On the Comparative Method, Internal Reconstruction, and Other Analytical
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Chapter One Phonetic Change
CHAPTERONE PHONETICCHANGE The investigation of the nature and the types of changes that affect the sounds of a language is the most highly developed area of the study of language change. The term sound change is used to refer, in the broadest sense, to alterations in the phonetic shape of segments and suprasegmental features that result from the operation of phonological process es. The pho- netic makeup of given morphemes or words or sets of morphemes or words also may undergo change as a by-product of alterations in the grammatical patterns of a language. Sound change is used generally to refer only to those phonetic changes that affect all occurrences of a given sound or class of sounds (like the class of voiceless stops) under specifiable phonetic conditions . It is important to distinguish between the use of the term sound change as it refers tophonetic process es in a historical context , on the one hand, and as it refers to phonetic corre- spondences on the other. By phonetic process es we refer to the replacement of a sound or a sequenceof sounds presenting some articulatory difficulty by another sound or sequence lacking that difficulty . A phonetic correspondence can be said to exist between a sound at one point in the history of a language and the sound that is its direct descendent at any subsequent point in the history of that language. A phonetic correspondence often reflects the results of several phonetic process es that have affected a segment serially . Although phonetic process es are synchronic phenomena, they often have diachronic consequences. -
Begus Gasper
Post-Nasal Devoicing and a Probabilistic Model of Phonological Typology Gašper Beguš [email protected] Abstract This paper addresses one of the most contested issues in phonology: the derivation of phonological typology. The phenomenon of post-nasal devoicing brings new insights into the standard typological discussion. This alternation — “unnatural” in the sense that it operates against a universal phonetic tendency — has been reported to exist both as a sound change and as synchronic phonological process. I bring together eight identified cases of post-nasal devoicing and point to common patterns among them. Based on these patterns, I argue that post-nasal devoicing does not derive from a single atypical sound change, but rather from a set of two or three separate sounds changes, each of which is natural and well- motivated. When these sound changes occur in combination, they give rise to apparent post-nasal devoicing. Evidence from both historical and dialectal data is brought to bear to create a model for explaining future instances of apparent unnatural alternations. By showing that sound change does not operate against universal phonetic tendency, I strengthen the empirical case for the generalization that any single instance of sound change is always phonetically motivated and natural, but that a combination of such sound changes can lead to unnatural alternations in a language’s synchronic grammar. Based on these findings, I propose a new probabilistic model for explaining phonological typology within the channel bias approach: on this model, unnatural alternations will always be rare, because the relative probability that a combination of sound changes will occur collectively is always smaller than the probability that a single sound change will occur. -
(1'9'6'8'""159-83 and in Later Publica- (1972 539
FINAL WEAKENING AND RELATED PHENOMENA1 Hans Henrich Hock University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 1: Final devoicing (FD) 1.1. In generative phonology, it is a generally accepted doctrine that, since word-final devoicing (WFD) is a very common and natural phenomenon, the ob- verse phenomenon, namely word-final voicin~ should not be found in natural language. Compare for instance Postal 1968 184 ('in the context----'~ the rules always devoice rather than voice'), Stampe 1969 443-5 (final devoicing comes about as the result of a failure t~ suppress the (innate) process of final devoicing), Vennemann 1972 240-1 (final voicing, defined as a process increasing the complexity of affected segment~ 'does not occur.')o 1.2 One of the standard examples for WFD is that of German, cf. Bund Bunde [bUnt] [bUndeJ. However Vennemann (1'9'6'8'""159-83 and in later publica- tions) and, following him, Hooper (1972 539) and Hyman (1975 142) have convincingly demonstrated that in Ger- man, this process applies not only word-finally, but also syllable-finally, as in radle [ra·t$le]3 'go by bike' (in some varieties of German). The standard view thus must be modified so as to recognize at least one other process, namely syllable-final devoicing (SFD). (For a different eA""Planation of this phenomenon compare section 2.3 below.) 