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Helsinki Watch Committees in the Soviet Republics: Implications For
FINAL REPORT T O NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR SOVIET AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARC H TITLE : HELSINKI WATCH COMMITTEES IN THE SOVIET REPUBLICS : IMPLICATIONS FOR THE SOVIET NATIONALITY QUESTIO N AUTHORS : Yaroslav Bilinsky Tönu Parming CONTRACTOR : University of Delawar e PRINCIPAL INVESTIGATORS : Yaroslav Bilinsky, Project Director an d Co-Principal Investigato r Tönu Parming, Co-Principal Investigato r COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 621- 9 The work leading to this report was supported in whole or in part fro m funds provided by the National Council for Soviet and East European Research . NOTICE OF INTENTION TO APPLY FOR COPYRIGH T This work has been requested for manuscrip t review for publication . It is not to be quote d without express written permission by the authors , who hereby reserve all the rights herein . Th e contractual exception to this is as follows : The [US] Government will have th e right to publish or release Fina l Reports, but only in same forma t in which such Final Reports ar e delivered to it by the Council . Th e Government will not have the righ t to authorize others to publish suc h Final Reports without the consent o f the authors, and the individua l researchers will have the right t o apply for and obtain copyright o n any work products which may b e derived from work funded by th e Council under this Contract . ii EXEC 1 Overall Executive Summary HELSINKI WATCH COMMITTEES IN THE SOVIET REPUBLICS : IMPLICATIONS FOR THE SOVIET NATIONALITY QUESTION by Yaroslav Bilinsky, University of Delawar e d Tönu Parming, University of Marylan August 1, 1975, after more than two years of intensive negotiations, 35 Head s of Governments--President Ford of the United States, Prime Minister Trudeau of Canada , