Abramovich and Berezovsky -V- Hine Judgment
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The Killing of William Browder
THE KILLING OF WILLIAM BROWDER THE KILLING OF WILLIAM BROWDER Bill Browder, the fa lse crusader for justice and human rights and the self - styled No. 1 enemy of Vladimir Putin has perpetrated a brazen and dangerous deception upon the Weste rn world. This book traces the anatomy of this deception, unmasking the powerful forces that are pushing the West ern world toward yet another great war with Russia. ALEX KRAINER EQUILIBRIUM MONACO First published in Monaco in 20 17 Copyright © 201 7 by Alex Krainer ISBN 978 - 2 - 9556923 - 2 - 5 Material contained in this book may be reproduced with permission from its author and/or publisher, except for attributed brief quotations Cover page design, content editing a nd copy editing by Alex Krainer. Set in Times New Roman, book title in Imprint MT shadow To the people of Russia and the United States wh o together, hold the keys to the future of humanity. Enlighten the people generally, and tyranny and oppressions of body and mind will vanish like the evil spirits at the dawn of day. Thomas Jefferson Table of Contents 1. Bill Browder and I ................................ ................................ ............... 1 Browder’s 2005 presentation in Monaco ................................ .............. 2 Harvard club presentation in 2010 ................................ ........................ 3 Ru ssophobia and Putin - bashing in the West ................................ ......... 4 Red notice ................................ ................................ ............................ 6 Reading -
Prospectus Front and Back 2016
IMPORTANT NOTICE THE PROSPECTUS (THE “PROSPECTUS”) FOLLOWING THIS PAGE MAY ONLY BE DISTRIBUTED TO PERSONS WHO ARE EITHER (1) QUALIFIED INSTITUTIONAL BUYERS (“QIBs”) WITHIN THE MEANING OF RULE 144A (“RULE 144A”) UNDER THE U.S. SECURITIES ACT OF 1933 (THE “SECURITIES ACT”), OR (2) NON-U.S. PERSONS OUTSIDE THE UNITED STAT ES WITHIN THE MEANING OF REGULATION S (“REGULATION S”) UNDER THE SECURITIES ACT. IMPORTANT: You must read the following before continuing. The following applies to the Prospectus following this page, and you are therefore advised to read this carefully before reading, accessing or making any other use of this document. In accessing the Prospectus, you agree to be bound by the following terms and conditions, including any modifications to them any time you receive any information from us as a result of such access. RESTRICTIONS: NOTHING IN THIS ELECTRONIC TRANSMISSION CONSTITUTES AN OFFER TO SELL OR A SOLICITAT ION OF AN OFFER TO BUY THE NOTES IN ANY JURISDICTION WHERE IT IS UNLAWFUL TO DO SO. ANY NOTE TO BE ISSUED HAS NOT BEEN AND WILL NOT BE REGISTERED UNDER THE SECURITIES ACT, OR WITH ANY SECURITIES REGULATORY AUTHORITY OF ANY STATE OF THE UNITED STATES OR OTHER JURISDICTION. THE NOTES MAY NOT BE OFFERED, SOLD, PLEDGED OR OTHERWISE TRANSFERRED DIRECTLY OR INDIRECTLY WITHIN THE UNITED STAT ES OR TO, OR FOR THE ACCOUNT OR BENEFIT OF, U.S. PERSONS (AS DEFINED IN REGULATION S) EXCEPT PURSUANT TO AN EXEMPTION FROM, OR IN A TRANSACTION NOT SUBJECT TO, THE REGISTRATION REQUIREMENTS OF THE SECURITIES ACT AND APPLICABLE STATE OR LOCAL SECURITIES LAWS. -
The Russia You Never Met
The Russia You Never Met MATT BIVENS AND JONAS BERNSTEIN fter staggering to reelection in summer 1996, President Boris Yeltsin A announced what had long been obvious: that he had a bad heart and needed surgery. Then he disappeared from view, leaving his prime minister, Viktor Cher- nomyrdin, and his chief of staff, Anatoly Chubais, to mind the Kremlin. For the next few months, Russians would tune in the morning news to learn if the presi- dent was still alive. Evenings they would tune in Chubais and Chernomyrdin to hear about a national emergency—no one was paying their taxes. Summer turned to autumn, but as Yeltsin’s by-pass operation approached, strange things began to happen. Chubais and Chernomyrdin suddenly announced the creation of a new body, the Cheka, to help the government collect taxes. In Lenin’s day, the Cheka was the secret police force—the forerunner of the KGB— that, among other things, forcibly wrested food and money from the peasantry and drove some of them