatively high level of development in urban areas. This makes that urban areas in Morocco share considerable similarities with the Dutch environment, and so urban women do not have to bridge a gap as much as rural women do. Moreover, most women of Moroccan descent in the Netherlands live in the big cities (CBS, 2014:7; Fokkema et al., 2009:53). The difference between Moroccan rural areas and the Dutch society, especially the Dutch cities, is significant, which makes the integration process of rural women hard. The gap that has to be bridged to be able to adapt to the Dutch society then has an intimidating effect for women of rural descent. It seems easier for them to remain part of their original community in Morocco and stick to their traditional norms and values, mentality and customs. Rural women are as a result more influenced and constrained by the family and institutions of their original community, as they disseminate the norms and values, mentality and customs of the local culture. The continuation of ‘rural life’ among rural migrants in cities, indicates that migrants only integrate to a certain extent: they tend to stick to their own, rural lifestyle and ‘urban’ and ‘rural’ thus continue to be two different modes of living. These rural migrants’ communities, based on common origin and culture, play an important role in rural immigrant women’s lives. Not only do migrants from the same origin have close contacts in the area of residence, but they also have strong ties with the people still living in the area of origin. Their reasons to stay in touch vary from having a social network that can provide jobs and housing, being socially controlled, to being part of a certain group and the providing of a feeling of identification. Rural migrants also lack the social and economic means to ‘keep up’ with native urbanites. They lack the form of speech or even the language and are less wealthy (Erman, 1998:542-549). Because Moroccan women of rural descent are barely influenced by the Dutch society but in a high extent influenced by their original community, their norms and values, mentality and customs do not change. Urban women have to bridge a considerable smaller gap when they come to the Netherlands, as their original community is more similar to their new host country. Women from urban areas have less trouble to adapt to the Dutch society (Fokkema, 2009:54). For instance, mainly women from urban areas, particularly those that have enjoyed a somewhat higher level of education, have entered into the Dutch labour market. Those women that can combine employment and family life are the ones that gain autonomy and emancipation, though their communities do not always accept that (Pels, 2000:81-82). Moreover, if

24 immigrants try to reduce differences with the dominant group as regards religion, language and cultural habits, this will contribute to their integration. It is therefore expected that those immigrants who are less influenced by their original culture, religion, norms and values, social institutions and family, as is the case with urban women, integrate more easily (Oudenhoven and Eisses, 1998:295-296). Urban women, as opposed to rural women, do not feel the urge, to remain part of their original Moroccan community, because they are less intimidated by the Dutch society. They are highly influenced by the Dutch society, which causes a change in their norms and values, mentality and customs. Therefore, this study does not only argue that regional origin is the most important indicator for the level of emancipation in Morocco, but also for the levels of emancipation in the Netherlands. Regional origin in Morocco has influence on the willingness and ability of Moroccan women to integrate into Dutch society, hence a woman’s regional origin can predict a woman’s behaviour when migrated to the Netherlands. Dutch society is of greater influence on urban Moroccan women’s norms and values, mentality and customs, because of their cultural background. Urban areas in Morocco went through a higher level of development than rural areas and are as a result more modern, liberal and less traditional. As urban Moroccan women share more similarities with the Dutch society, they are more susceptible for Dutch norms and values, mentality and customs. Also, because of the cultural background of their region of origin, they feel fewer urges to stick to Moroccan traditional culture. The regional origin of rural Moroccan women is less developed and as a result their cultural background is less modern and more different from Dutch society. The Dutch society has less influence on their norms and values, mentality and customs. Moroccan women of rural descent tend to stick, more than urban women, to their traditional Moroccan culture. Influence of the Dutch society will increase Moroccan women’s autonomy and participation levels, because Dutch norms and values, mentality and customs encourage gender equality and independence. Moroccan women’s ‘original’ level of emancipation, the level they have upon their arrival in the Netherlands, is not challenged to increase if they have trouble integrating and are not or limited influenced by Dutch society. As urban women are more influenced by these Dutch values, they become more emancipated in the Netherlands, while rural women lag behind. As a consequence, the gap in the levels of emancipation between Moroccan women will increase in the Netherlands. This study argues that the level of emancipation increases when a woman successfully adapts to the Dutch society, because her level of autonomy and participation increases. Women coming from urban areas such as Agadir, Rabat and Casablanca should have less trouble integrating into Dutch society, and

25 therefore can achieve a higher level of emancipation. They should be more emancipated than women coming from rural areas, such as the villages around Agadir near the Northern Rif Mountains. The graphs in the appendix summarize the mechanism as explained in this section, for both rural and urban women (Appendix B).

3.4 Operationalization If the argument of this thesis holds, it should be observed that women coming from rural areas are less influenced by the Dutch society because of their cultural background, which has a lasting impact. The norms and values, mentality and customs of these rural women do not change much after migration to the Netherlands. They have a relatively low level of autonomy and participation and therefore a low level of emancipation. Urban women, on the other hand, have a higher emancipation level because their norms and values, mentality and customs are more similar to and hence influenced more by the Dutch society. The urban women’s cultural background has a lasting impact as well, yet it shares more similarities with the Dutch society, and so they adapt to it more easily. The first hypothesis that will be tested by means of this argument is:

H1: Regional origin is crucial in determining the norms and values, mentality and customs of Moroccan women, which will determine their level of autonomy and participation and as a consequence their level of emancipation.

If the argument of this thesis is valid, it should also be observed that urban women become more emancipated in the Netherlands. Rural women remain less emancipated, become segregated or even fall back as regards their emancipation level because of the lasting impact of their cultural background. This leads to the second hypothesis:

H2: The gap in level of emancipation between Moroccan women increases in the Netherlands.

These two hypotheses together test the argument of this thesis and answer the research question. To discover if the hypotheses are true, it must first of all be tested what the levels of emancipation are when Moroccan women arrive in the Netherlands. Second, it must be tested what their emancipation levels are after being influenced, to a high or low degree, by the Dutch society.

26 3.5 Research design The argument of this thesis will be tested through in-depth interviews. These interviews are held with Moroccan women currently living in the Netherlands. Women from different regional origins are interviewed, to test whether different cultural background cause different emancipation levels. The regions of origin of the women interviewed are divided between urban and rural areas. For this thesis, seven first-generation Moroccan women from rural descent are interviewed, as against six first-generation Moroccan women from urban descent. Interviews are also held with four second- generation Moroccan women from rural descent, and five second-generation Moroccan women from urban descent, but interviews with second-generation women are only used for complementary information. The urban women interviewed for this thesis come from Oujda, Rabat, Agadir, Nador and Tetouan. The rural women come mostly from the Northern Rif Mountains, close to Nador. This is where most Moroccan women residing in the Netherlands come from. The map in the appendix also shows the origins of the interviewees (Appendix D). The interviewees are recruited by means of the snowball effect. Acquaintances of the author were asked to contact the women of Moroccan descent they know, and then these first Moroccan women were contacted and interviewed. During the interviews with these Moroccan women they were asked whether they knew more women of Moroccan descent who would be willing to be interviewed. In this manner, most of the twenty-two interviewees for this thesis were recruited. The interviews were held at or near their residence. They are residing in 's-Hertogenbosch, Eindhoven, Roermond, Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Nijmegen and Utrecht and their regions of origin, ages, education levels and occupations are various. Their specific characteristics are outlined in the appendix (Appendix E). Subsequently, to further increase the diversity of the education levels and cities of residence, several cleaners at Avans high school in ‘s-Hertogenbosch were contacted and interviewed as well. They were interviewed during a group-interview. Some of the interviewees, such as respondents 3, 4 and 7, did not actively contribute to the conversation, but they did answer the most basic questions and they verified the statements of others. Respondents 1 and 5 were interviewed separately as well. Both first and second-generation women are interviewed. First-generation women are born in Morocco and did not came to the Netherlands with their parents but, in the case of the women interviewed for this thesis, with their husbands. Second-generation women can be born in the Netherlands, but also in Morocco. In case of the latter, these women came to the Netherlands with their parents. Of most first-generation women, their second-generation

27 daughters were interviewed as well. This is the case for the daughters of respondents 10, 12, 14, 16, 18, 20 and 22. Their daughters are respectively respondents 9, 11, 13, 15, 17, 19 and 21. Some of these daughters were born and raised in Morocco, while some of them mostly grew up in the Netherlands or were even born in the Netherlands. Firstly, they helped with translating for their mothers, who are not always fluent in Dutch, and secondly, they offered valuable complementary information on their mothers’ statements. Especially on subjects as gender equality within the family they proved helpful, as first-generation Moroccan women often feel these are awkward, embarrassing topics, while second-generation women usually have a more objective point of view. Respondents 1 and 8 are the only second-generation women whose mothers were not interviewed for this thesis. The author contacted respondent 8 because of her Moroccan background and her extensive knowledge about Morocco and Moroccans. Therefore, the interview with respondent 8 could be considered as an expert interview. Short summaries of the interviews can be found in the appendix (Appendix C). In these summaries the interviews with mothers and daughters are combined, because they mostly were held at the same time and complement each other. Interviews are the most appropriate research method to test the argument of this thesis, because only by interviews the influence of the Dutch society and subsequently the level of emancipation can be tested. Quantitative data cannot elaborate on concepts as adaptation and emancipation, because these are concepts subjected to personal interpretation. For example, to test what the influence of marriage on women’s lives is, they will be asked what they think about marriage and their level of autonomy. Only by interviews the experiences and cultural backgrounds of respondents can become clear, and more importantly; the influence this background has had on their lives. By means of interviews the combination of all these aspects together, which define an individual, can be discovered. The purpose of this thesis, and of qualitative research in general, is not to provide a generalizable conclusion and to attribute women to a certain group, but to demonstrate women’s individual lives and to provide elaborate background information. This study aims to show that Moroccan women in the Netherlands are not a homogeneous group, but differ from each other on several aspects and per individual. The argument of this thesis, which holds that regional origin is the most important indicator for differences in emancipation levels, also demonstrates that women with different backgrounds live different lives. They cannot be subdivided in, for example, education levels, while their cultural background is neglected. This kind of information cannot be abstracted from quantitative research. The questions posed in the interviews are based on the literature review and the

28 theories in this thesis. The data provided by informants therefore ranges from a description of the lifestyle in their Moroccan region of origin, the adaptation to Dutch society and the commitment to Moroccan culture and religion, to ideas about gender equality and the level of autonomy and participation in the Dutch society. The interviews were prepared my means of several interview questions based on empirically measurable variables. However, in all cases, the interviews almost instantly changed to and continued as a conversation. Because the subjects discussed were often experienced as sensitive, it appeared to be more suitable to let the interviewees narrate instead of interrupting them with questions. During the interviews it was noticed that when informants feel comfortable and listened to, they talk more freely. That way it also became clear what aspects were considered to be most important for the interviewees themselves. The interviews are based on empirically measurable variables to eventually be able to answer the research question. The analysis will go over different variables that can explain the differences in emancipation levels. In the Netherlands, emancipation is mostly understood as economic independence, as result of participation on the labour market, and societal participation, to prevent social desolation. Furthermore, Dutch policy on emancipation mentions respect for physical integrity, autonomy and the opportunity to self-development as part of emancipation. According to Dutch policy, along with this thesis, emancipation is thus mostly perceptible, and tested, through the concepts of autonomy and participation (Pels, 2006:11-12). By means of the analysis it will also be tested to which extent Moroccan women are adapted to and influenced by the Dutch society, in order to find out whether their norms and values, mentality and customs are changed in favour of their emancipation level or whether they stuck to their cultural background.

29 4. Analysis

The measurable variables of autonomy and participation that will be used to test the level of emancipation, can be affected by different indicators. This thesis argues that regional origin, as a proxy for cultural background, is the most important indicator. However, several other indicators must be tested as well to answer the research question, such as education, age of arrival in the Netherlands, length of stay in the Netherlands, marital status when arriving in the Netherlands, and religion. These other indicators will be tested in the last section of this analysis. Occupation or job opportunity is not separately discussed in this thesis, as it is correlated with other indicators as education and language skills. It can be considered as a form of participation in society. The levels of autonomy and participation of Moroccan women in the Netherlands are observable through several aspects, as described by Pels (2006). The first one is marriage, as participation, on the labour market and in society, reduces after marriage. Within the marriage and the household it could also be observed if there is case of an equal authority level among men and women. As mentioned in the literature section, a high level of gender equality implies a high level of emancipation (Jütting et al., 2008). The second aspect is having children, as participation further reduces after the birth of the first child. The third one that Pels mentions is choice of spouse, for when women can choose their own spouse it will contribute to their autonomy. The fourth aspect is education, since the level of autonomy and participation correlate with education level, as is also mentioned in the literature section by Sadiqi (2003) (Pels, 2006:13). The literature section also discusses the aspects mentioned by Roggeband and Verloo. According to them, autonomy and participation in the Netherlands can be observed by Dutch language skills and knowledge about Dutch culture (Roggeband en Verloo, 2007). This analysis section will follow the same structure as in the argument section. That way, the mechanism as explained above will be tested. Firstly, the difference between urban and rural areas in Morocco will be outlined by means of descriptions from interviewees, and it will be explained how this difference leads to differences in emancipation levels. Secondly, it will be outlined to what extent Moroccan women are influenced by the Dutch society after they migrated, which will shed light on the lasting impact of cultural background. This section will also clarify on the difference in emancipation levels of Moroccan women in the Netherlands, which is according to the mechanism caused by regional origin. Finally,

30 alternative arguments to explain differences in emancipation levels among Moroccan immigrant women will be outlined. In this analysis, interviewees will be indicated as respondents. Respondents 3, 5, 6, 7, 12, 18, and 22 are fist-generation women from rural descent. Respondents 1, 11, 17, and 21 are second-generation women from rural descent. Respondents 11, 17, and 21 are daughters of first-generation women that are interviewed for this thesis. Respondents 2, 4, 10, 14, 16, and, 20 are first-generation women from urban descent. Respondents 8, 9, 13, 15, and 19 are second-generation women from urban descent. Except for respondent 8, these women are also daughters of first-generation women that are interviewed for this thesis.

4.1 Moroccan women in Morocco This section will discuss how the distinction between urban and rural areas in Morocco is apparent. Respondent 8, who is not only from Moroccan descent but also conducted research in the history, culture and politics of Morocco, acknowledges that the differences between urban and rural areas in Morocco are substantial. Rural areas are marked by tradition, poverty, and illiteracy, while the big cities are modern, touristic and mundane (Respondent 8).

Rural women The interviewed women from rural descent mostly explain the rural lifestyle as peasant life. They lived a quite traditional life, as the development and modernity of the cities and the western world had not found its way to the rural villages yet. Women spent their days housekeeping, taking care of children, cultivating vegetables, herding sheep, fetching water, gathering cactus fruits, or knotting carpets (Respondents 11,12,18). Their life in rural Morocco was rough and they mostly were mostly poor (Respondent 18). Because of this poverty rural people often lived together in extended families (Respondents 3,6,7,12,18,22). That means that women moved to their husband’s family’s house when they married, or with their own extended family when they were not married yet. The older members of the family had the most authority, as respondent 6 states. “When I lived with my parents in-law after I married, I had to ask their permission when my husband was not home. When I wanted to visit a friend, I had to ask them” (Respondent 6). In rural areas, lack of money is also one of the reasons for the fact that that almost nobody moves to the bigger cities or enters higher education. In small villages there only is a primary school; higher education is not within reach and too expensive (Respondent 5). Of the interviewed women of the first-generation of rural descent, three out of seven only went to

31 primary school (Respondents 6,7,22). Respondent 5 also went to high school (Respondent 5). Respondents 3, 12 and 18 never went to school because they had to take care of their siblings or because they married young (Respondents 3,12,18). When girls marry, their chance of following education reduces even more, as Respondent 3 argues. “I could have gone to school…but then I married” (Respondent 3). Respondent 1 argues that married women can go to school, but that their husbands must approve first. Whether a woman goes to school is a decision husband and wife make together. Men often do not like to see their wives go to school, which is why most women do not go to school. However, nowadays more rural women do receive education, as the infrastructure is slowly improving. Even some older women go to school now, although this is solely for the purpose of learning to read and write. The opportunity to get a paid job, however, is still almost non-existent for rural Moroccan women (Respondent 1). As stated in the argument, it is clear that the relatively low level of development in rural areas has its effect on its culture. Not only is there scarce access to education and the labour market, but rural norms and values, mentality and customs also restrict women from following education. Respondent 5 argues that in rural areas, the importance of education is subordinated to the importance of marrying and founding a family. Men, but also women, do not see the benefits of women going to school. Education is meant for men (Respondent 5). According to respondent 8, this view is the reason for rural boys not wanting to marry urban girls, because they are often educated and thus have the ‘wrong’ mentality (Respondent 8). Respondent 1 still thinks that women need men to take care of them; women cannot work, for instance, so need to be married to earn an income (Respondent 1). If a woman does not marry, she is a burden for her family (Respondent 8). Therefore, respondent 6 thinks that girls must also marry out of respect to their families (Respondent 6). The lack of education and a job, for instance, make that a woman has less authority within the household. Seven out of eleven respondents from rural descent confirmed that, when they lived in Morocco, men had the last word (Respondents 1,3,6,7,11,12,18). Despite that women ran the household and husbands were often not at home, women had less to say than men. Respondent 11 states: “My mother was very independent whenever my father was not at home. He was home only once a month. But when he was home, he had the last word. My mother and we had to listen to him. I always found it weird, because my mother ran the house perfectly on her own so in my eyes we did not even need my father” (Respondent 11). Respondents 11 and 12 argue that rural Moroccan women are very independent and strong, because their husbands are mostly not at home. They work in cities and only come home for

32 the weekend. Women therefore run the household, with the help of the extended family. However, despite this authority, they still are subordinated by the men in their extended families and by their husbands whenever they are home (Respondents 11,12,17,18).

Urban women The respondents that lived in urban Morocco, such as the cities of Agadir, Casablanca and Tetouan, had a very different life than rural women. Agadir for instance, is a modern and very touristic city. Poverty is not very common, except for immigrants coming from surrounding rural areas (Respondent 8). Respondent 8 argues that, in Morocco, she and her family were not strictly religious because of this modernity and urbanity. That could not strike with strict Islamic values. She was raised Islamic, but was free to be critical (Respondent 8). Other traditional Moroccan values and customs also have to make way for the more modern way of living in the cities. Living with the extended family, for instance, is not very apparent anymore. Of the interviewed urban women that have lived in the cities of Morocco, no one has lived with their extended families (Respondents 2,4,8,10,13,14,16,20). This is due to the economic conditions in the cities, but also to the importance people attach to Moroccan tradition and the development that Moroccan cities went through (Respondent 8). In cities, education is less often interrupted. Marriage or satisfying to a certain traditional gender role division are less important for urban people than for rural people. In urban areas, many parents direct their daughters to go to school, in order to be able to get a job. Of the interviewed women of the first-generation of urban descent, two out of six only went to primary school (Respondents 2,4). Four of them also went to high school (Respondents 10,14,16,20). Respondent 8 went to private school in Agadir, which, according to her, is quite common for urban people (Respondent 8). In urban areas, not marriage but education has a high status. Intellectual women, who for instance speak several languages, are held in high esteem. Parents push their children, both boys and girls, to work hard in school so that they can acquire a high-status job. Professions that require a high education level, such as doctor or lawyer, also have the highest esteem. Should a girl marry, this is highly appreciated and respected, but her educational development is more important (Respondent 8). Obviously it is not true that all urban women are educated or have jobs. Respondent 10, for example, studied in Morocco but when she married she was too occupied with taking care of her children to find a job. For urban women, just as for rural women, it is desirable to get married. However, urban women are hesitant for their autonomy and self-development

33 often surpasses marriage. Respondent 10 married a man from rural descent, which made her family fear for her freedom (Respondent 10).

As mentioned in the argument section, the variable of regional origin influences other variables such as education, marriage or family composition. Regional origin is a proxy for cultural background, and cultural background affects norms and values, mentality and customs, which then influence how people think about education and marriage. The fact that women from urban descent followed more education than the women from rural descent, is not only due to the infrastructural and financial lacks in rural areas, but also because marriage and having children are ascribed greater value in rural areas. For respondent 10, this difference in mentality between urban and rural women is clear. She sees that her sisters-in- law, who are from rural descent, have trouble with accepting her modern lifestyle. In their eyes, she was too ‘free’ to marry their brother, her current husband. She for instance did not wear a headscarf, she was educated, and wore miniskirts, which is inconceivable for rural women. Her parents, on the other hand, were not pleased to see her marry a rural man, as they feared for her education (Respondent 10). In addition, other respondents also mention the differences in cultural background and hence in norms and values, mentality and customs, between rural and urban people. Both respondent 1 and respondent 5 think that the differences between men and women are smaller in the cities. They both work, both take care of children, and both make decisions together. But in rural areas, men and women live separate lives (Respondents 1,5). Respondent 1 thinks this is mostly because of how rural and urban people deal with Islam. According to her, the way on which Islam is interpreted in the different areas reflects their different cultural backgrounds. In rural areas, religion is a highly valued aspect of life (Respondent 1). In cities, being strictly religious does not have the prestige of being modern and urbane (Respondent 8). Respondent 8 thinks the people in rural areas ascribe more value to their culture and traditions because they think the Moroccan government does not support them. The government gives priority to the cities, with their modern and western lifestyle, because that is economically more advantageous. In order to survive, economically and culturally, rural people therefore stick with their traditional Moroccan identity. Urban people, on the other hand, look down upon and try to distance themselves from rural people as much as possible. That also entails embracing a modern instead of a traditional lifestyle (Respondent 8). It appears that, according to the argument section, in Morocco the differences between

34 urban and rural areas are substantial. Women from rural areas can be considered as less emancipated than women from urban areas, which is perceptible through their levels of autonomy and participation. Extended families, early marriage, lack of education, and a low level of authority in the household make that rural women barely participate in society and on the labour market and that they are dependent on men. Urban women have a higher level of autonomy because they do not live in extended families, they are allowed to go to school, and they are hesitant to trade their autonomy for marriage. It is clear that the levels of autonomy and participation of urban women are not only higher than those of rural women because of the higher access to education and the labour market, but also because of the norms and values and mentality of urbanites. Education has a higher esteem in urban areas and marriage a lower esteem. Moreover, urban women themselves also seem to actively guard their levels of autonomy and participation. The differences in norms and values, mentality and customs, as a result of cultural background, affect women’s levels of autonomy and participation. Moreover, it appears that cultural backgrounds produce certain ideals, which women want to satisfy. For rural areas, it seems like this is the married, uneducated stay-at-home mother, while for urban areas educated and modern women have a higher status.

4.2 Moroccan women in the Netherlands The previous section outlined the differences in cultural background between urban and rural areas in Morocco and the effects this eventually has on women’s autonomy and participation levels, and accordingly on their levels of emancipation. After migration to the Netherlands these differences in cultural background endure, according to respondent 11. Children of Moroccans from rural descent are for example raised more strictly because their parents stick to traditional Moroccan norms and values. They often have trouble to combine their Moroccan descent with the Dutch society. Girls with urban descent experience more freedom because their parents are more familiar with Dutch norms and values (Respondent 11,13). This section will outline the levels of emancipation among Moroccan women in the Netherlands, by describing their levels of autonomy and participation. According to the argument of this thesis, autonomy and participation in the Netherlands are influenced by the lasting impact of cultural background. This cultural background also determines the extent of influence of the Dutch society on Moroccan women’s norms and values, mentality and customs. To follow the mechanism as outlined in the argument section, this section will start off with a description of the gap between the Moroccan region of origin and the Dutch

35 society, which is bigger for women from rural descent. Then it will be discussed what kind of social contacts Moroccan women have as a result of this gap. Through this, it will become clear to what extent Moroccan women in the Netherlands are still influenced by their cultural background and what the extent of influence of the Dutch society is. Finally, it will become clear that their current norms and values, mentality and customs affect their levels of autonomy and participation.

Migration to the Netherlands In rural Morocco everybody has the same future vision; women cannot be too ambitious (Respondent 9). For rural women, the migration to the Netherlands was thus often an opportunity. In Morocco they became familiar with the prosperous life in Europe through people who already migrated and came back to spend their vacation in their home country. “When we heard about Europe, we wanted to go there as well. It was so special. You could see it if people went there, because they wore beautiful clothes. It made me curious” (Respondent 5). All interviewed first-generation rural women migrated to the Netherlands to be reunited with their husbands (Respondents 3,5,6,7,12,18,22). Respondent 1 came with her parents when she was twelve and married with a Moroccan man in the Netherlands when she was nineteen (Respondents 1). Respondents 17 and 21 are born in the Netherlands but are of rural descent (Respondents 17,21). Respondent 11 is also a second-generation rural woman who came with her parents to the Netherlands (Respondent 11). Respondents 11, 17 and 21 are unmarried (Respondents 11,17,21). The husbands and families of the rural women all moved to the Netherlands for economic reasons. Just as rural Moroccans who migrate to Europe, urban people also cross to Europe to improve their economic opportunities, though they mostly were not poor in Morocco. Respondent 8 for example, moved to the Netherlands with her parents, who wanted to make sure their children receive the best education possible (Respondent 8). Six out of eleven interviewed women from urban descent came to the Netherlands with their husbands, which makes them first-generation (Respondents 2,4,10,14,16,20). Five of them are second- generation, of which two were born in Morocco and migrated to the Netherlands with their parents (Respondents 8,13). Respondents 9, 15 and 19 were born in the Netherlands (Respondents 9,15,19). Of the second-generation urban women, only respondent 13 is married (Respondent 13). After arriving in the Netherlands, respondent 8 could easily adapt to Dutch society, because she already lived and went to school in Agadir, which made her familiar with a

36 modern lifestyle. In Morocco, her family had contacts with European people, which made getting in contact with Dutch people in the Netherlands much easier (Respondent 8). For respondents 13 and 14, adaptation to the Dutch society came along well through the help of neighbours, who for instance aided them with learning Dutch (Respondents 13,14). Respondent 10 also felt welcome in her new neighbourhood, and still is friendly with many of her first neighbours (Respondent 10). Of the first-generation women of urban descent, only two out of six claim to currently have contacts that mostly consist of Moroccans (Respondents 2,4). The other four also have friends from Dutch descent or another origin (Respondents 10,14,16,20). Of the first-generation urban women, respondents 2 and 4 argued to feel Moroccan. They claim their lives are not so different from when they still lived in Morocco, except for that they now have jobs. Especially at home, it feels like they are still in Morocco (Respondents 2,4). Respondent 10 says she feels to be both a Moroccan and a Dutch product. She combines traditions, culture and languages of both countries. She also has both Moroccan and Dutch friends (Respondent 10). For respondent 14 that is also the case; she states she has both the Dutch and the Moroccan identity (Respondent 14). Respondent 16 has more trouble with the Dutch society, especially with its openness. She herself is more prudish. For example, she does not know very well how to deal with homosexuals (Respondent 16). For respondent 20, some Dutch habits are hard to get used to, for instance Dutch girls leaving their parents’ home from an early age and having a bare-skinned, ‘nude’ way of dressing. However, she feels at home in the Netherlands because she feels more safe and secure than in Morocco (Respondent 20). Respondent 18 had more trouble with adapting after her migration to the Netherlands. She states that there were not many other Moroccan women around, which made her feel lonely and isolated. When her husbands’ family also joined them in the Netherlands, she started to feel more at home (Respondent 18). First-generation women of rural descent mostly engage with other Moroccan immigrant women. Respondents 3, 5, 6 and 7 for instance, are all friendly with each other as they live in each other’s neighbourhoods and work together. But their circle does not reach further than that (Respondents 3,5,6,7). Respondents 12, 18 and 22 also acknowledge having mainly Moroccan contacts (Respondents 12,18,22). “During Eid al-Fitr (Sugar Holiday) or Eid al-Adha (Sacrifice Feast) all Moroccan people come together. Then we feel like we are still home in Morocco” (Respondent 5). On the question whether they feel Moroccan, Dutch, or both, all rural women of the first-generation answered that they feel Moroccan (Respondents 3,5,6,7,12,18,22). But

37 despite the continuation of Moroccan identity, the interviewed women had no desire to go back to Morocco. Respondent 3 argued that she did not want to go back because she could not abandon her children. For respondent 12 this also was the main reason (Respondent 3,12). Respondent 1 noted that it was because she felt more free and safe in the Netherlands than in Morocco. In Morocco she had to stay home whenever her husband went out. In the Netherlands she felt more comfortable leaving the house, because in the Netherlands this is not judged so strictly as in Morocco (Respondent 1). Respondent 5 added that in the Netherlands there are more things to do, while in Morocco she often felt bored. Moreover, in the Netherlands she has more possibility to visit her family and friends, as in Morocco she often was not allowed to leave her home (Respondent 5). It seems that, just as is argued in the argument section, women from rural descent had to face a larger gap when they arrived in the Netherlands. Rural women state that they feel rather Moroccan, though they do not want to go back to Morocco. Urban women feel mostly both Moroccan and Dutch, as they combine both cultures. Only respondents 2 and 4 argued to feel rather Moroccan, which could be a result of the fact they only associate with Moroccans. The combination of Moroccan traditions with Dutch customs and the association with Dutch people makes that urban women feel they have both the Moroccan as well as the Dutch identity. It is striking, however, that women from rural descent are more explicit about the advantages of the Dutch society compared to the Moroccan society. This is probably owed to the difference between their region of origin and the Netherlands. Because rural women are intimidated by the difference between their regional origin and the Dutch society, they tend to stick to what they know and mostly engage with fellow Moroccan immigrant women. It also has impact on the contacts they have with their families and community in Morocco and to what extent they are influenced by their regional origin, as will be outlined in the following section.

Social contacts Ten out of eleven rural women still have much contact with their families in Morocco (Respondents 1,3,5,6,7,12,17,18,21,22). Having contact with family in Morocco became easier since the existence of social media like Whatsapp and Skype. Moreover, everyone owns a mobile phone nowadays, even the poorest and most excluded people (Respondent 1,18). Respondent 6 states that she always keeps her family in mind when making certain decisions, because she is concerned about their opinions. Their opinions are always asked and taken seriously out of respect (Respondent 6). For respondent 12, opinions of family are also

38 important. She is afraid of gossiping about her or her family. She claims this is the reason why she has always been strict to her daughters when it comes to their way of dressing, how they wear their hair, and the people they hang out with (Respondent 12). Respondent 18 says that she was always influenced by her family and kept their opinions in mind, but it became less since she migrated to the Netherlands. Their influence is limited since they are not around to exercise control (Respondent 18). Of the urban women, four out of six first-generation women still has extensive contact with family, and one out of five second-generation women (Respondents 2,4,10,13,14). Respondent 10 visits her family every year (Respondent 10). Respondents 2 and 4 have contact with their families living in Morocco every day, for instance via Whatsapp (Respondents 2,4). The families of respondents 10 and 13 live in the Netherlands, so that contact with people in Morocco is limited (Respondents 10,13). Respondents 19 and 20 had close contact with their family, until the parents of respondent 20 passed away. It became clear that they were the ones that kept the family together, because respondent 20 feels she is loosing contact with her brothers and sisters. She also is decreasingly concerned about their opinions, since, before, she discussed everything with them, but this is no longer the case. Respondents 20 still thinks her mother cares too much about what people think and say about her. She does not like that part of Moroccan culture, where someone else can disgrace your family through gossip. When respondent 20 broke up with her boyfriend for example, her parents got skew looks by the Moroccans in their neighbourhood because she dated a boy without marrying him (Respondents 19,20). There is not so much difference in having contact with family between urban and rural women, though it seems that rural women a more concerned about the opinions of their families than urban women. This could be a result of the lasting impact of their cultural background. The next section will continue with an outline of the norms and values, mentality and customs of Moroccan women in the Netherlands. These affect women’s levels of autonomy and participation through other variables as marriage and education.

Norms and values, mentality and customs For the interviewed women with rural descent, narrating about Morocco and their village of origin is always accompanied with a certain proud; it seems like women are glad to have lived and witnessed a lifestyle different from their current one. Some of them are happy to have left that lifestyle behind; others still favour Morocco over the Netherlands. “I am sure that every Moroccan loves Morocco. Everyone wants to spend his or her holiday there. Everyone is

39 proud of it” (Respondent 1). Moroccan customs as Islamic holidays, food and language are still disseminated after migration to the Netherlands, though it is more confined to the private sphere inside the house (Respondent 10). All first-generation women of rural descent consider it important to pass on Moroccan traditions to their children (Respondents 3,5,6,7,12,18,22). Second-generation women of rural descent want to pass on these customs as well (Respondents 1,9,17,21). Marriage and having a family is considered an essential part of Moroccan tradition for women in the rural areas of Morocco. Rural women that are already married think that life would be hard without being married, and they state that their husbands take care of them. They also want to see their daughters getting married because they want someone to take care of them too (1,3,5,6,7,12,18). Respondents 1, 5 and 6 also agree that having children is a prerequisite for happiness, and they share the wish that their children should stay and live with them until they marry (Respondents 1,5,6). Most urban women also would like to pass on Moroccan traditions to their children (Respondents 2,4,8,9,10,13,14,16,19,20). However, nine out of eleven urban women state that the Dutch lifestyle also holds a place in their families (Respondents 8,9,10,13,14,15,16,19,20). After their migration, respondent 13 and 14 saw their family change to a melting pot of two cultures. Moroccan and Dutch traditions were both disseminated. They found it easy to combine two worlds, while also being Muslim in the Dutch society (Respondents 13,14). According to the argument, women of urban descent are more influenced by the Dutch society than women from rural descent. For urban women, marriage has another meaning than for rural women. Respondent 14 was raised in Nador, where the traditional gender role division between men and women is not very apparent anymore. She married a man from the countryside, which made here parents fear for her autonomy. However, respondent 14 feels the roles are equally divided in her marriage, though she thinks this is because her husband was never home and she raised her children almost entirely by herself. Now that she lives in the Netherlands, there also is more opportunity to disseminate the liberal values she learned from her parents (Respondent 14). Respondent 10 also married a man from rural descent, and still notices the differences between her and the sisters of her husband. She thinks she is more capable than her sisters to stand up for herself, and she grants her children more freedom. For example, she will not judge who her children date or the education they follow. Her sisters in-law interfere with everything their children do (Respondent 10). Respondent 8 has also noticed this difference between urban and rural women. “When I came to the Netherlands I was shocked by the mentality of Moroccan women from rural descent. They are reserved and think it is normal to

40 not go to school and to stay at home. My image of Moroccan women was that they wear the breeches! Especially at home they are in charge and they do not let men tell them what to do. But that is not the case with rural women” (Respondent 8). It is clear that differences in norms and values, mentality and customs, as a result of differences in cultural background, continue to exist in the Netherlands. They reflect on, for instance, women’s ideas about marriage and on women’s levels of autonomy. Respondent 20 thinks she is an independent woman, and ascribes that to her migration to the Netherlands. She thinks that her husband would be stricter if they had stayed in Morocco. Furthermore, she thinks she had to raise her children more strictly in Morocco. She can grant them more freedom now, as she will not be judged for this in the Netherlands. She wants her daughter to get married, but does not urge her to. She knows that in Morocco her family would press her into marriage (Respondent 14). These statements of respondent 20 strike with what is argued in the argument section. Urban women are more susceptible for influence of the Dutch society as it shares similarities with their original region. Because the Dutch society ascribes great value to freedom and independence, which contribute to autonomy and participation levels, respondent 20 can be considered to have a high level of emancipation if she is influenced by the Dutch society. Of the interviewed women from first- generation and urban descent, two out of six say that their husbands have the most authority in the household (Respondents 2,4). Gender roles within the household also say something about women’s autonomy levels. On the question about who makes the most decisions within the household, most rural women answered that the man has the last word, though it seemed they were not proud to talk about that (Respondents 1,3,5,6,7,12,18). “Who makes the most decisions? The man! He is the boss! Well…actually we make decisions together” (Respondent 1). The husband pays the bills, so he decides where the money is spent on. Women, on the other hand, make decisions about the household and the upbringing of children, because they spend most time at home (Respondent 5). Respondent 1, however, argues that nowadays more decisions are made together, especially by second-generation Moroccans (Respondent 1,5). Respondent 21 notices that, although her father makes it seem like he makes all the decisions in public, her mother is in charge at home (Respondent 21). Respondent 12 thinks she has less authority since her migration to the Netherlands. In Morocco she made more decisions herself, whereas she now has to listen to her husband. She knows her husband tries to protect her from the Dutch society and wants to stick to Moroccan norms and values. She has now gotten used to obeying her husband, and cannot imagine it to be any different (Respondent 12).

41 Gender roles do change after migration, which is according to respondent 1 noticeable in that divorced Moroccan women are no exception to this. She explicitly adds that it is only apparent among Moroccan women in the Netherlands, because in rural Morocco divorce is still considered as taboo. Moreover, the Moroccan law ascribes certain laws to women to protect them economically after divorce, but in rural Morocco these laws are often ignored (Respondent 1,5). In the Netherlands women feel safer than in Morocco, as in the Netherlands they are protected by, for instance, insurances (Respondent 1). Both rural as urban women’s levels of autonomy seem to be influenced by the Dutch society, as their roles in the household are apparently changing. However, as most rural women mention that their husbands are in charge, the gender roles seem to be more equally divided in urban families. Rural women proceed with the traditional Moroccan gender role division, while the norms of the Dutch society have had more effect on urban women. Cultural background does determine women’s autonomy level in the Netherlands, but, contrary to the argument, all Moroccan women are influenced by Dutch norms and values, mentality and customs, no matter whether they are from urban or rural descent. When focusing only on levels of autonomy, the argument that regional origin is the most important indicator for emancipation levels of Moroccan women in the Netherlands cannot be verified. To be able to say more about emancipation levels, the next section will discuss participation levels of Moroccan women in the Netherlands through the variable of education.

Education Of the first-generation women of rural descent, no one followed education in the Netherlands (Respondents 3,5,6,7,12,18,22). Some of them did have Dutch language lessons (Respondents 3,6,7,22). Five of them have a paid job (Respondents 3,5,6,7). Respondent 22 does voluntary work in a retirement home (Respondent 22). Respondents 12 and 18 are stay-at-home moms (Respondents 12,18). Learning the Dutch language is also a form of education and a necessity to be able to participate in the Dutch society. Five out of seven first-generation rural women speak Dutch, though most of them broken (Respondents 3,5,6,7,22). Respondents 12 and 18 do not speak Dutch. Because she rarely leaves the house, has no job and only has contact with her family, respondent 12 does not feel the urge to learn Dutch (Respondent 12). Respondent 18 also has no contact with Dutch people, which is why she never learned Dutch. Moreover, she cannot read (Respondent 18). All rural respondents speak Arabic or Berber at home (Respondents 1,3,5,6,7,11,12,17,18,21,22). Of the first-generation women of urban descent, no one is educated in the Netherlands.

42 Five of them had Dutch language lessons (Respondents 2,4,14,16,20). Four out of six have a paid job, though respondents 14 and 20 are already retired (Respondents 2,4,14,20). Respondents 10 and 16 followed education in Morocco but do not work because they want to take care of their children (Respondents 10,16). All of the interviewed first-generation women of urban descent speak Dutch, though some of them broken (Respondents 2,4,10,14,16,20). Of the urban women, nine out of eleven stated to speak Arabic or Berber at home (Respondents 2,4,9,10,14,15,16,19,20). Respondents 10, 14, 16 and 20 indicate they also speak Dutch at home, especially with their kids (Respondents 10,14,16,20). Respondent 8 speaks mostly French at home (Respondent 8). For the women interviewed for this thesis, it is not necessarily the case that urban women more often received education or are more likely to have a job than rural women. However, as most first-generation women were already adults when they came to the Netherlands, the measurement of education level may not be applicable for their cases. Learning the Dutch language may be a better way to compare women from urban and rural descent. Though no one of the rural women has followed education in the Netherlands, most of them did have Dutch language lessons and have a job. Only two rural women do not speak Dutch. This does not differ very much from the urban women, from whom most have a job but some also stay at home for their children. It seems that urban women feel the urge to also speak Dutch at home more than rural women.

