CHAPTER 4 Mccarthyism and COLD WAR: Diplomatic Security in the 1950S
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Covert Action to Prevent Realignment by Cullen Gifford Nutt
Sooner Is Better: Covert Action to Prevent Realignment by Cullen Gifford Nutt September 2019 ABSTRACT Why do states intervene covertly in some places and not others? This is a pressing question for theorists and policymakers because covert action is widespread, costly, and consequential. I argue that states wield it—whether by supporting political parties, arming dissidents, sponsoring coups, or assassinating leaders—when they fear that a target is at risk of shifting its alignment toward the state that the intervener considers most threatening. Covert action is a rational response to the threat of realignment. Interveners correctly recognize a window of opportunity: Owing to its circumscribed nature, covert action is more likely to be effective before realignment than after. This means that acting sooner is better. I test this argument in case studies of covert action decision-making by the United States in Indonesia, Iraq, and Portugal. I then conduct a test of the theory’s power in a medium-N analysis of 97 cases of serious consideration of such action by the United States during the Cold War. Interveners, I suggest, do not employ covert action as a result of bias on the part of intelligence agencies. Nor do they use it to add to their power. Rather, states act covertly when they fear international realignment. 1 Chapter 1: Introduction 1. The Puzzle and Its Importance In April 1974, military officers in Portugal overthrew a right-wing dictatorship. A caretaker government under a conservative officer, Antonio Spínola, set elections for March of 1975. But Spínola resigned at the end of September, frustrated with menacing opposition from the left. -
Massive Retaliation Charles Wilson, Neil Mcelroy, and Thomas Gates 1953-1961
Evolution of the Secretary of Defense in the Era of MassiveSEPTEMBER Retaliation 2012 Evolution of the Secretary OF Defense IN THE ERA OF Massive Retaliation Charles Wilson, Neil McElroy, and Thomas Gates 1953-1961 Special Study 3 Historical Office Office of the Secretary of Defense Cold War Foreign Policy Series • Special Study 3 Evolution of the Secretary of Defense in the Era of Massive Retaliation Evolution of the Secretary of Defense in the Era of Massive Retaliation Charles Wilson, Neil McElroy, and Thomas Gates 1953-1961 Cover Photos: Charles Wilson, Neil McElroy, Thomas Gates, Jr. Source: Official DoD Photo Library, used with permission. Cover Design: OSD Graphics, Pentagon. Cold War Foreign Policy Series • Special Study 3 Evolution of the Secretary of Defense in the Era of Massive Retaliation Evolution of the Secretary OF Defense IN THE ERA OF Massive Retaliation Charles Wilson, Neil McElroy, and Thomas Gates 1953-1961 Special Study 3 Series Editors Erin R. Mahan, Ph.D. Chief Historian, Office of the Secretary of Defense Jeffrey A. Larsen, Ph.D. President, Larsen Consulting Group Historical Office Office of the Secretary of Defense September 2012 ii iii Cold War Foreign Policy Series • Special Study 3 Evolution of the Secretary of Defense in the Era of Massive Retaliation Contents Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Department of Defense, the Historical Office of the Office of Foreword..........................................vii the Secretary of Defense, Larsen Consulting Group, or any other agency of the Federal Government. Executive Summary...................................ix Cleared for public release; distribution unlimited. -
C.I. Clement, 'Enmity Over Amity: US Belligerence
Enmity over Amity: US Belligerence toward Latin American Elected Governments Presented at the International Studies Association 2008 Annual Conference Do not cite or reproduce without the author’s permission. Christopher I. Clement Pomona College Department of Politics [email protected] Several works focusing on the use of covert operations by one democracy against another have challenged some of the central claims of democratic peace theory (DPT). Most notably, Forsythe (1992) shed light on the United States use of covert actions against elected governments in the Third World and suggested they might present some complications for DPT. James and Mitchell (1995) also found that powerful established democracies are likely to use covert actions when disputes arise with weaker democracies attempting to overcome their structural dependencies. If DPT were to include covert actions, its claims regarding the pacific relations among democracies would be less convincing. As Barkawi (2001:107) notes, the zone of peace among democracies “may not extend to core-periphery relations” and “would be considerably reduced, largely applicable only to a Western context where many other variables may account for the lack of war.” Forsythe (1992:393) offered two tentative explanations that transcend the Cold War. Borrowing from Michael Hunt (1988), he suggested a cultural predisposition of US leaders that consisted of “disdain for non-European politicians, fear of social revolution, and resentment that US leadership was rejected,” might have encouraged covert action. Forsythe also acknowledged that the targeted democracies may not have been considered “mature liberal states.” Thus a powerful, well-established democracy may use covert actions if it believes another democracy is “weak and poorly established” and incapable of resolving disputes at home and abroad peacefully. -