into collective farms or concentration camps. Chubais made no apologies, saying that he had chosen such a historically weighted name to communicate the seriousness of the tax emergency.1 Western governments nod- ded their collective heads in solemn agreement. The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank both confirmed that Russia was experiencing a tax collec- tion emergency and insisted that serious steps be taken.2 Never mind that the Russian government had been granting enormous tax breaks to the politically connected, including billions to Chernomyrdin’s favorite, Gazprom, the natural gas monopoly,3 and around $1 billion to Chubais’s favorite, Uneximbank,4 never mind the horrendous corruption that had been bleeding the treasury dry for years, or the nihilistic and pointless (and expensive) destruction of Chechnya. -
Privatization in Russia: Catalyst for the Elite
PRIVATIZATION IN RUSSIA: CATALYST FOR THE ELITE VIRGINIE COULLOUDON During the fall of 1997, the Russian press exposed a corruption scandal in- volving First Deputy Prime Minister Anatoli Chubais, and several other high- ranking officials of the Russian government.' In a familiar scenario, news organizations run by several bankers involved in the privatization process published compromising material that prompted the dismissal of the politi- 2 cians on bribery charges. The main significance of the so-called "Chubais affair" is not that it pro- vides further evidence of corruption in Russia. Rather, it underscores the im- portance of the scandal's timing in light of the prevailing economic environment and privatization policy. It shows how deliberate this political campaign was in removing a rival on the eve of the privatization of Rosneft, Russia's only remaining state-owned oil and gas company. The history of privatization in Russia is riddled with scandals, revealing the critical nature of the struggle for state funding in Russia today. At stake is influence over defining the rules of the political game. The aim of this article is to demonstrate how privatization in Russia gave birth to an oligarchic re- gime and how, paradoxically, it would eventually destroy that very oligar- chy. This article intends to study how privatization influenced the creation of the present elite structure and how it may further transform Russian decision making in the foreseeable future. Privatization is generally seen as a prerequisite to a market economy, which in turn is considered a sine qua non to establishing a democratic regime. But some Russian analysts and political leaders disagree with this approach. -
Georgia's 2008 Presidential Election
Election Observation Report: Georgia’s 2008 Presidential Elections Election Observation Report: Georgia’s saarCevno sadamkvirveblo misiis saboloo angariSi angariSi saboloo misiis sadamkvirveblo saarCevno THE IN T ERN at ION A L REPUBLIC A N INS T I T U T E 2008 wlis 5 ianvari 5 wlis 2008 saqarTvelos saprezidento arCevnebi saprezidento saqarTvelos ADV A NCING DEMOCR A CY WORLD W IDE demokratiis ganviTarebisTvis mTel msoflioSi mTel ganviTarebisTvis demokratiis GEORGI A PRESIDEN T I A L ELEC T ION JA NU A RY 5, 2008 International Republican Institute saerTaSoriso respublikuri instituti respublikuri saerTaSoriso ELEC T ION OBSERV at ION MISSION FIN A L REPOR T Georgia Presidential Election January 5, 2008 Election Observation Mission Final Report The International Republican Institute 1225 Eye Street, NW, Suite 700 Washington, DC 20005 www.iri.org TABLE OF CONTENTS I. Introduction 3 II. Pre-Election Period 5 A. Political Situation November 2007 – January 2008 B. Presidential Candidates in the January 5, 2008 Presidential Election C. Campaign Period III. Election Period 11 A. Pre-Election Meetings B. Election Day IV. Findings and Recommendations 15 V. Appendix 19 A. IRI Preliminary Statement on the Georgian Presidential Election B. Election Observation Delegation Members C. IRI in Georgia 2008 Georgia Presidential Election 3 I. Introduction The January 2008 election cycle marked the second presidential election conducted in Georgia since the Rose Revolution. This snap election was called by President Mikheil Saakashvili who made a decision to resign after a violent crackdown on opposition street protests in November 2007. Pursuant to the Georgian Constitution, he relinquished power to Speaker of Parliament Nino Burjanadze who became Acting President. -