4.3 Findings and alternative arguments Consistent with the argument of this thesis, Moroccan women from rural descent indeed have to bridge a bigger gap when they migrate to the Netherlands. This is perceivable in that they feel less at home in the Netherlands than women from urban descent, and keep their distance to Dutch society by mostly engaging with other Moroccan immigrants. They do tend to express their praises about the benefits of living in the Netherlands, such as laws that protect their rights, more than urban women. This indicates the considerable difference between rural women’s original region and the Dutch society even more. This difference between the cultural background of rural Moroccan women and urban Moroccan women is perceivable through their different norms and values, mentalities and customs, and especially through their ideas about marriage. Urban women allow their selves to be influenced more by the Dutch society as regards gender roles within the household and speaking Dutch at home. However, contradictory to the argument of this thesis, the levels of autonomy and participation of urban and rural Moroccan women in the Netherlands seem to become more

43 equal. Differences in norms and values, mentality and customs between urban and rural women are perceivable, but especially for rural women, their new environment challenges these remains of their cultural background. Both urban as rural women learned to speak Dutch, but where for urban women this might be a logical consequence of moving to the Netherlands and having Dutch social contacts, this could be a way to acquire more autonomy for rural women. Speaking Dutch offers them the opportunity to manage themselves outside their homes, for instance by having a job, which is a freedom they barely had in their original Moroccan society. Because an increase in autonomy and participation levels is noticeable mostly among women from rural descent, while among urban women these levels were already relatively high in Morocco, it could be concluded that the gap in levels of emancipation among Moroccan women in the Netherlands decreases instead of increases. Before coming to a conclusion, a distinction must be made between the private sphere and the public sphere. During the interviews a distinction between these two spheres became clear. Although the differences in levels of autonomy and participation among Moroccan women in the Netherlands are not that perceptible in the public sphere, they are still perceptible in the private sphere. In the realm of the household, rural women still adhere to mostly Moroccan customs and speak merely Arabic or Berber, while urban women mix their Moroccan background with Dutch customs and language. As seen, influence of the Dutch society increases autonomy and participation levels, which would mean that in the private sphere, rural women are less emancipated than urban women. The differences between urban and rural cultural background can also be testified by the experiences of second-generation Moroccan women. Second-generation rural women often experience the pressure to satisfy both their parents and the Dutch society (Respondents 11). Respondent 11 states that many girls of rural descent behave differently at home than in public, to avoid their parents’ complaints. When she still lived at her parents’ house she tied her hair whenever she was home, while she wore it loose in public. She believes that having Moroccan roots and being raised in the Netherlands makes two identities clash (Respondent 11). This is recognized by respondent 13, who notices that girls of rural descent are raised in a strict manner and are protected against the outer world. Their parents are not familiar with the new Dutch environment they migrated to, and they are distrusting towards their neighbours. For girls from rural descent, being ‘too Moroccan’ interferes with full participation in the Dutch society (Respondent 13). With respondent 8, from urban descent, it is almost the opposite; she has had no trouble to blend into the Dutch society (Respondent 8). For both respondent 15 as for respondent 19, their

44 Moroccan background is no more than an accessory matter. They embrace the Moroccan traditions they learn from their parents, but do not necessarily feel the need to propagate these traditions themselves. They feel they do not live their lives differently than their Dutch peers (Respondents 15,19). These statements of second-generation Moroccan women imply that cultural background is of lasting impact in the Netherlands. In the private sphere, the differences in cultural background between women from rural descent and women from urban descent are even more perceivable than in the public sphere. Rural women appear to have less autonomy and have to adhere to traditional norms about the position of women, while urban women can be considered as more emancipated, as Dutch influences have entered the realm of their households. However, as stated above, differences between Moroccan women from rural descent and Moroccan women from urban descent in de public sphere are decreasing in the Netherlands. It can be concluded that regional origin is of lasting impact on emancipation levels in the Netherlands, but the influence of the Dutch society is for both Moroccan urban women as Moroccan rural women higher than was expected in the argument section. Differences in levels of emancipation among Moroccan women are still clearly perceivable in the private sphere, but decrease in the public sphere. An alternative argument to answer the research question of this thesis could be that regional origin is the most important indicator for differences in emancipation levels among Moroccan women in the Netherlands, but that it only applies to the private sphere. In the public sphere, influence of the Dutch society appears to be an important indicator for emancipation levels. The influence of the Dutch society will be further discussed in the next sections, along with other alternative arguments.

Education As stated in the literature and argument section, education is often considered as the most important indicator for differences in emancipation levels. It must not be neglected that education can empower women, which also became apparent during the interviews. Respondents 8, 9, 13 and 17 agreed on the notion that women could become more emancipated by education (Respondents 8,9,13,17). Respondent 8 thinks that education is the key to a better understanding of Islam, which empowers women (Respondent 8). Respondent 9 argues that speaking Dutch is particularly important for integration and emancipation. When a woman does not speak Dutch, she will remain to have contact with only Moroccan people and she will not be challenged to change her frame of reference. She will relapse in her pattern of housewife instead of seizing the opportunity to develop herself (Respondent 9). For

45 respondent 13, education is important because it makes one question certain things. That way, women can find out that Islam is not what subordinates women, for she notes that the subordination of women is a product of the Moroccan culture and of the misuse of Islam by men. If women are educated they know how to use Islam as an empowering tool instead of being subordinated by it (Respondent 13). Finally, respondent 17 argues that, through education, women can be given a voice, so that they have the means to stand up for themselves (Respondent 17). As far as the opinions of the interviewees go, it can be concluded that education is an important indicator for the differences in emancipation levels among Moroccan women. But, as stated in the argument section, whether a woman has the chance to be educated is subject to her regional origin, as regional origin determines the access to education and the value that is attached to education. Education can thus rather be considered as an instrument through which regional origin influences levels of participation and autonomy. Of the interviewed women, only five entered some form of higher education in Morocco after primary school (Respondents 5,10,14,16,20). Four of them are from urban descent (Respondents 10,14,16,20). This verifies the argument of this thesis that regional origin is determining for other variables, like education, that influence emancipation levels. When looking at followed education in the Netherlands of Moroccan women, the variable of education to determine levels of emancipation is not applicable. Education levels among the interviewed Moroccan women are not significantly varied, as none of the first- generation Moroccan women that are interviewed for this thesis followed education in the Netherlands (Respondents 2,3,4,5,6,7,10,12,14,16,18,20,22). This is probably due to these women’s age of arrival in the Netherlands. The next section will further outline age of arrival and length of stay in the Netherlands.

Age of arrival and length of stay in the Netherlands The age women have when they arrive in the Netherlands and the amount of time they spent in the Netherlands could say something about the influence of the Dutch society on their norms and values, mentality and customs, which eventually influence emancipation levels. If the influence of the Dutch society is determining for emancipation levels, it should be apparent that the more time a woman has spent in the Netherlands, the more emancipated she is. Furthermore, it should be expected that the younger a woman was when she arrived in the Netherlands, the more emancipated she is, because she would be less moulded by her cultural background.

46 Of the interviewed first-generation women, eight out of thirteen were under the age of twenty-one when they arrived in the Netherlands (Respondents 2,3,4,5,6,7,10,18). Of them, six explicitly declared to have less authority than their husbands in the household (Respondents 3,5,6,7,10,18). One of them does not speak Dutch (Respondent 18). Seven out of eight women that arrived in the Netherlands under the age of twenty-one, say to adhere to mostly Moroccan norms and values, mentality and customs (Respondents 2,3,4,5,6,7,18). Respondents 14, 16, 20 and 22 were between the ages of twenty-one and twenty-seven when they arrived (Respondents 14,16,20,22). Respondent 12 was forty-five (Respondent 12). Of the women that arrived in the Netherlands when they were twenty-one or older, only respondent 12 claims to have less authority than her husband at home and does not speak Dutch (Respondent 12). The rest say to have an equal relationship in the household, and all speak Dutch. Respondents 14 and 20 disperse Moroccan as well as Dutch liberal values (Respondents 14,20). Respondents 12, 16 and 22 are rather traditional at home (Respondents 12,16,22). Seven out of thirteen interviewed women of first-generation spent between twenty and thirty years in the Netherlands (Respondents 2,4,5,7,14,20,22). Respondents 3, 6 and 12 spent between fourteen and nineteen years in the Netherlands (Respondents 3,6,12). Respondents 10, 16 and 18 spent respectively thirty-seven, thirty-nine and forty-four years in the Netherlands (Respondents 10,16,18). When looking at authority level within the household, traditionality and mastery of Dutch, respondents 12 and 18 can be considered to be the least emancipated. Respondents 3, 5, 6 and 7 have, compared to respondents 12 and 18, the advantage of speaking Dutch, but are also less emancipated than the other respondents. Except for respondent 12, all these respondents were under the age of twenty-one when they arrived in the Netherlands. There are no significant differences in the time spent in the Netherlands. It appears that the least emancipated of the women that are interviewed for this thesis, were generally quite young when they arrived in the Netherlands. Contrary than expected, a young age at the time of arrival in the Netherlands does not lead to a higher emancipation level. This could be due to the marital status at the time of arrival. It is striking, and in line with the argument of this thesis, that the least emancipated women are all from rural descent.

Marital status when arriving in the Netherlands All first-generation women that are interviewed for this thesis were married when they arrived in the Netherlands, as they all migrated to the Netherlands to be united with their husbands (Respondents 2,3,4,5,6,7,10,12,14,16,18,20,22). Therefore, a proper analysis about whether

47 marital status is determining for Moroccan women’s emancipation levels in the Netherlands cannot be made with first-generation women. If the second-generation women are incorporated in the analysis, a better comparison could be made. However, of the second- generation women that are interviewed for this thesis that were born in Morocco, no one was married when they arrived in the Netherlands (Respondents 1,8,11,13). If the women that were unmarried while arriving in the Netherlands are compared with the women that were married while arriving in the Netherlands, it could be concluded that the women that were unmarried are currently more emancipated than the women that were married, apparent because of their levels of autonomy and participation. If it is the case that women that were unmarried while arriving in the Netherlands are more emancipated than women that were married, this finding is not legitimate, because the marital statuses of the interviewed women correlate with generation and age. The four women that were unmarried while arriving in the Netherlands were all under the age of thirteen (Respondents 1,8,11,13). It would therefore not be clear whether higher levels of emancipation are due to their marital status when arriving in the Netherlands, or to the fact that they are second-generation, or to their age when arriving.

Number of children In the literature section it is stated that a higher number of children reduces emancipation levels (Desrues and Moreno Nieto, 2009:28). This is the case for the women that are interviewed for this thesis, as the least emancipated of them, respondents 12 and 18, have the most children. Respondent 12 has seven children and respondent 18 has ten children (Respondents 12,18). The rest of the interviewees have five or less children. By this, it can be concluded that amount of children could be an explanation for the differences in emancipation levels among Moroccan women in the Netherlands.

Religion Religion is another aspect of Moroccan tradition that appeared to be an important indicator for emancipation during the interviews. The differences in the extent or manner of religiousness among the interviewed women are considerable. Four out of seven first-generation women of rural descent state that they became more religious after migration to the Netherlands (Respondents 3,5,6,7). The rural women that mention their level of religiousness in the Netherlands mostly did not study Islam intensively; their religiousness is rather practical. All interviewed rural women from the first-generation wear a headscarf, participate with the

48 Ramadan and pray every day (Respondents 3,5,6,7,12,18,22). They do not feel constrained by the non-Islamic environment of the Netherlands, as they argue that their religion is adhered to mostly in the private sphere. As far as what happens inside the sphere of the home, it does not make any difference whether that is in Morocco or in the Netherlands (Respondent 5). A striking finding out of the interviews held with women from urban descent, is that five out of six became more religious after migrating to the Netherlands (Respondents 2,4,10,14,16). According to respondent 8, this is a result of being a minority group. People become more religious to express pride as regards their identity (Respondent 8). “Rural people are often rather obedient as regards Islam, instead of really studying it. They are happy with just sticking to the Five Pillars, without wondering why things are as they are. Especially intellectuals from the cities study Islam. This is not a setback, but rather enrichment. Islam invites you to engage in your religion. It can offer you comfort anytime you feel different. You learn to be proud of your Islamic and Moroccan identity. Besides, Islam can empower women! When women study Islam they will learn that men and women are equal, despite what men try to deceivingly teach them. Many men make abuse of Islam, which is the reason for that it is often considered as the cause for subordination of women” (Respondent 8). For respondent 14, the recession into Islam was also the case. After her migration, she educated herself about her religion and read the Koran more often than before (Respondent 14). After migration and especially in the long term, both urban and rural women tend to become more religious. However, the kind of religiousness differs between women from rural descent and women from urban descent. Women from urban descent tend to study Islam more elaborately and mostly use it as an ethical guideline, while women from rural descent stick to the traditional Moroccan Islam and live by its strict rules. As respondent 11 formulates: “Rural women use Islam as an interpretation of life, while urban women use Islam as an complement of life” (Respondent 11). Just as respondent 8, respondent 13 acknowledges that traditional Moroccan Islam is a cause of the subordination of women, while studying Islam has the opposite effect. She feels empowered by being religious, as Islam contributes to her identity and her intellectual level (Respondent 13). These findings correspond with what Bartels (2005) mentions in the literature review. She states that women who interpret and study Islam in a certain modern way, can make use of their religion to increase their emancipation level (Bartels, 2005:25-26). The findings from the interviews are also in line with what is argued in the argument on education; education in Islam contributes to emancipation level. Religiousness can thus be considered as an important indicator for

49 differences in emancipation levels. But it is clear that religiousness differs between women from rural descent and women from urban descent, which verifies the argument that regional origin is the most important indicator for differences in emancipation levels.