Patrick J. Hurley's Attempt to Unify China, 1944-1945
This dissertation has been microfilmed exactly as received 66-11 791 SMITH, Robert Thomas, 1938- ALONE IN CHINA; PATRICK J. HURLEY'S ATTEMPT TO UNIFY CHINA, 1944-1945. The University of Oklahoma, Ph.D., 1966 History, modern University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan C opyright by ROBERT THOMAS SMITH 1966 THE UNIVERSITY OF OKLAHCMA GRADUATE COLLEGE ALONE IN CHINA: PATRICK J . HURLEY'S ATTEMPT TO UNIFY CHINA, 1944-1945 A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE FACULTY in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY BY ROBERT THCÎ-1AS SMITH Norman, Oklahoma 1966 ALŒE IN CHINA; PATRICK J . HURLEY'S ATTEMPT TO UNIFY CHINA, 1944-1945 APPP>Î BY 'c- l <• ,L? T\ . , A. c^-Ja ^v^ c c \ (LjJ LSSERTATION COMMITTEE ACKNOWLEDGMENT 1 wish to acknowledge the aid and assistance given by my major professor, Dr, Gilbert 0, Fite, Research Professor of History, I desire also to thank Professor Donald J, Berthrong who acted as co-director of my dissertation before circumstances made it impossible for him to continue in that capacity. To Professors Percy W, Buchanan, J, Carroll Moody, John W, Wood, and Russell D, Buhite, \^o read the manuscript and vdio each offered learned and constructive criticism , I shall always be grateful, 1 must also thank the staff of the Manuscripts Divi sion of the Bizzell Library \diose expert assistance greatly simplified the task of finding my way through the Patrick J, Hurley collection. Special thanks are due my wife vdio volun teered to type the manuscript and offered aid in all ways imaginable, and to my parents \dio must have wondered if I would ever find a job. -
Amerasia Affair, China, and Postwar Anti-Communist Fervor
http://gdc.gale.com/archivesunbound/ AMERASIA AFFAIR, CHINA, AND POSTWAR ANTI-COMMUNIST FERVOR The Amerasia Affair was the first of the great spy cases of the postwar era. Unlike Alger Hiss or the Rosenberg cases, it did not lead to an epic courtroom confrontation or imprisonment or execution of any of the principals. The Amerasia Affair sheds light not only on debate as to who "lost" China, Soviet espionage, McCarthyism, and the loyalty program, but also on the bureaucratic intricacies of anti-communism in Washington. Date Range: 1945-1973 Content: 14,164 images Source Library: Federal Bureau of Investigation Library Detailed Description: The Amerasia Affair was the first of the great spy cases of the postwar era. Unlike Alger Hiss or the Rosenberg cases, it did not lead to an epic courtroom confrontation or imprisonment or execution of any of the principals. Today it is far less known or remembered than the others. Nevertheless, it prompted several congressional investigations, stirred-up partisan controversy and threatened to destroy the political reputations of several important government officials. It was the first public drama featuring charges that respectable American citizens had spied for the Communists. The Amerasia Affair contributed heavily to the creation of McCarthyism in American life. Thanks to the availability of these FBI records, most of the Amerasia story can be uncovered. The Amerasia Affair sheds light not only on debate as to who "lost" China, Soviet espionage, McCarthyism, and the loyalty program, but also on the bureaucratic intricacies of anti-communism in Washington. What came to be called the "Amerasia Affair" began when Kenneth Wells, an analyst for the Office of Strategic Services (OSS), noticed that an article printed in the January 26, 1945, issue of the magazine Amerasia was almost identical to a 1944 report he had written on Thailand. -
Fifty Years Ago This May, John F. Kennedy Molded Cold War Fears Into a Collective Resolve to Achieve the Almost Unthinkable: Land American Astronauts on the Moon
SHOOTING FOR THE MOON Fifty years ago this May, John F. Kennedy molded Cold War fears into a collective resolve to achieve the almost unthinkable: land American astronauts on the moon. In a new book, Professor Emeritus John Logsdon mines the details behind the president’s epochal decision. .ORG S GE A IM NASA Y OF S NASA/COURTE SHOOTING FOR THE MOON Fifty years ago this May, John F. Kennedy molded Cold War fears into a collective resolve to achieve the almost unthinkable: land American astronauts on the moon. In a new book, Professor Emeritus John Logsdon mines the details behind the president’s epochal decision. BY JOHN M. LOGSDON President John F. Kennedy, addressing a joint session of Congress on May 25, 1961, had called for “a great new American enterprise.” n the middle of a July night in 1969, standing The rest, of course, is history: The Eagle landed. Before a TV outside a faceless building along Florida’s eastern audience of half a billion people, Neil Armstrong took “one giant coast, three men in bright white spacesuits strolled leap for mankind,” and Buzz Aldrin emerged soon after, describing by, a few feet from me—on their way to the moon. the moonscape before him as “magnificent desolation.” They climbed into their spacecraft, atop a But the landing at Tranquility Base was not the whole story massive Saturn V rocket, and, a few hours later, of Project Apollo. I with a powerful blast, went roaring into space, the It was the story behind the story that had placed me at weight on their shoulders far more than could be measured Kennedy Space Center that July day. -