2· Final voicing (or tenseness neutralization) 2 1 A more important argument against the stan- dard view, however, is that, as anyone with any train- ing in Indo-European linguistics can readily tell, there is at least one 5roup, namely Italic, where there is evidence for the allegedly impossible final voicing, cf PIE *siyet > OLat. -
Redalyc.A Summary Reconstruction of Proto-Maweti-Guarani Segmental
Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas ISSN: 1981-8122 [email protected] Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi Brasil Meira, Sérgio; Drude, Sebastian A summary reconstruction of proto-maweti-guarani segmental phonology Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas, vol. 10, núm. 2, mayo- agosto, 2015, pp. 275-296 Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi Belém, Brasil Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=394051442005 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative Bol. Mus. Para. Emílio Goeldi. Cienc. Hum., Belém, v. 10, n. 2, p. 275-296, maio-ago. 2015 A summary reconstruction of proto-maweti-guarani segmental phonology Uma reconstrução resumida da fonologia segmental proto-mawetí-guaraní Sérgio MeiraI, Sebastian DrudeII IMuseu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Belém, Pará, Brasil IIMax-Planck-Institute for Psycholinguistics. Nijmegen, The Netherlands Abstract: This paper presents a succinct reconstruction of the segmental phonology of Proto-Maweti-Guarani, the hypothetical protolanguage from which modern Mawe, Aweti and the Tupi-Guarani branches of the Tupi linguistic family have evolved. Based on about 300 cognate sets from the authors’ field data (for Mawe and Aweti) and from Mello’s reconstruction (2000) for Proto-Tupi-Guarani (with additional information from other works; and with a few changes concerning certain doubtful features, such as the status of stem-final lenis consonants *r and *ß, and the distinction of *c and *č ), the consonants and vowels of Proto-Maweti-Guarani were reconstructed with the help of the traditional historical-comparative method. -
Reconsidering the “Isolating Protolanguage Hypothesis” in the Evolution of Morphology Author(S): Jaïmé Dubé Proceedings
Reconsidering the “isolating protolanguage hypothesis” in the evolution of morphology Author(s): Jaïmé Dubé Proceedings of the 37th Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society (2013), pp. 76-90 Editors: Chundra Cathcart, I-Hsuan Chen, Greg Finley, Shinae Kang, Clare S. Sandy, and Elise Stickles Please contact BLS regarding any further use of this work. BLS retains copyright for both print and screen forms of the publication. BLS may be contacted via http://linguistics.berkeley.edu/bls/. The Annual Proceedings of the Berkeley Linguistics Society is published online via eLanguage, the Linguistic Society of America's digital publishing platform. Reconsidering the Isolating Protolanguage Hypothesis in the Evolution of Morphology1 JAÏMÉ DUBÉ Université de Montréal 1 Introduction Much recent work on the evolution of language assumes explicitly or implicitly that the original language was without morphology. Under this assumption, morphology is merely a consequence of language use: affixal morphology is the result of the agglutination of free words, and morphophonemic (MP) alternations arise through the morphologization of once regular phonological processes. This hypothesis is based on at least two questionable assumptions: first, that the methods and results of historical linguistics can provide a window on the evolution of language, and second, based on the claim that some languages have no morphology (the so-called isolating languages), that morphology is not a necessary part of language. The aim of this paper is to suggest that there is in fact no basis for what I will call the Isolating Proto-Language Hypothesis (henceforth IPH), either on historical or typological grounds, and that the evolution of morphology remains an interesting question. -