Several alternative arguments to answer the research question of this thesis are discussed in this section. Moroccan women’s education levels in Morocco are correlated with the distinction between urban and rural areas. Their education levels in the Netherlands cannot be used to offer an explanation for differences in emancipation levels, as none of them followed education in the Netherlands. Nor can marital status be used as an explanation, as all first- generation women of this thesis were married when arriving in the Netherlands. Their age of arrival or length of stay in the Netherlands could be a better explanation. However, in lengths of stay in the Netherlands there were no significant differences that could correlate with emancipation levels, and the least emancipated women were the youngest when they arrived in the Netherlands; but they were also all from rural descent. The number of children a woman has can be an explanation because the least emancipated women have the most children. But again, those least emancipated women are from rural descent. In all cases it seems that regional origin is a more plausible explanation to explain differences in emancipation levels among Moroccan women in the Netherlands, because whenever other explanations seem to be plausible, there always is a correlation with regional origin. As mentioned in the beginning of this section, the argument can be supplemented with a distinction between the public and private spheres. The argument, then, would hold that regional origin is the most important indicator for differences in emancipation levels among Moroccan women. In the Netherlands, this is mostly applicable to the private sphere, as the Dutch society influences both urban as rural women in the public sphere. Thus, in the Netherlands the importance of regional origin is undermined by the influence of the Dutch society. The first hypothesis as discussed in the operationalization, ‘regional origin is determining for the norms and values, mentality and customs of Moroccan women, which will determine her level of autonomy and participation and as a consequence her level of emancipation’, can be verified. The second hypothesis, ‘the gap in levels of emancipation between Moroccan women increases in the Netherlands’, is false. The extent of influence by the Dutch society is considered to be as such, that the emancipation level of Moroccan rural women becomes more equal to the emancipation level of Moroccan urban women in the Netherlands.

50 5. Conclusion and discussion

5.1 Conclusion This study aims to show the heterogeneity of Moroccan women. It states that Moroccan women are not a tabula rasa when they arrive in the Netherlands, by showing the lasting impact of cultural background on the norms and values, mentality and customs they keep adhering to in their daily lives. For both Moroccan women themselves as for all inhabitants of the Netherlands, it is important to understand the differences in cultural backgrounds of Moroccan women, to be able to tackle the stereotypical image of Moroccan women that is spread by media and politics. This will contribute to the social coherence of the Dutch society. Furthermore, a better understanding of the cultural backgrounds of Moroccan women will lead to a more effective policy. The following section will further elaborate on the policy implications of this thesis. Keeping in mind how this thesis contributes to science and society, this thesis answers the research question: what explains the difference in levels of emancipation among Moroccan women? To answer this research question, different indicators are discussed in the literature review to explain differences in levels of emancipation among Moroccan women. This study argues that the existing literature neglects the importance of cultural background for emancipation levels of Moroccan women in the Netherlands. Because of different development levels there is a difference in access to health, education and the labour market, and a significant cultural difference between urban and rural areas in Morocco. This makes that in urban areas, people have a different mentality and different norms and values and customs than people in rural areas. Together with the infrastructural characteristics of a region, these affect the levels of autonomy and participation of women through other variables, such as marriage and education. Autonomy and participation are the measurable variables for emancipation, thus they indicate women’s emancipation levels. This thesis states that urban women are more emancipated than rural women in Morocco, because of the higher development level in urban areas. In the Netherlands, the cultural background of urban women makes that they are influenced to a high extent by the Dutch society, which causes their emancipation levels to increase. Rural women are rather influenced by their Moroccan regional origin because the Dutch society is very different from their own cultural background, and as a result, these women are less emancipated in the Netherlands. Because cultural background is bound to geography, this thesis uses regional origin as a proxy for

51 cultural background. While testing this argument it became clear that, in Morocco, there are such significant differences between urban and rural areas that urban women indeed can be considered as more emancipated than rural women. The argument of this thesis is also right about cultural background having a lasting impact on women’s emancipation levels in the Netherlands. Rural women notice the difference of their regional origin with the Dutch society, and have more trouble with combining their Moroccan roots with Dutch norms and values, mentality and customs than urban women do. However, there is no evidence for the presumption that urban women have higher levels of autonomy and participation than rural women. Just like urban women, rural women are influenced by the Dutch society and see their levels of participation and autonomy increase, through, for example, having a job or learning Dutch. It can be seen that within the household, rural women do have a lower level of emancipation than urban women, as in the private sphere the cultural background of rural women overrules Dutch culture, while urban women mingle their norms and values, mentalities and customs with Dutch ones. Finally, the research question of this thesis can be answered as follows. In Morocco, the difference in levels of emancipation among Moroccan women can be explained by regional origin, which is a proxy for cultural background. In the Netherlands, regional origin is also the best explanation for differences in emancipation levels among Moroccan women, but in the public sphere it is apparent that the extent of influence by Dutch society affects emancipation levels as well. Women who are more influenced by Dutch society are more emancipated. The effect of Moroccan rural and urban cultural backgrounds on emancipation levels is lasting, but the culture of the Dutch society has a stronger effect than was suspected at the beginning of this study.

5.2 Limitations There are five major limitations of this study, of which some could have avoided in advance and some are inevitable consequences of qualitative research. The first limitation of this study has to do with that it assumes a considerable difference in cultural background between rural and urban areas in Morocco, as they have gone through different levels of development. Urban areas are said to be more developed, modern, liberal, and Westernized than rural areas, where tradition is more apparent. However, nowadays the entire country of Morocco is rapidly developing, since its king aims at modernization and the country’s ties with Europe are getting stronger. Consequently, rural areas are also rapidly developing, as is also affirmed

52 by the interviewees. Rural women that go to the bigger cities to receive education, for example, are no longer an exception. Nowadays, the difference between urban and rural areas in Morocco is probably less substantial than described in this thesis. Although, this had no consequences for the findings of this study, as there were considerable differences between urban and rural areas in Morocco during the time the women who were interviewed for this thesis were still living there. A second limitation of this study is the research group. Twenty-two women were interviewed for this thesis, but this sample was not varied enough. Firstly, all first-generation women were married at the time of their arrival in the Netherlands. Interviewing women that came to the Netherlands for different reasons than to be united with their husbands would show the effect of marriage on emancipation levels more clearly. Secondly, it would have been valuable to interview first-generation women that have received an education in the Netherlands. Thirdly, there were no women interviewed that have a job that requires higher education. A more varied and obviously also a bigger sample group would have contributed to the quality of the analysis. Moreover, all of the interviewed rural women come from the mountainous areas in the North of Morocco. More variation in the origins of rural women could have led to other findings in the analysis. The third limitation concerns the data collection process. The subjects that are researched for this thesis are sensitive, because they sometimes give rise to a woman’s awareness of her subordinate position. On the other hand, the subjects discussed are contingent to culture, which affects the objectivity of the interviewees. Both implications influence the data that is collected during interviews. This data can deviate from the truth because it is subjective, or even deliberately concealed or changed. Women can, for example, give socially or politically correct answers to live up to a certain image. Some women were not interviewed alone, because their daughters were there to translate, which can also influence data. Finally, they can also be cautious with their answers because the author is of Dutch, or at least not of Moroccan descent. In sum, a limitation of the analysis of this thesis, and of qualitative research in general, is that the collected data are not tractable facts. Moreover, the analysis of this thesis is subject to the interpretation of the author, as absolute objectivity is impossible. This could mean that if another author carried out the analysis, the results would be different. A fourth limitation of this thesis is the operationalization of the concept of emancipation. The measurable variables for emancipation in this study are autonomy and participation. These variables were abstracted from existing literature and Dutch policy on

53 emancipation and are explained as observable by marriage, having children, choice of spouse, education, Dutch language skills and knowledge about Dutch culture. Notwithstanding, it appeared that most of these indicators are not applicable to the data in the analysis, as the differences between women as regards these indicators are not substantial. Instead, other indicators, such as gender equality, decision-making within the household, and satisfying to certain norms were better suitable to measure levels of autonomy and participation. For example, only by applying those other indicators the distinction between the public and the private sphere could be made. Altogether, it seems that autonomy and participation, to measure levels of emancipation, could have had wider-ranging definitions. Nevertheless, as emancipation is a quite abstract concept, it is complicated to foresee limitations of the operationalization like this, and it is not unlikely that data deviate from definitions as outlined in theory. Finally, and most importantly, there is a limitation to the theories that are used in this thesis. Some theories are subject to a Western point of view and are therefore not objective enough. The concept of marriage for example, is stated to commonly cause a decrease in emancipation level. But as is also pointed out in the literature section about emancipation in Morocco, the Moroccan perception of marriage is different than the Western one. In Morocco and for Moroccans, marriage is deemed to increase women’s statuses and empowerment and thus contributes to emancipation levels. For job opportunity this is also the case. Having a job is considered to increase emancipation levels, but for many poor women in Morocco and in the Netherlands, having a job is a necessity to survive, rather than something that enhances levels of participation and autonomy. Additionally, the entire concept of emancipation is subject to Western perception as well. While emancipation is in this thesis considered as independence, freedom and self-development of women, a Moroccan perception of emancipation can be different. The Western perception of emancipation is in a way imposed to Moroccan women, while this perception can contrast with what they themselves understand as emancipation. Moroccan women attach for example more value to aspects as honour and family. This last limitation is in line with what is stated in the introduction of this thesis: an understanding of the cultural backgrounds of Moroccan women is often neglected. Cultural background is important to explain emancipation levels among Moroccan women in the Netherlands, which is exactly what this study argues.

54 5.3 Implications Generalisation As described in the limitation section above, the sample of interviewees could have been bigger and more varied. Obviously, an analysis based on twenty-two interviewees cannot represent all Moroccan women in the Netherlands. However, this study can still be generalised in explaining differences in emancipation levels among Moroccan immigrant women. As the argument of this thesis includes that there is a substantial difference between urban and rural areas in Morocco, this has a difference in cultural background as a consequence, and this study only confirms this argument by showing that the difference is already perceivable in a sample of merely twenty-two women. That contributes to the reliability of this study. The fact that all women from rural descent that were interviewed for this thesis come from the district of Nador, could also damage the generalizability of this thesis, if it would not have been for the fact that the majority of the Moroccan women from rural descent in the Netherlands come from Nador. The rural interviewees of this thesis can therefore represent almost all Moroccan women of rural descent in the Netherlands. As regards the women of urban descent, different Moroccan cities are covered. Finally, this thesis can be applicable to all Moroccan women in the Netherlands, for they all are constructed by their cultural background. As stated in this thesis, Moroccan women that arrive in the Netherlands are not a tabula rasa. This is undeniably the case for all immigrants, male or female, that enter the Netherlands, and in addition for all migrants in the world who have left their country of origin. The interviewees of this thesis represent all migrants that have to build a new life in a new country, and have to combine the norms and values, mentality and customs they are familiar with, with the culture of their host society. Moroccan women in the Netherlands are an evident example of how original culture can sometimes clash with the new culture, as especially Moroccan rural women appear to disperse norms and values, mentalities and customs that are very distinct from the Dutch culture. The difficulty they sometimes experience with combining two cultures and adapting to Dutch society, sheds light on and creates understanding for what all immigrants to a greater or lesser extent have to go through. As regards explanations for differences in emancipation levels, this thesis is applicable to all Moroccan women in the Netherlands, and, by the same token, to all the women in the world as well. Where existing literature assigns importance to variables as education, job opportunity, poverty, marital status, number of children, age, and so on, to explain differences

55 in emancipation levels, this thesis demonstrates the importance of norms and values, mentality and customs. It has become clear that women’s levels of emancipation are in the first place imposed by their own ideas about their place in the household, the family, the society and the world, and about the role they should fulfil as a woman. These ideas are shaped by culture, determined by regional origin. As this argument is demonstrated in this thesis, this thesis can be generalized to explain differences in emancipation levels in any context. To acknowledge that all women share this indicator which can explain their levels of emancipation, could increase the general understanding of differences in emancipation levels. The implications this thesis further has are explained in the next section.

Policy First of all, this thesis has implications for policy on emancipation in the Netherlands. As acknowledged above, it increases understanding for differences in levels of emancipation among Moroccan women. This can enhance a more aimed policy, in which there could be more understanding for Moroccan women’s cultural backgrounds. This thesis could also be a motion for developing different kind of policies for different women, as Moroccan women who are, for example, affected to a high extent by their original community in Morocco should be addressed differently than Moroccan women who participate actively in the Dutch society. Dutch policy on integration is also altered by this thesis, as it appears that cultural background still plays an important role in Moroccan women’s lives, especially for rural women. If, for example, Moroccan rural women would be stimulated to learn the Dutch language, interfere with Dutch natives, and to follow education or participate on the labour market, this would contribute to their adaptation to the Dutch society, and, indirectly, also to their emancipation levels. Moroccan urban women could serve as role models for Moroccan rural women when it comes to combining Moroccan norms and values, mentality and customs with Dutch culture. As already stated above, these policy implications are not limited to Dutch policies on Moroccan immigrant women, but are applicable to all policies on immigrants and on emancipation. Finally, in addition to the limitations section, one should reflect more on what is implied with emancipation before developing policy on it. The form of emancipation that is currently practiced in the Netherlands is not per se the right type or the best type, simply because it is the form that is considered to be the best by Western scholars, politicians, and women’s rights activists. Moroccan women should contribute to the discussion about what

56 emancipation is, and what a policy on emancipation should look like, to come to a kind of emancipation that is applicable to all women. The kind of emancipation that is adhered to in the Netherlands should respect Moroccan women’s cultural background. However, this is a complicated process, as respecting alien cultures and embracing multiculturalism often conflicts with the Dutch and Western values as respecting human rights and liberalism.