John F. Kennedy and Berlin Nicholas Labinski Marquette University
Marquette University e-Publications@Marquette Master's Theses (2009 -) Dissertations, Theses, and Professional Projects Evolution of a President: John F. Kennedy and Berlin Nicholas Labinski Marquette University Recommended Citation Labinski, Nicholas, "Evolution of a President: John F. Kennedy and Berlin" (2011). Master's Theses (2009 -). Paper 104. http://epublications.marquette.edu/theses_open/104 EVOLUTION OF A PRESIDENT: JOHN F. KENNEDYAND BERLIN by Nicholas Labinski A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School, Marquette University, in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Milwaukee, Wisconsin August 2011 ABSTRACT EVOLUTION OF A PRESIDENT: JOHN F. KENNEDYAND BERLIN Nicholas Labinski Marquette University, 2011 This paper examines John F. Kennedy’s rhetoric concerning the Berlin Crisis (1961-1963). Three major speeches are analyzed: Kennedy’s Radio and Television Report to the American People on the Berlin Crisis , the Address at Rudolph Wilde Platz and the Address at the Free University. The study interrogates the rhetorical strategies implemented by Kennedy in confronting Khrushchev over the explosive situation in Berlin. The paper attempts to answer the following research questions: What is the historical context that helped frame the rhetorical situation Kennedy faced? What rhetorical strategies and tactics did Kennedy employ in these speeches? How might Kennedy's speeches extend our understanding of presidential public address? What is the impact of Kennedy's speeches on U.S. German relations and the development of U.S. and German Policy? What implications might these speeches have for the study and execution of presidential power and international diplomacy? Using a historical-rhetorical methodology that incorporates the historical circumstances surrounding the crisis into the analysis, this examination of Kennedy’s rhetoric reveals his evolution concerning Berlin and his Cold War strategy. -
New Evidence on the Korean War
176 COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT BULLETIN 11 New Evidence on the Korean War Editor’s note: The documents featured in this section of the Bulletin present new evidence on the allegations that the United States used bacteriological weapons during the Korean War. In the accompanying commentaries, historian Kathryn Weathersby and scientist Milton Leitenberg (University of Maryland) provide analysis, context and interpretation of these documents. Unlike other documents published in the Bulletin, these documents, first obtained and published (in Japanese) by the Japanese newspaper Sankei Shimbun, have not been authenticated by access to the archival originals (or even photocopies thereof). The documents were copied by hand in the Russian Presidential Archive in Moscow, then typed. Though both commentators believe them to be genuine based on textual analysis, questions about the authenticity of the documents, as the commentators note, will remain until the original documents become available in the archives. Copies of the typed transcription (in Russian) have been deposited at the National Security Archive, a non-governmental research institute and repository of declassified documents based at George Washington University (Gelman Library, Suite 701; 2130 H St., NW; Washington, DC 20037; tel: 202/994-7000; fax: 202/ 994-7005) and are accessible to researchers. CWIHP welcomes the discussion of these new findings and encourages the release of the originals and additional materials on the issue from Russian, Chinese, Korean and U.S. archives. Deceiving the Deceivers: Moscow, Beijing, Pyongyang, and the Allegations of Bacteriological Weapons Use in Korea By Kathryn Weathersby n January 1998 the Japanese newspaper Sankei raised by their irregular provenance? Their style and form Shimbun published excerpts from a collection of do not raise suspicion. -
Lessons Learned from Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg
LESSONS LEARNED FROM JUSTICE RUTH BADER GINSBURG Amanda L. Tyler* INTRODUCTION Serving as a law clerk for Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg in the Supreme Court’s October Term 1999 was one of the single greatest privileges and honors of my life. As a trailblazer who opened up opportunities for women, she was a personal hero. How many people get to say that they worked for their hero? Justice Ginsburg was defined by her brilliance, her dedication to public service, her resilience, and her unwavering devotion to taking up the Founders’ calling, set out in the Preamble to our Constitution, to make ours a “more perfect Union.”1 She was a profoundly dedicated public servant in no small measure because she appreciated just how important her role was in ensuring that our Constitution belongs to everyone. Whether as an advocate or a Justice, she tirelessly fought to dismantle discrimination and more generally to open opportunities for every person to live up to their full human potential. Without question, she left this world a better place than she found it, and we are all the beneficiaries. As an advocate, Ruth Bader Ginsburg challenged our society to liber- ate all persons from the gender-based stereotypes that held them back. As a federal judge for forty years—twenty-seven of them on the Supreme Court—she continued and expanded upon that work, even when it meant in dissent calling out her colleagues for improperly walking back earlier gains or halting future progress.2 In total, she wrote over 700 opinions on the D.C. -