A QUALITATIVE ANALYSIS Budasi, IG1, Mahendrayana, G2, Teni
Jurnal IKA, Vol. 17 No. 2, September 2019 ISSN: 1829-5282 THE COMPARISON OF LEXICAL FEATURES BETWEEN LEMUKIH AND DENCARIK DIALECT: A QUALITATIVE ANALYSIS Budasi, IG1, Mahendrayana, G2, Teni, TL3 1Jurusan Bahasa Asing, Universitas Pendidikan Ganesha, Singaraja 2Jurusan Bahasa Asing, Universitas Pendidikan Ganesha, Singaraja 3Jurusan Bahasa Asing, Universitas Pendidikan Ganesha, Singaraja e-mail: [email protected],[email protected], [email protected] Abstrak Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis perbedaan dialek Lemukih dan Dencarik dalam hal variasi fonologis dan leksikal. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian kualitatif deskriptif. Dalam penelitian ini, ada 3 informan sebagai sampel dari desa Lemukih dan 3 informan sebagai sampel dari desa Dencarik. Semua informan dipilih berdasarkan seperangkat kriteria. Data yang diperoleh dikumpulkan berdasarkan empat instrumen, yaitu: peneliti, lembar observasi, panduan wawancara, daftar kata (swadesh dan nothofer). Penelitian ini juga menggunakan tiga teknik yaitu: observasi, pencatatan, dan wawancara. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa, 1) terdapat 9 indikasi variasi fonologis, seperti; aphaeresis, syncope, apocope, prosthesis, epenthesis, paragoge, haplology, disimilasi, asimilasi. Variasi fonologis yang tidak ditemukan: fortifikasi lenition, unpacking, dan metathesis, 2) terdapat 4 indikasi variasi leksikal, seperti; variasi semasiologis, variasi onomasiologis, variasi formal dan variasi kontekstual. Ada 234 leksikon yang persis sama dan ada 112 leksikon yang memiliki kemiripan dari kedua dialek Lemukih dan Dencarik, bisa dijadikan bukti bahwa menyatukan dialek Lemukih dan Dencarik. Dan untuk leksikon yang berbeda ditemukan bahwa ada 322 leksikon yang dapat digolongkan sebagai leksikon yang membedakan kedua dialek Lemukih dan Dencarik. Kata Kunci: fitur leksikal, variasi leksikal, variasi fonologis Abstract This study aimed at analyzing the differences of Lemukih and Dencarik dialect in term of phonological and lexical variation. -
Exceptions to Rhotacism Kyle Gorman University of Pennsylvania Counterexamples to a Grammatical Rule Are of Interest Only If
Proceedings of CLS 48 (2012), 279-293 © Chicago Linguistic Society 2014. All rights reserved. 279 Exceptions to rhotacism* Kyle Gorman University of Pennsylvania Counterexamples to a grammatical rule are of interest only if they lead to the construction of a new grammar of even greater generality or if they show some underlying principle is fallacious or misformulated. (Chomsky & Halle 1968:ix) 1 Introduction With sporadic exceptions (Saussure 1877), intervocalic s merges with r in Old Latin. (1) The sound change: s > r = V V Earlier intervocalic s is found in archaic inscriptions (e.g., Lases for later Lares ‘local deities’; Baldi 2002:213f.) and implicated by comparative reconstruction (e.g., Latin flōrale ‘floral’ vs. Vestinian flusare; Watkins 1970). This change was actuated no later than the 4th century BCE, as indicated by Cicero’s comment that L. Papirius Crassus, consul in 336 BCE and dictator in 339 BCE, was the first of his line to spell his cōgnōmen as Papirius rather than the ancestral Papisius. Numerous s-r alternations in Classical Latin derive from this sound change. For instance, many nouns have nominative and vocative singulars ending in s, but an intervocalic r in the singular obliques and throughout the plural. (2) Paradigm of ‘honor’: nom. gen. dat. acc. abl. voc. sg. honōs honōris honōrī honōrem honōre honōs pl. honōrēs honōrum honōribus honōrēs honōribus honōrēs These s-r alternations—and their ultimate demise in late Latin (see §5)—are widely cited as examples of non-derived environment blocking and of intraparadig- matic leveling. Nearly all discussions of these alternations assume that the underly- ing representation of ‘honor’ is /hono:s/, so that the oblique r is the intervocalic allophone of /s/ (e.g., Albright 2005:19, Foley 1965:62, Gruber 2006:142, Hes- lin 1987:134, Kenstowicz 1996:377, Kiparsky In press, Klausenburger 1976:314, Matthews 1972:19, Roberts 2012:88, Touratier 1975:264, Watkins 1970:526). -