5.4 Future research First of all, it is recommended that for future research on emancipation levels among Moroccan women in the Netherlands, the sample must be more varied, as is explained in the limitations section. Secondly, as is discussed in the implications section, future research should spend more effort to understanding what women from different cultural backgrounds mean with emancipation. Western viewpoints alone should not dominate the discourse on this topic. Third, as this thesis implies a difference in cultural backgrounds between rural and urban areas in Morocco, it is interesting to investigate whether this distinction is also apparent in the Netherlands. It is argued that Moroccan rural women have to bridge a large gap when they migrate to the Netherlands, partly due to the fact that they mostly move to cities in the Netherlands, - this is, at least, the case for the rural women that are interviewed for this study. The collected data could be different for Moroccan rural women that moved to the more rural areas of the Netherlands, for in that case, the gap between their regional origin and their new host society could be smaller. On the other hand, Moroccan urban women could have more trouble to adapt to the Dutch society if they migrate to rural areas in the Netherlands. In these cases, the influence of cultural background and of the Dutch society could have a different effect on emancipation levels. This thesis might also trigger further research on the effect of cultural background on the lives of Moroccan immigrant women in the Netherlands. It became clear that this effect differs from rural women to urban women, but it could also differ from family to family, city to city and so on. Especially interesting is the effect cultural background has on second- and third-generation Moroccan women. In this thesis, the interviews with second-generation women serve mostly to complement the interviews with first-generation women. Future research could focus on these second-generation women more to further enhance the understanding of the importance of regional origin for differences in Moroccan women’s emancipation levels.

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Skalli, L. H. (2001). Women and poverty in Morocco: The many faces of social exclusion. Feminist Review, 69, 73-89.

Zwart, R. de (2015, February 4). Help Marokkaanse vrouwen hun positie te verbeteren. Het Parool. Retrieved from http://www.parool.nl/opinie/-help-marokkaanse-vrouwen-hun- positie-te-verbeteren~a3844605/

61 Appendix A: Social institutions variables

Early marriage Early marriage of women restrains their autonomy and authority within the household Polygamy Acceptance of polygamy, whether it is generally approved or not Parental authority Who has control over children Inheritance Whether bequests are equally shared between male and female offspring Female genital mutilation Share of women that have undergone genital mutilation Violence against women Existence of legislation against domestic violence, sexual assault, rape and sexual harassment Missing women Difference between the number of women that should be alive and the actual number of women Freedom of movement Whether women can never leave their house alone, can leave their house only for work or there are no restrictions Restriction to freedom of dress Whether women have no free choice of dressing so there is an enforced dress code, or women can freely decide Access to land (water and basic services such Whether there are restrictions for women as sanitation and electricity) Access to bank loans Whether there are restrictions for women Access to property Whether there are restrictions for women Figure A: Accompanying table for the GID-DB (Jütting et al., 2008:68-70).

62 Appendix B: Influence of the Dutch society mechanisms

Figure B: Influence of the Dutch society on Moroccan rural women.

63

Figure C: Influence of the Dutch society on Moroccan urban women.

64 Appendix C: Summaries of interviews

Interview 1 - April 29, 2016

Respondent 1

General information: Respondent 1 is from rural descent. She comes from a village in the North of Morocco, near Tanger. She arrived in the Netherlands in 1985 when she was twelve years old, and has thus spent thirty-one years in the Netherlands. Obviously she was unmarried when she arrived in the Netherlands. She came with her parents. In Morocco, she only went to primary school. In the Netherlands, she only went to high school. She does have a cleaning job at a high school in ‘s-Hertogenbosch. She now also lives in ‘s-Hertogenbosch. She speaks Dutch. She has three children.

Morocco: Rural girls cannot go to school or to university. They must go to the cities to get an education, but they are mostly too poor or their parents won’t let them. After she marries, her husband decides whether she can get an education. If she was following an education at the time she married, she mostly stops. But nowadays more and more girls from rural areas get an education. I believe that is becoming more common. Also more older people go to school now. Rural women only stay at home, with their families. In the cities they can go outside. I have a sister, and she is divorced. That is no problem. There are many divorced women. But I do not know whether that is the case in Morocco as well…in the cities, men and women both work. But in the village where I come from, everything is still the same! Women stay at home, while men work. But in the cities, everything is the same as in the Netherlands. I think the differences between cities and rural areas in Morocco or not only about modernity, but also about Islam. The way how you look at Islam is very determining.

Migration: I do not think that the Netherlands is restricting in being religious or Muslim, because at home, it is exactly as it is in Morocco. It does not matter where your house is. The Dutch society does not affect my house. When I left Morocco, I had to cry. I did not want to leave my family. In the Netherlands, everything was so different that I wanted to go back to Morocco. But when I went to school it became better. All Moroccan people want to go to the Netherlands.

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Social contacts: I have a lot of contact with my family. It is very easy nowadays with Skype and Whatsapp. My mother has a lot of contact with her neighbours in Morocco. Myself I only have contact with family. All Moroccan people have close ties with their family. Every Moroccan loves Morocco. I want to have a house in Morocco.

Culture: I am very religious. I became more religious after arriving in the Netherlands. The older you become, the more you know how important religion is. You are wiser when you are older. There is more opportunity to be religious in the Netherlands. I could not read when I lived in Morocco, but now I can. So I can read the Koran. Also there are Dutch translations available of the Koran. Moroccan children in the Netherlands often cannot read Arabic, so they need these translations. Moroccan children stay and live with their parents until they get married. I love it that my children still live at home. I don’t want them to leave me.

Marriage: Life is hard when you are not married. I want my daughters to get married. She needs a husband to take care of her. And I want to be a grandmother!

Education: My mother goes to school now here in the Netherlands! Only to learn to write and read, but that still is something! It is too late for her to find a job, but writing and reading does make life easier.

Emancipation: Women often do not want to go back to Morocco, but men do. In Morocco they were never at home because they were also talking to friends. Here in the Netherlands they often do not speak Dutch so they cannot leave the house. Women on the other hand, are better off here in the Netherlands, because now they can go outside! To the mall for example. Women are more free here in the Netherlands. My husband makes the most decisions. But is that really Moroccan? I think that at home, Dutch men are also the boss. I make the most decision about the children. Most women do. In Morocco, women are not independent. They cannot work. They live with their parents in-law.

66 Interview 2 - April 29, 2016 Respondent 2

General information: Respondent 2 is from urban descent. She comes from the city of Oujda. She arrived in the Netherlands in 1989 at age twenty. She came with her husband and her marital status when arriving was thus married. She has spent twenty-seven years in the Netherlands. In Morocco, she only went to primary school and in the Netherlands she followed no education. She now lives and works in ‘s-Hertogenbosch, where she works at a high school as cleaning lady. She has four children. She speaks Dutch since she took language lessons.

Morocco: I think that I would have raised my children differently if I still lived in Morocco. But I think Morocco is becoming more modern as well. I don’t think that children are being raised just as strict as I was. Times are changing. The difference with here is not so apparent anymore. Only the families are still bigger in Morocco!

Migration: I would want to go back to Morocco when I get older. But I have my children here. I cannot leave them! That makes it hard. My mother also came to live her, and when I ask her if she wants to go back, she says: No way! What can I do there? My children and grandchildren are here.

Social contacts: I have a lot of contact with my family in Morocco. I also still have a lot of contact with my friends in Morocco. I call them very often.

Culture: I became more religious since I live in the Netherlands. I think it has mostly to do with age. You become wiser when you become older. When you are young, you are ignorant. I feel Moroccan, but the times have changed. I give my children more freedom now. But I do teach them the Moroccan traditions, and everything that I have learned from my parents.

Marriage: I want my children to get married, because I want to have grandchildren.

Education: There are a lot of Moroccan women who follow education. I also went to school, but then I married. So I couldn’t go anymore. It is a logical consequence.

67 Interview 3 - April 29, 2016 Respondent 3

General information: Respondent 3 is from rural descent. She comes from the rural areas near Nador. She arrived in the Netherlands when she was twenty years old, in 2002. She has lived in the Netherlands for fourteen years now. She lives in ‘s-Hertogenbosch and works as a cleaning lady at a high school. She came to the Netherlands with her husband and with him she has two kids. In Morocco, she did not follow any education and in the Netherlands she also did not follow education. She speaks broken Dutch, even though she followed Dutch language lessons.

Social contacts: I have a lot of contact with my family in Morocco. I also still have a lot of contact with my friends in Morocco. I call them very often.

Culture: I became more religious since I live in the Netherlands.

Marriage: You used to get married because you needed a man to take care of you. That is not the case anymore nowadays. But it is still the reason for most girls! I want my children to get married, because I want to have grandchildren.

68 Interview 4 - April 29, 2016 Respondent 4

General information: Respondent 4 comes from the city of Rabat, and thus is from urban descent. She migrated to the Netherlands with her husband when she was eighteen years old, in 1989. She has lived in the Netherlands for twenty-seven years. She went to primary school in Morocco and did not follow education in the Netherlands. She has a cleaning job at a high school in ‘s-Hertogenbosch, where she also lives. She has four children. She took Dutch language lessons, and now she speaks Dutch.

Social contacts: I have a lot of contact with my family in Morocco. Mostly only with family, not so much with the rest of the community.

Culture: I became more religious since I live in the Netherlands.

Marriage: I want my children to get married, because I want to have grandchildren.

69 Interview 5 - May 2, 2016 Respondent 5

General information: Respondent 5 is from rural descent, as she comes from a small village near Nador. She came to the Netherlands in 1995, when she was eighteen, right after she married with her husband. She now lives in ‘s-Hertogenbosch and has a cleaning job at a high school. She has spent twenty-one years in the Netherlands. She has three children. In Morocco, she went to primary school and high school. In the Netherlands she did not go to school. She speaks broken Dutch.

Morocco: Urban people go to school way more often than rural people. In the cities it is so much more easy to go. In rural areas there mostly is no high school and people cannot afford it to leave. They cannot leave the farm and the family. Schools are often too far away. There are still so many men that want to be in charge over women. Not just in rural areas, also in urban areas. But women do not agree with that anymore. There also changed a lot in the laws of Morocco. Before, when women wanted to divorce, they got nothing. Now, the woman has right to more things. But if people really stick to those rules in Morocco…I don’t know. It is complicated there.

Migration: Most men want to go back to Morocco, but women don’t. Men think their children and grandchildren are less important. They only think about their selves. In the Netherlands, it is boring for men. They have to stick to the rules. They have to work. In Morocco, they could be lazy. The weekends are spent here, in the Netherlands, with children and grandchildren. That is why women do not want to go back to Morocco. They would be bored and alone. They are used to the Netherlands now. My mother, who also lives her, is happy when she comes back home after she went on holiday in the Netherlands. She loves the Netherlands now. When we heard about Europe, we wanted to go there. Everyone wanted to go there. It was special. People who went there, had nice clothes. It could really show if you went to Europe. Now the difference between Morocco and Europe is not as big anymore, but then, everyone thought Europe was really attractive.

Social contacts: I have a lot of contact with my family in Morocco. Mostly only with family, not so much with the rest of the community.

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Culture: I became more religious since I live in the Netherlands. I think the Dutch society is holding me back in being religious. People are not Muslims here, and they also do not have another religion which they actively disseminate. Inside my own home, I can be religious, I can be a Muslim. But outside I am worried about what people think about me. It is less easy. Inside I don’t have to think about that. When we celebrate the sugar party or the sheep party, we all come together. The whole family and all my friends. Then it feels like we are still in Morocco. The whole family comes together just to be together. That family feeling keeps on existing here in the Netherlands. The only difference is, is that in Morocco those parties last for days, while I only get one day off here. After one day it is over. But the feeling is lasting. It is different than in Morocco, but still the same.

Marriage: I want my children to get married, because I want to have grandchildren.

Emancipation: Here in the Netherlands, women have more freedom. They can go outside whenever they want. At home, I do everything. But my husband pays the bills. But we both work, so if we have to buy something, we decide together. Fathers also decide over children. Not just mothers. But mothers do most at home. Fathers bring their children to sport lessons and swimming lessons and such. I think men and women are becoming more equal. I am sure that my children will decide everything together in the household. In Morocco, the man must do everything for the woman, because she is not independent.

71 Interview 6 - May 2, 2016 Respondent 6

General information: Respondent 6 has her origin near Nador. She is a rural woman. She migrated to the Netherlands with her husband in 1999, when she was eighteen. She spent seventeen years in the Netherlands. She only went to primary school, when she still lived in Morocco. She works as a cleaning lady at a high school in ‘s-Hertogenbosch. She also lives there. She has three children. She speaks broken Dutch. She has followed Dutch language lessons.

Migration: When I heard people talk about Europe and the Netherlands, I thought: I want that too! I want to go there! I was really curious. The Netherlands is still very attractive for Moroccan women, because there are more rules here. Social insurance for example. There are also less differences between rich and poor here. In Morocco, you do not get insurances or child allowance.