War Responsibility of the Chinese Communist Party, the Ussr and Communism
WAR RESPONSIBILITY OF THE CHINESE COMMUNIST PARTY, THE USSR AND COMMUNISM How the US became entangled in the Comintern’s master plan to communize Asia Ezaki Michio, Senior fellow, Nippon Kaigi (Japan Conference) Shock waves from Venona files continue to reverberate The Venona files have unmasked more than a few Soviet spies who infiltrated the US government during the World War II era. With the disclosure of the transcripts, what has for decades been a suspicion is on the point of becoming a certainty: the Roosevelt administration was collaborating with the Soviet Union and the CCP (Chinese Communist Party). A retrospective debate is in progress, and with it a reexamination of the historical view of that period; both have accelerated rapidly in recent years. The term “Venona files” is used to describe code messages exchanged between Soviet spies in the US and Soviet Intelligence Headquarters that were intercepted and decrypted by US Signals Intelligence Service personnel. The NSA (National Security Agency) released the transcripts to the public in 1995. As more of these messages were disclosed and analyzed, they revealed evidence likely to prove conclusively that at least 200 Soviet spies (or sympathizers) worked for the US government as civil servants. Their members included Alger Hiss ① (hereinafter I shall place numbers after the names of influential individuals, and use boldface font to indicate communists or communist sympathizers).1 Suspicions that there were Soviet spies in the Roosevelt administration date back more than 60 years. In 1948 Time magazine editor Whittaker Chambers, testifying before the House Committee on Un-American Activities, accused Alger Hiss ① of spying for the USSR. -
The Battle of Quemoy: the Amphibious Assault That Held the Postwar Military Balance in the Taiwan Strait
Naval War College Review Volume 69 Article 8 Number 2 Spring 2016 The aB ttle of Quemoy: The Amphibious Assault That Held the Postwar Military Balance in the Taiwan Strait Maochun Miles Yu The U.S. Naval Academy Follow this and additional works at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review Recommended Citation Yu, Maochun Miles (2016) "The aB ttle of Quemoy: The Amphibious Assault That Held the Postwar Military Balance in the Taiwan Strait," Naval War College Review: Vol. 69 : No. 2 , Article 8. Available at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review/vol69/iss2/8 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Naval War College Review by an authorized editor of U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Yu: The Battle of Quemoy: The Amphibious Assault That Held the Postwa THE BATTLE OF QUEMOY The Amphibious Assault That Held the Postwar Military Balance in the Taiwan Strait Maochun Miles Yu n the annals of the communist world, the month of October enjoys supreme sanctity. The Red October of 1917 ushered in the first socialist government, Iwhich would eventually become the Soviet Union. In the People’s Republic of China (PRC), October is indelibly enshrined as the anniversary month of the founding of the communist state, observed with a multiday national celebration. But each year, amid glorious celebratory glow marking the inauguration of the PRC, the memory of a forbidden and inglorious episode surfaces—inevitably, albeit surreptitiously and furtively—within China’s educated and political elite. -
End of Instruction Notes DAY 2 1949 NATO—North Atlantic Treaty
End of Instruction Notes DAY 2 1949 NATO—North Atlantic Treaty Organization. When it became apparent the UN could not stop war and aggression, the former Allies signed this treaty stating, “armed attack against one or more of them…shall be considered an attack against all.” Truman did not allow the US to return to isolationism after WWII. Warsaw Pact—after NATO allowed West Germany to re-arm. Soviet Union responded by organizing a military alliance in Eastern Europe Soviets successfully test atomic bomb this led to the arms race with the US China turns communist with Mao Zedong 1950s 1950 Korean War—divided after WWII, by Allies occupying forces withdrew in 1948-49. North Korea invaded the south to reunite them. The Soviets were boycotting the UN. The UN voted to defend South Korea. Douglas MacArthur headed troops after years of fighting he wanted to push war harder and to consider the bomb. Truman disagreed. Mac went behind his back and Truman fired him. 1952--Communists took control of Iran. CIA overthrew communists and replaced with Shah 1953—President Eisenhower wants to end the Korean War—Stalin died—Korea divided on 48th parallel. Vietnam conflict starting. Eisenhower sends advisors. Latin America—US feared Soviets might try to spread communism there US first then the USSR tested nuclear bombs 1954—CIA overthrew Guatemala gov’t to replace with US friendly one 1957—Soviet uses ballistic missiles armed with nuclear warheads. US lags behind in missile technology. Soviets also launch Sputnik, 1st satellite to orbit the earth—this leads to the space race.