The Sound Patterns of Camuno: Description and Explanation in Evolutionary Phonology
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 6-2014 The Sound Patterns Of Camuno: Description And Explanation In Evolutionary Phonology Michela Cresci Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/191 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] THE SOUND PATTERNS OF CAMUNO: DESCRIPTION AND EXPLANATION IN EVOLUTIONARY PHONOLOGY by MICHELA CRESCI A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Linguistics in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City Universtiy of New York 2014 i 2014 MICHELA CRESCI All rights reserved ii This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Linguistics in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. JULIETTE BLEVINS ____________________ __________________________________ Date Chair of Examining Committee GITA MARTOHARDJONO ____________________ ___________________________________ Date Executive Officer KATHLEEN CURRIE HALL DOUGLAS H. WHALEN GIOVANNI BONFADINI Supervisory Committee THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii Abstract THE SOUND PATTERNS OF CAMUNO: DESCRIPTION AND EXPLANATION IN EVOLUTIONARY PHONOLOGY By Michela Cresci Advisor: Professor Juliette Blevins This dissertation presents a linguistic study of the sound patterns of Camuno framed within Evolutionary Phonology (Blevins, 2004, 2006, to appear). Camuno is a variety of Eastern Lombard, a Romance language of northern Italy, spoken in Valcamonica. Camuno is not a local variety of Italian, but a sister of Italian, a local divergent development of the Latin originally spoken in Italy (Maiden & Perry, 1997, p. -
Theme 4. Old English Spelling. Old English Phonology Aims
Theme 4. Old English Spelling. Old English Phonology Aims: perceive phonetic irregularities between spelling and pronunciation; be able to account for major vowels and consonants changes that occurred in Old English Points for Discussion: Introduction 4. Consonants Changes in Old English 1. Spelling Irregularities 4.1. Voicing of fricatives in 2. The Phonetic Alphabet intervocal position 3. Vowel changes in Old 4.2. Palatalization of the English Sounds (cÂ, sc, cӡ) 3.1. Breaking (Fracture) 4.3. Assimilation before t 3.2. Palatal Mutation (i- 4.4. Loss of consonants in umlaut) certain positions 3.3. Diphthongization after 4.5. Metathesis of r Palatal Consonants 4.6. West Germanic 3.4. Back, or Velar Mutation gemination of consonants 3.5. Mutation before h. Conclusion 3.6. Contraction Key Terms to Know monophthongs Back/Velar Mutation diphthongs Mutation before h Assimilation Contraction Breaking (fracture) Voicing of Fricatives Palatalization Palatalization of j Palatal mutation (i- Assimilation before t umlaut) Gemination of Diphthongization Consonants Recommended Literature Obligatory David Crystal. The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English Language.– Cambridge, 1994.— PP. 16-19 Elly van Gelderen.A History of the English Language.- Amsterdam/ Philadelphia, 2006. -PP. 13-23 Valery V. Mykhailenko. Paradigmatics in the evolution of English. - Chernivtsi, - 1999. PP. 22-25; 30-35 T.A. Rastorguyeva. A History of English. - Moscow, 1983. - PP. 71- 92 L.Verba. History of the English language. - Vinnitsa, 2004. - PP. 30- 38 Additional: Аракин В. Д. История английского языка. - М., 1985. - C. 31-45 Introduction “The English have no respect for their language, and will not teach their children to speak it. -
Leaving the Dark to Find the Light: a Study of L1 English Acquisition of L2 Spanish /L