Social contacts: I have a lot of contact with my family in Morocco. Mostly only with family, not so much with the rest of the community. I always keep my family in mind when I make decisions or do certain things. If I do something, I always ask them out of respect. Your own family goes first, but then your parents and brothers and sisters are also very important. My own parents and my parents in-law. But I live here and my family lives there. So it all became a bit less. I lived with my parents in-law for three years. I had to ask them for permission in everything I did. I could not do anything without their approval. If I wanted to go shopping, I had to ask them. I could not just leave. If they said no, then I could not go. If my parents in- law are on holiday here for visiting us, they still do not give me permission to leave! But I liked to live with them. I like to be around family. In the Netherlands, there are a lot of children that leave their parents’ house young. I think that is disrespectful for your family.

Culture: I became more religious since I live in the Netherlands. Everyone wants to go to Morocco on holiday. Everyone is proud of it. I know one Moroccan woman, who is married with a Dutch man. She is ashamed for her Moroccan family. But then every Moroccan women in the Netherlands is ashamed for her!

72 Marriage: I do not think that women must marry. Marriage is good, but not obligated. I want my children to get married, because I want to have grandchildren.

73 Interview 7 - May 2, 2016 Respondent 7

General information: Respondent 7 is from rural descent. She comes from a rural village near Tetouan. She came to the Netherlands when she was nineteen years old, in 1995. She came with her husband so her marital status when arriving was married. She now has spent twenty-one years in the Netherlands, where she works as a cleaning lady at a high school in ‘s-Hertogenbosch. She also lives there. She has four children and she speaks broken Dutch, even though she had Dutch language lessons. She only went to primary school. In the Netherlands she did not follow education.

Social contacts: I have a lot of contact with my family in Morocco. Mostly only with family, not so much with the rest of the community.

Culture: I became more religious since I live in the Netherlands.

Marriage: I want my children to get married, because I want to have grandchildren.

74 Interview 8 - May 4, 2016 Respondent 8

General information: Respondent 8 is from urban descent. She comes from Agadir, in the South of Morocco. She arrived in the Netherlands when she was twelve years old in 2003. She came with her parents, which makes her second generation. She was unmarried at the time of arrival in the Netherlands. She is now 25 years old, so has spent thirteen years in the Netherlands. Currently, she is graduating from university. She wants to work at a museum in Spain, as she studies art history. She currently lives in Nijmegen.

Morocco: In Morocco, she went to a private primary school. That sounds fancy, but actually it is quite common for Moroccans who can afford it to go to private schools. The tutors and material at these schools are better. The teaching language is French. Her life in Morocco was good and she has had a happy childhood. Her parents were quite rich, because they worked in the tourist industry. My parents were close with many European people. That is why they were used to modernism and to the Western lifestyle. We were religious, but not in practice. That did not stroke with modernism and urbanism. My family is quite progressive, also in their political opinions. Agadir is a very modern city. It is a coastal city, very touristic and very big. It is a good place to live, if you have money. The government invests a lot in Agadir because it stimulates the economy of Morocco. This is one reason for the differences between urban and rural areas in Morocco. Rural areas are isolated and there is a lot of illiteracy. Especially in the South, the culture of rural people is not supported by the government. The government also does not challenge poverty in these areas. But I am very critical at the government of Morocco! Urban people are derogatory towards rural people. The more modern the city, such as Casablanca, the more its inhabitants despise rural areas.

Migration: Her parents moved to the Netherlands when the tourist industry collapsed after 9/11. They wanted to give her and her brother the best education and future possible, which is why they decided to migrate to the Netherlands. The migration to the Netherlands was really hard for us. I really mourned about it. But I am grateful to my parents because they left everything for us.

Culture: You see that nowadays people are becoming more religious, to disseminate their

75 identities. I did the same. I joined an Islamic student society to study Islam on a higher level. Islam invites you to study Islam! In Morocco, people from rural descent do not study Islam. They just stick to the Five Pillars. I think that when you study Islam, it is empowering. What stops women in their emancipation is culture, not religion. Men make misuse of Islam, but Islam only offers justice towards women.

Marriage: I want to get married someday. Family is really important for me. But some friends of mine are really pushed by their parents to get married; that is not the case within my family. In rural areas marriage has a high status. Also because the chance to follow education is smaller in rural areas. Founding a family is really important in rural areas. When you are not married, you are a burden for your family. But in urban areas, it is more normal that for example both husband and wife work. But in sum: your mentality is determined by your family.

Education: Moroccan people think education is very important. I think that Moroccan people push their children more than Dutch people to do their best at school. Moroccans acknowledge the importance of education because they know that not everyone has the chance to follow education. Education is also correlated with status. The people around me all acknowledge the importance of education and thus think going to school and university is more important than marriage. It is all about mentality.

Emancipation: I think that the Moroccan woman is a strong woman. But I have noticed that rural women, from the Atlas mountains, are less strong. It is because of them that the difference between Moroccan and Dutch women seems so big, as the differences between Dutch women and Moroccan urban women are not big at all! Before I came to the Netherlands, I though all Moroccan women were in charge at home. Men say they have the most power, but that is certainly not the case!

76 Interview 9 - May 5, 2016

Respondent 9 & Respondent 10

General information: Respondent 9 is born in the Netherlands and is twenty-five years old. She is from urban origin, as her mother is also from urban origin. Her father is from rural origin, but as respondent 9 is mostly raised by her mother, she will be considered as being from urban origin. Her father came to the Netherlands in 1976, when he was twenty-one years old. He then married her mother, respondent 10, who came to the Netherlands in 1979 at the age of twenty. Respondent 10 has spent thirty-seven years in the Netherlands. Her marital status when arriving was married. She has four children. She comes from the city of Tetouan. She followed higher education in Morocco and no education in the Netherlands. She speaks Dutch. Respondent 9 is studying medical science. Respondent 10 lives in Rotterdam and respondent 9 in Amsterdam.

Migration: Respondent 10 noticed that her sisters in-law had trouble with integrating, more than she had. They learned the language less well and are less adapted to the Dutch society. Respondent 9 and 10 feel they are both Dutch as Moroccan. I raise my children traditional in that they cannot smoke and cannot drink. I learn them Moroccan food and language. But we can perfectly live in the Netherlands, we are also very Dutch as well! In Morocco we are considered as Dutch people! (Respondent 10). I feel both Moroccan and Dutch (Respondent 9).

Social contacts: We have a lot of family in Tetouan. We try to visit them every year. I do not think a lot about what my family thinks of me. Me and my husband have our own system (Respondent 10).

Culture: But because I am from urban descent I have a modern mentality. I raise my children traditional, but also modern (Respondent 10). In our family, we are a Moroccan product, but also a Dutch product. I think it is important that my mother is from urban descent. I see a big difference with my cousins from rural descent. They had trouble with doing things that were normal for me. I think it really matters where you come from (Respondent 9). I was raised religious, but their was room to ask critical questions. I studied Islam myself more deliberately when I got older. That is not something my parents told me to do. I think it is

77 important to study Islam, because it is part of your daily life (Respondent 9). When I see how my aunts think, they are very limited and traditional (Respondent 9). It is really important what kind of background you have. My friends with Berber parents are raised really different than me (Respondent 9).

Marriage: The family of my husband did not like that he married an urban girl. I was to modern and free in their eyes. I wear a headscarf now, but I started wearing it when I was thirty years old. I was educated, wore miniskirts.. For my husband that was something new. My family did not like that I married a rural man. They feared for my freedom (Respondent 10). I want to marry a Muslim, but is does not have to be a Moroccan (Respondent 9).

Education: We are raised traditional, but still we were always motivated by our parents to follow education (Respondent 9). I have also studied, but I decided to focus on raising my children instead (Respondent 10).

Emancipation: I raised my children free, but I guess I have been a little more strict towards my daughters. They have to be protected. I think it is a cultural thing (Respondent 10). I make the decisions at home! I have everything to say about the children and about finances (Respondent 10). Inside the family my mother is the boss, but outside she is careful with showing that out of respect for my father. They make decisions mostly together (Respondent 9). I do not feel I became more emancipated after migration to the Netherlands. My sister still lives in Morocco and is just as independent as I am. My sisters in law definitely became more emancipated in the Netherlands. They received so much more chances since they moved to the Netherlands. In Morocco they would be no more than a housewife (Respondent 10). I think language is the most important for emancipation. I notice that when women are fluent in Dutch, they are so much more free. Their points of view really change because they interfere with Dutch people (Respondent 10). I think education is the most important. Girls that are not educated become housewives. Then I always think: is that your own choice or don’t you know better? (Respondent 9).

78 Interview 10 - May 8, 2016 Respondent 11 & Respondent 12

General information: Respondent 11 and 12 are from rural descent. Respondent 11 was eight years old when she arrived in the Netherlands and respondent 12 was forty-five. They came to the Netherlands in 1997, so they have been in the Netherlands for nineteen years. Respondent 12 was married at her time of arrival. They come from a village near Nador. Respondent 12 has seven children. Respondent 11 is a medical student and is engaged to be married. Respondent 12 followed no education and does not speak Dutch. Respondent 11 and 12 both live in Rotterdam.

Morocco: My life in Morocco was hard. We had to heard sheep, fetch water etc. (Respondent 12). My father was never around. I hated it when he was home, because then I had to be very careful. When he was home, he was the boss (Respondent 11). I did everything myself. I could take of everything in the household and traded with neighbours (Respondent 12). Women are often very independent because their husbands were never home. Still, the men are in charge (Respondent 12).

Migration: A lot of Moroccan girls lead a double life. They act differently at home than in public. I did the same thing myself. But I think it is rather the case for rural girls than for urban girls. My friends from cities were so much more free at home. They did not have to fight for what they wanted. I think it was because their parents were more modern and had more understanding for the how it works in the Netherlands (Respondent 11). I feel mostly Dutch. I am proud of my Moroccan roots, but not on all of it (Respondent 11). I do not feel Dutch. I was raised in Morocco and learned everything there (Respondent 12). I love the Moroccan food, the hospitality and the humour. I want my children to be Moroccan as well (Respondent 12). I do not care whether my children will be more Moroccan or more Dutch (Respondent 11). I would not want to go back to Morocco because of my children (Respondent 12).

Social contacts: I guess I do care about what people think about me. Especially my family. I don’t want them to gossip about me. I guess it’s something cultural (Respondent 12). I have a lot of contact with my sisters in Morocco, and with my children (Respondent 12).

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Culture: I hated it that my parents were strict about me only because they wanted to satisfy a certain norm. They had difficulty with everything I did. But I did it anyway, because it is important do develop myself (Respondent 11). I am religious, but I think it is not a very important part of your life. I think that all the rules, like wearing a headscarf, are nonsense. Only the humanistic part is important. I just want to be a good person (Respondent 11). I raised my children religious. They had to do the Ramadan and they had to pray (Respondent 12).

Marriage: I don’t like to come in Morocco because then my aunt are asking me all the time when I get married. They don’t want me to wear skirts. In Morocco I would not be free (Respondent 11). I really want my daughter to get married. When she was eighteen, I tried to find a husband for her. But she did not want to get married yet (Respondent 12). I know my parents respect my choice for education (Respondent 11).

Emancipation: My mother is really subordinate to my father. That part of culture will not chance anymore. In the Netherlands she became even more dependent on my father. She is afraid to talk to Dutch people and is isolated. (Respondent 11). I think the environment you grow up in is the most important for emancipation. I had to leave my parents and live somewhere else to escape how strict they were (Respondent 11).

80 Interview 11 - May 9, 2016 Respondent 13 & Respondent 14

General information: Respondents 13 and 14 are from urban descent. They come from Nador. They arrived in the Netherlands in 1987 and thus have spent 29 years in the Netherlands. They both live in Utrecht. Respondent 14 was twenty-four when she migrated, and she was married. Respondent 13 was one year old. Respondent 14 followed higher education in Morocco but no education in the Netherlands. Respondent 13 studied at the university and now works for the local authority of Utrecht. She is married and has a son. Respondent 14 has five children. She speaks Dutch, as she took lessons for it.

Migration: I was very lucky because my neighbours really helped me. They visited us every day and learned us the language, where to do groceries etc. I immediately was part of the community here. I trusted everyone (Respondent 14). My family is a melting pot of two cultures. We celebrate Sinterklaas but also the Ramadan. I think it is easy to be Moroccan in the Netherlands. Our identity is not just Moroccan or Dutch, it is a new one: both! (Respondent 14). Sometimes I have trouble with being Moroccan in the Netherlands. Discrimination is a problem that is very apparent. Sometimes I wonder whether I want to raise my children here. At my work I see that discrimination is a big problem at schools. I see that a lot of children have trouble with being an immigrant in the Dutch society (Respondent 13).

Social contacts: We go to Morocco every year. I still have many contacts there (Respondent 14).

Culture: I was raised quite liberal and the traditional division between men and women was not so apparent in my family. I raised my children liberal as well. I raised my children mostly on my own because my husband had to work hard (Respondent 14). When I look at my peers who are raised less liberal, I see the differences in how parents are involved with what you do. Some parents raise their children very protected. They are afraid of their new environment and do not know the Dutch culture. They don’t trust people (Respondent 13). We are still Moroccan in that we think family is very important. We are also Islamic (Respondent 14). I did not raise my children very religious. I think it is their own choice (Respondent 14). I

81 think it is a pity that my parents did not teach me more about Islam. I became more religious when I got older, and studied Islam and the Koran (Respondent 13).