Festschrift for Immanuel Wallerstein Part I
The Hard-Earned Integration of the East in the World Economic System Silviu Brucan orld socialism was a subsystem of the world-system and as such Wcould not run deeper than the system of which it was a part. Had Lenin realized the workings of the world economic system, he would have concluded that Russia had no chance whatsoever to build an antisystemic economy in the midst of an overpowering world capitalist system. In his earlier writings, Lenin had a glimpse of that reality, hoping that another socialist revolution would break out in Germany, bailing out the Russian one. Instead, as his dream failed to materialize he began a desperate enter- prise: socialism in one country. In retrospective, I venture to say that the pervasive power of the world- system expressed itself in the fact that Lenin and Stalin, unconsciously, conceived both socialist society, as well as the future communist society, within the limits of the industrial system, which historically belongs to the capitalist epoch. This began when Stalin presented industrialization as the goal of socialism (industrialization being essentially a capitalist operation), and ended with Lenin’s defi nition of communism “Soviets plus electrifi cation,”and Stalin’s threshold to communism expressed in terms of millions of tons of pig iron, steel, coal and oil B both indicating the limit of their historical perspective within the industrial system. Never did they formulate a new type of productive forces that would usher in the formation of a postcapitalist society, remaining intellectual prisoners of the industrial system. Silviu Brucan Str. Helesteului 26 Sector 1 71297 Bucuresti Romania journal of world-systems research, vi, 2, summer/fall 2000, 444-453 Special Issue: Festchrift for Immanuel Wallerstein – Part I http://jwsr.ucr.edu issn 1076-156x © 2000 Silviu Brucan 444 445 Silviu Brucan The Hard-Earned Integration of the East in the World Economic System 446 Stalin tried hopelessly to escape from that theoretical framework. -
The Siloviki in Russian Politics
The Siloviki in Russian Politics Andrei Soldatov and Michael Rochlitz Who holds power and makes political decisions in contemporary Russia? A brief survey of available literature in any well-stocked bookshop in the US or Europe will quickly lead one to the answer: Putin and the “siloviki” (see e.g. LeVine 2009; Soldatov and Borogan 2010; Harding 2011; Felshtinsky and Pribylovsky 2012; Lucas 2012, 2014 or Dawisha 2014). Sila in Russian means force, and the siloviki are the members of Russia’s so called “force ministries”—those state agencies that are authorized to use violence to respond to threats to national security. These armed agents are often portrayed—by journalists and scholars alike—as Russia’s true rulers. A conventional wisdom has emerged about their rise to dominance, which goes roughly as follows. After taking office in 2000, Putin reconsolidated the security services and then gradually placed his former associates from the KGB and FSB in key positions across the country (Petrov 2002; Kryshtanovskaya and White 2003, 2009). Over the years, this group managed to disable almost all competing sources of power and control. United by a common identity, a shared worldview, and a deep personal loyalty to Putin, the siloviki constitute a cohesive corporation, which has entrenched itself at the heart of Russian politics. Accountable to no one but the president himself, they are the driving force behind increasingly authoritarian policies at home (Illarionov 2009; Roxburgh 2013; Kasparov 2015), an aggressive foreign policy (Lucas 2014), and high levels of state predation and corruption (Dawisha 2014). While this interpretation contains elements of truth, we argue that it provides only a partial and sometimes misleading and exaggerated picture of the siloviki’s actual role. -
Temptation to Control