Brigham Young University BYU ScholarsArchive Theses and Dissertations 2013-03-18 Leaving the Dark to Find the Light: A Study of L1 English Acquisition of L2 Spanish /l/ Ariel Rebekah Bean Brigham Young University - Provo Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd Part of the Spanish and Portuguese Language and Literature Commons BYU ScholarsArchive Citation Bean, Ariel Rebekah, "Leaving the Dark to Find the Light: A Study of L1 English Acquisition of L2 Spanish /l/" (2013). Theses and Dissertations. 3415. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/3415 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Leaving the Dark to Find the Light: A Study of L1 English Acquisition of L2 Spanish /l/ Ariel R. Bean A thesis submitted to the faculty of Brigham Young University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Willis C. Fails, Chair Scott M. Alvord Rob A. Martinsen Department of Spanish and Portuguese Brigham Young University March 2013 Copyright © 2013 Ariel R. Bean All Rights Reserved ABSTRACT Leaving the Dark to Find the Light: A Study of L1 English Acquisition of L2 Spanish /l/ Ariel R. Bean Department of Spanish and Portuguese, BYU Master of Arts Second language acquisition (SLA) research is rich in possibilities for examining language-specific phonetics and phonology in the cross-linguistic context of acquisition. However, much of the existing English-Spanish research focuses on the acquisition of voice onset time (VOT) of /p, t, k, b, d, ɡ/ or rhotics, or on acquisition in relation to factors such as task type, time abroad, and motivational intensity (e.g. -
Synchronic Reconstruction
SYNCHRONIC RECONSTRUCTION John T. Jensen University of Ottawa 1. Reconstruction Historical linguistics recognizes two types of reconstruction. Comparative reconstruction compares cognate forms from two or more languages and posits an historical form from which the attested forms can be derived by plausible historical changes. A typical example is shown in (1). (1) Sanskrit: pitā́ Greek: patḗr PIE: *pәtḗr Latin: pater Gothic: fadar By comparing cognate forms in related languages, “the comparative method produces proto-forms, which cluster around a split-off point, a node in a family tree” (Anttila 1989: 274). Internal reconstruction compares related forms in a single language to determine a single form in an earlier stage from which those attested forms can be derived. A textbook example is Campbell’s (2004: 242) first exercise in his chapter on internal reconstruction, from German given in (2). (2) [ty:p] Typ ‘type’ [ty:pәn] Typen ‘types’ [to:t] tot ‘dead’ [to:tә] Tote ‘dead people’ [lak] Lack ‘varnish’ [lakә] Lacke ‘kinds of varnish’ [tawp] taub ‘deaf’ [tawbә] Taube ‘deaf people’ [to:t] Tod ‘death’ [to:dә] Tode ‘deaths’ [ta:k] Tag ‘day’ [ta:gә] Tage ‘days’ (Data: Campbell 2004: 242) This leads us to reconstruct historical forms in (3) and to posit the sound change in (4). (3) *ty:p *to:t *lak *tawb *to:d *ta:g Sound change: (4) [–sonorant] > [–voice] / ____ # According to Raimo Anttila, “[i]nternal reconstruction gives pre-forms, which can reach to any depth from a given point of reference…” (Anttila 1989: 274). Actes du congrès annuel de l’Association canadienne de linguistique 2009. -
The Validity of Reconstruction Systems
Research Proposal The Validity of Reconstruction Systems A Comparative Investigation of Linguistic Reconstruction in the Field of Indo-European and Sino-Tibetan Johann-Mattis List (April 2008) 1. Introduction Can “validity” be claimed for reconstruction systems in historical linguistics? Is it possible to say that one proto-form is more valid than another? Is it justified to state that the reconstruction system of one proto-language reflects this proto-language with a greater certainty than that of another one? Most of the linguists engaged in linguistic reconstruction would probably confirm that it is possible to make such statements, since the whole “reconstructive undertaking” is characterised by replacing or modifying old proposals, i.e. by claiming that the old solutions are “less valid” than the new ones. Therefore it doesn’t seem unjustified to even expand the scope of application to different proto-languages and to claim that one reconstruction system is less valid than another one. While such general statements are easily made and seem to be quite reasonable, it is much more complicated to make them explicit. Thus, every linguist would subscribe to the claim that Nostratic *ap ̇V {father} (The Tower of Babel : Nostratic Etymology) is less certain than Proto-Indo-European *ph 2térs {father} (Meier-Brügger 2002), since the former is derived from the latter. But what about proto-forms like Old Chinese cǎi 采 *s-ȹrr əБ {gather, pluck}(Baxter & Sagart )? Is it possible to compare its “validity” to that of PIE *kerp- {gather, pluck}