Marriage: I married a rural man. My family made jokes about it all the time. They also feared for my freedom. I still notice that I am interested in other things than my husband. For example, I have studied the Islam more (Respondent 14). I am married with a Moroccan man, but that is rather coincidence. I did not want to marry a Moroccan per se, but I did want to marry a Muslim (Respondent 13).

Education: Education is the most important for emancipation. It can guarantee you a job, it makes you think about certain things. It changes your worldview (Respondent 13).

Emancipation: I think religion makes me a stronger woman. It is a great part of my life and contributes to my identity. Islam also encourages you to learn. It makes me smarter. If you are educated in Islam, you know that women are seen as very important in this religion. The subordination of women in Islam is cultural, not religious. Mosques are dominated by men, which is the reason for that women are subordinated (Respondent 13).

82 Interview 12 - May 10, 2016 Respondent 15 & Respondent 16

General information: Respondent 15 is born in the Netherland and is twenty-six years old. She lives in Amsterdam and at the university. She is from urban descent, as her mother, respondent 16, comes from Tetouan. Respondent 16 came to the Netherlands when she was twenty-five, in 1977, to get married. She has been in the Netherlands for thirty-nine years. She has had higher education in Morocco and no education in the Netherlands, except for Dutch language lessons. She speaks Dutch. She followed Dutch language lessons. She also lives in Amsterdam and has two children.

Migration: My husband already lived in the Netherlands, he was there for work. When I came, he helped me with everything. He learned me the language and showed me everything. We live in Amsterdam and there was a community house in the neighbourhood, where I learned the language and got to know people. People there were very open and helpful (Respondent 16).

Social contacts: I do not have any family here in the Netherlands. I have some contact with my family, but I do not call them or anything (Respondent 16).

Culture: I was raised religious. We for example did the Ramadan. I also went to Islamic school where I learned about the Koran and the Arabic language. But I was also raised liberal (Respondent 15). We are traditional at home. We have the customs and the language (Respondent 16).

Marriage: I want to marry a Muslim because I want him to understand me. But he cannot be strict. I do not want him to tell me what to do! (Respondent 15).

Education: I went to primary school and then I had higher education. After that, it was a logical step to get married (Respondent 16).

Emancipation: I think my mother is emancipated, mostly because she is very open-minded (Respondent 15).

83 Interview 13 - May 11, 2016 Respondent 17 & Respondent 18

General information: Respondent 17 is twenty-nine years old and born in the Netherlands. She studies in marketing. Since a while she does not live with her parents anymore but on herself in Eindhoven. Her mother, respondent 18, moved to the Netherlands when she was eighteen years old in 1972 to be reunited with her husband. She spent forty-four years in the Netherlands. She lives in Deurne. Respondents 17 and 18 are from rural descent. Respondent 18 comes from the mountains near Nador and Tiztoutine. She did not follow any education in Morocco and in the Netherlands. She has ten children. She does not speak Dutch.

Morocco: My life in Morocco was poor. We had to work hard on the fields. We went to the Netherlands because my husband could work here. In Morocco I had to milk the cows, cook dinner, clean the house, herd the sheep. There was so much to do (Respondent 18).

Migration: I came to the Netherlands when I married. My husband came here after the World War. We had a lot of trouble with adapting in the Netherlands, I felt like there was noting here. We wanted to eat Halal, but it wasn’t available. I couldn’t settle. I did not know anyone. I did not know the language. It was cold. Our neighbours were nice, but my husband mostly had contact with them (Respondent 18). It was better when more Moroccan women that I knew moved to the Netherlands as well. I was not alone anymore. It was not a problem that I do not speak Dutch, but more that I had no friends. I was so lonely. I could not watch Moroccan television and my husband worked all day long (Respondent 18). I did not learn Dutch, because I had to take care of my children. Now it is too late. I tried to learn Dutch, I took lessons. But it didn’t really work (Respondent 18). I think living in the Netherlands has been good for us. We go to school here. My parents acknowledge the advantages of the Netherlands. They se we are independent here (Respondent 17).

Social contacts: My parents in-law also came to the Netherlands. When they arrived here we lived all together in one house. Now my mother in-law moved back to Morocco. All my other brothers and sisters in-law still live here. My own sisters could not come to the Netherlands because they depend on their husbands. If their husbands do not want to come, they cannot come either (Respondent 18). My sisters still live in Morocco. I have speak to them a lot via

84 Skype and Whatsapp. I visit them every year. I think in Morocco I thought it was more important what they thought of me. Now I live here and they live there. But I do care about their opinions (Respondent 18). During festivities as Ramadan, my whole family comes together. My Moroccan friends come as well. I think for Moroccan people, family is more important than for Dutch people (Respondent 18).

Culture: Our mother is very important for us. I think it is because that is part of our religion. It’s my mothers birthday every day. She is our everything (Respondent 17). At home we only speak Berber. We don’t want our language to get extinct. I think I raise my children less strict in the Netherlands. Here it would be hard to be as strict as in Morocco (Respondent 18). I think that Dutch people are more individualistic. They are also rude to their mothers. I take care of my parents now. That is the Moroccan way. Me and my brothers and sisters spend a lot of time at home with my parents (Respondent 17). My family is very traditional and religious. Culture and religion are bound to each other, I cannot see them separately (Respondent 17). I do not wear a headscarf, but I do pray and do Ramadan. I do not have sex for marriage. I try to live by these rules (Respondent 17). I was raised religious by my parents but I studies Islam myself to when I got older (Respondent 17).

Marriage: I was young when I married, but my family was happy about it. Marriage is a good thing. I did not pick my own husband, my marriage was arranged (Respondent 18). I would like to marry a Moroccan. My parents want me to marry a Moroccan as well (Respondent 17).

Education: I did not go to school in Morocco, because girls just did not go to school. I had to take care of my brothers and sisters (Respondent 18).

Emancipation: I think me and my sisters are raised differently than my brothers. They were more free. My sisters had to do the household and take care of their siblings (Respondent 17). If you are born as a man, you are in a better position. Women must stay at home, cannot go to the market and must be quiet. If I look at my cousins in Morocco, they are still not free and subordinate to men. But my family in the city is way more modern. How much differences 60 km make! (Respondent 17). I think I became more independent in the Netherlands. I think when I stayed in Morocco I would have had the same life as my sisters. I decide everything together with my husband. When things in the household need to be done, we decide together.

85 But my husband decides about money (Respondent 18). I think there is a big difference between rural Morocco and urban Morocco. In urban Morocco it is oke if women go out alone, because no one will judge heir husband for it. In rural areas the husband will be seen as a bad husband. In the Netherlands it is also oke if a woman goes out alone (Respondent 17). I think being heard is most important for emancipation. Also being educated would contribute to knowing that men and women are equal. It is a cultural thing that a lot of women think the opposite. When women are educated, they can stand up for themselves (Respondent 17).

86 Interview 14 - May 11, 2016 Respondent 19 & Respondent 20

General information: Respondent 19 is born in the Netherlands and is twenty-four years old. She lives in Eindhoven with her parents and works in a beauty saloon in ‘s-Hertogenbosch. She has done in-service-training after her high school. She if from urban descent, because her mother, respondent 20, comes from Casablanca. Respondent 20 arrived in the Netherlands at age twenty-one in 1990. She has spent twenty-six years in the Netherlands. She moved to the Netherlands to get married with her husband. She has two children. In Morocco she followed higher education, in the Netherlands no education. She speaks Dutch, as she followed lessons.

Morocco: I think that rural people are way more strict. It is a difference in mentality. Urban people are better educated and know better how to deal with religion and culture in a modern world. Rural people do exactly what the Koran tells them. But of course you also have educated and smart people in rural areas (Respondent 19). In rural areas girls get married younger. But also to escape their parents. They see marriage, in stead of education, as empowering. They therefore do not mind to get married young. Urban girls are more busy with education and getting a good job (Respondent 19).

Migration: My husband prepared everything for us in the Netherlands. He had a house. I went to language lessons (Respondent 20). I would not want to go back to Morocco. In Morocco, you are less safe and you have to pay for the hospital. Here everything is arranged. I feel more safe and secure here (Respondent 20). I think the Netherlands changed us. Dutch people have a better mentality, even though they are not Muslims. Here in the Netherlands, there is less difference between poor and rich than in Morocco. What I do not like about the Netherlands is that family is not so important (Respondent 20). I ashamed for the Muslims that act criminal that are showed in the media. They should adapt more the the Dutch society (Respondent 20).

Social contacts: We are very close with are family, family is number one. But when my parents were still alive, we were even more close. I notice that they kept our family together. Now we tend to keep our distance more (Respondent 20). I do listen to what my sisters tell me. I think their opinions are important. But, they are there and I am here (Respondent 20). I

87 think my mother listens to her sisters too much (Respondent 19). I am all alone here in the Netherlands, I do not have family here. I would like to have a house in Morocco so I can visit my family. They do not interfere with my life here. They only ask when my daughter gets married. I think that my parents had stronger opinions about my life here. The parents- children bond is very strong in Morocco (Respondent 20). I agree to that. I always listen to my parents. They are always right. I should have listened to them more when I was younger, maybe then I could have had a better education (Respondent 19).

Culture: We are Muslims, but we are not that strict. Urban people are modern and open- minded. We do the Ramadan (Respondent 19). I want my children to stay at home, it is part of our culture. I want to take care of them as long as possible (Respondent 20).

Marriage: My parents can know I have a boyfriend, but they want to get married with him if I have one. They don’t want to hear that I have a boyfriend and another one the next month. I would be ashamed if I would tell them that (Respondent 19). I had a boyfriend, but I broke up with him because he wanted to control me. I don’t want a man to be the boss over me. When I marry him, it only becomes worse. There are girls who accept that, but I don’t. I was afraid that his true self would become apparent when we marry. I think that is more the case with boys that are raised in Morocco. When they are used to the Dutch way, they are also more used to independent girls. I do not per se want to marry a Moroccan. It is about love. But I do keep ending up with Moroccan boys… (Respondent 19). I was proud at my daughter when she broke up with her boyfriend. It is good that she saw with her own eyes what kind of man he was. Everyone in my family knew she was engaged, but I don’t mind. She will find a man that is good to her (Respondent 20). My parents do not per se want me to get married. I see that with my cousins in Morocco, their parents are more strict about that. They all want to be the first to get married (Respondent 19). I think it is terrible that girls here in the Netherlands are stimulated to have sex at young age. They can use anti conception whenever they please. I think it is odd that mothers stimulate that. I think the Moroccan culture is better in protecting children and especially girls. I would not like it if my daughter would wear mini skirts. But if she does, then I would not forbid her (Respondent 20).

Education: I got married right after I finished school. In the Netherlands, I worked in a cookie factory for a while. I could not find something better because I did not spoke the language well enough. When I got kids, I stopped working (Respondent 20). I think education

88 is very important for my children. I want to be proud at them (Respondent 20).

Emancipation: My husband and I make decisions together. He sometimes is protective over me, but it is not the case that one of us is the boss at home or something (Respondent 20). I think I am quite independent. It is because of my husband. I could always do as I wanted, he was never strict for me. I think that in Morocco he would have been more strict (Respondent 20).

89 Interview 15 - May 29, 2016 Respondent 21 & Respondent 22

General information: Respondent 21 was born in the Netherlands and is now twenty years old. She lives in Roermond with her parents and studies French at the university in Nijmegen. She is of rural origin. Her mother is respondent 22, who comes from a small villages near Nador. She is thus from rural origin. She arrived in the Netherlands in 1995, when she was twenty-seven years old. She came to be reunited with her husband. She had spent twenty-one years in the Netherlands. In Morocco she went to primary school, and in the Netherlands she has had no education. She went to Dutch language lessons and now speaks a little Dutch. She does voluntary work in a home for elderly. She has three children. She lives in Roermond.

Migration: I went to the Netherlands because my husband lived here (Respondent 22). When I came to the Netherlands, everything was new. I had to find out everything. I became friends with my neighbours, who helped me. I went to language lessons but I feel they did not really help (Respondent 22). I want to feel Dutch, but I cannot push away the Moroccan part of me. I still feel a certain proud about it. But I feel more Dutch (Respondent 21). I feel Moroccan. I do not feel like I am the same as my Dutch peers (Respondent 22).

Social contacts: In my neighbourhood there are not many Moroccan people, which made me feel very alone at the beginning. Now I have both Moroccan and Dutch friends (Respondent 22).

Culture: At home we are very traditional. I want my children to know what Moroccan is (Respondent 22). Our family is very Moroccan. I think I mostly learned hospitality from my parents. Cultural, more the small things, such as food and ways of doing certain things. As regards religion: we do the Ramadan, we pray. When I went to university, I was the only Muslim. It made me feel alone. To continue with what I learned at home, I joined an Islamic student society. It feels good to talk about Islam with fellow students (Respondent 21). I want to live alone in Nijmegen next year. My parents were not oke with that first, but now they are! (Respondent 21). At home we speak Dutch, English, French and Berber (Respondent 21).

Education: I went to school until I was twelve. After that, I had to take care of my little

90 brother (Respondent 22).

Emancipation: It differs per domain who makes the most decisions. I think in the end, we make the same amount of decisions each (Respondent 22).

91 Appendix D: Origins of interviewees

Figure D: Origins of the women that are interviewed for this thesis. Their origins are indicated by the red circles.

92 Appendix E: Characteristics of interviewees

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