PrESS frEEDOM IN UKRAINE : TEMPTATION TO CONTROL ////////////////// REPORT BY JEAN-FRANÇOIS JULLIARD AND ELSA VIDAL ////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// AUGUST 2010 /////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////// PRESS FREEDOM: REPORT OF FACT-FINDING VISIT TO UKRAINE ///////////////////////////////////////////////////////// 2 Natalia Negrey / public action at Mykhaylivska Square in Kiev in November of 2009 Many journalists, free speech organisations and opposition parliamentarians are concerned to see the government becoming more and more remote and impenetrable. During a public meeting on 20 July between Reporters Without Borders and members of the Ukrainian parliament’s Committee of Enquiry into Freedom of Expression, parliamentarian Andrei Shevchenko deplored not only the increase in press freedom violations but also, and above all, the disturbing and challenging lack of reaction from the government. The data gathered by the organisation in the course of its monitoring of Ukraine confirms that there has been a significant increase in reports of press freedom violations since Viktor Yanukovych’s election as president in February. LEGISlaTIVE ISSUES The government’s desire to control journalists is reflected in the legislative domain. Reporters Without Borders visited Ukraine from 19 to 21 July in order to accomplish The Commission for Establishing Freedom the first part of an evaluation of the press freedom situation. of Expression, which was attached to the presi- It met national and local media representatives, members of press freedom dent’s office, was dissolved without explanation NGOs (Stop Censorship, Telekritika, SNUJ and IMI), ruling party and opposition parliamentarians and representatives of the prosecutor-general’s office. on 2 April by a decree posted on the president’s At the end of this initial visit, Reporters Without Borders gave a news conference website on 9 April. -
Putin: Russia's Choice, Second Edition
Putin The second edition of this extremely well-received political biography of Vladimir Putin builds on the strengths of the previous edition to provide the most detailed and nuanced account of the man, his politics and his pro- found influence on Russian politics, foreign policy and society. New to this edition: Analysis of Putin’s second term as President. More biographical information in the light of recent research. Detailed discussion of changes to the policy process and the elites around Putin. Developments in state–society relations including the conflicts with oli- garchs such as Khodorkovsky. Review of changes affecting the party system and electoral legislation, including the development of federalism in Russia. Details on economic performance under Putin, including more discus- sion of the energy sector and pipeline politics. Russia’s relationship with Nato after the ‘big-bang’ enlargement, EU– Russian relations after enlargement and Russia’s relations with other post- Soviet states. The conclusion brings us up to date with debates over the question of democracy in Russia today, and the nature of Putin’s leadership and his place in the world. Putin: Russia’s choice is essential reading for all scholars and students of Russian politics. Richard Sakwa is Professor of Politics at the University of Kent, UK. Putin Russia’s choice Second edition Richard Sakwa First edition published 2004 Second edition, 2008 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 270 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016 This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2007. -
Respondent Motion to Dismiss Petition to Confirm Award
Case 1:14-cv-01996-ABJ Document 24 Filed 10/20/15 Page 1 of 55 UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA ) HULLEY ENTERPRISES LTD., ) YUKOS UNIVERSAL LTD., and ) VETERAN PETROLEUM LTD., ) ) Petitioners, ) ) Case No. 1:14-cv-01996-ABJ v. ) ) THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION ) ) Respondent. ) ) RESPONDENT’S MOTION TO DISMISS THE PETITION TO CONFIRM ARBITRATION AWARDS FOR LACK OF SUBJECT MATTER JURISDICTION Pursuant to Rule 12(b)(1) of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure and the Court’s Minute Orders of August 4, 2015 and October 19, 2015, Respondent, the Russian Federation, respectfully submits this motion to dismiss the Petitioners’ Petition to Confirm Arbitration Awards, in its entirety, for lack of subject matter jurisdiction. Pursuant to Rule 7(a) of the Civil Rules of the United States District Court for the District of Columbia, Respondent submits herewith a Memorandum of Points and Authorities in Support of its Motion to Dismiss. Respondent also submits the following documents, with exhibits, in further support of its Motion to Dismiss: 1. The Declaration of Gitas Povilo Anilionis, dated October 16, 2015, describing the control structure of SP Russian Trust and Trade (“RTT”) and its role in the acquisition and subsequent transfers of the Yukos shares; Case 1:14-cv-01996-ABJ Document 24 Filed 10/20/15 Page 2 of 55 2. The Declaration of Arkady Vitalyevich Zakharov, dated October 14, 2015, describing the control structure of Menatep Group and IF Menatep and its role, along with RTT, in the acquisition and subsequent transfers of the Yukos shares; 3. The Declaration of Colonel of Justice Sergey A. -
Alfa Annual Report
ALFA GROUP CONSOLIDATED FINANCIAL STATEMENTS AND REPORT OF THE AUDITORS FOR THE YEAR ENDED 31 DECEMBER 2001 STATEMENT OF MANAGEMENT’S RESPONSIBILITIES TO THE SHAREHOLDERS OF ALFA GROUP . International convention requires that Management prepare consolidated financial statements which give a true and fair view of the state of affairs of Alfa Group (“the Group”) at the end of each financial period and of the results, cash flows and changes in shareholders’ equity for each period. Management are responsible for ensuring that the Group keeps accounting records which disclose, with reasonable accuracy, the financial position of each entity and which enable it to ensure that the consoli- dated financial statements comply with International Accounting Standards and that their statutory accounting reports comply with the applicable country’s laws and regulations. Furthermore, appropriate adjustments were made to such statutory accounts to present the accompanying consolidated financial statements in accordance with International Accounting Standards. Management also have a general responsibility for taking such steps as are reasonably possible to safeguard the assets of the Group and to prevent and detect fraud and other irregularities. Management considers that, in preparing the consolidated financial statements set out on pages to , the Group has used appropriate and consistently applied accounting policies, which are supported by reasonable and prudent judgments and estimates and that appropriate International Accounting Standards have been followed. For and on behalf of Management Nigel J. Robinson October ZAO PricewaterhouseCoopers Audit Kosmodamianskaya Nab. 52, Bld. 5 115054 Moscow Russia Telephone +7 (095) 967 6000 Facsimile +7 (095) 967 6001 REPORT OF THE AUDITORS TO THE SHAREHOLDERS OF ALFA GROUP . -
William R. Spiegelberger the Foreign Policy Research Institute Thanks the Carnegie Corporation for Its Support of the Russia Political Economy Project
Russia Political Economy Project William R. Spiegelberger The Foreign Policy Research Institute thanks the Carnegie Corporation for its support of the Russia Political Economy Project. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Author: William R. Spiegelberger Eurasia Program Leadership Director: Chris Miller Deputy Director: Maia Otarashvili Edited by: Thomas J. Shattuck Designed by: Natalia Kopytnik © 2019 by the Foreign Policy Research Institute April 2019 COVER: Designed by Natalia Kopytnik. Photography: Oleg Deripaska (World Economic Forum); St. Basil’s Cathedral (Adob Stock); Ruble (Adobe Stock); Vladimir Putin (kremlin.ru); Rusal logo (rusal.ru); United States Capitol (Adobe Stock; Viktor Vekselberg (Aleshru/Wikimedia Commons); Alumnium rolls (Adobe Stock); Trade War (Adobe Stock). Our Mission The Foreign Policy Research Institute is dedicated to bringing the insights of scholarship to bear on the foreign policy and national security challenges facing the United States. It seeks to educate the public, teach teachers, train students, and offer ideas to advance U.S. national interests based on a nonpartisan, geopolitical perspective that illuminates contemporary international affairs through the lens of history, geography, and culture. Offering Ideas In an increasingly polarized world, we pride ourselves on our tradition of nonpartisan scholarship. We count among our ranks over 100 affiliated scholars located throughout the nation and the world who appear regularly in national and international media, testify on Capitol Hill, and are consulted by U.S.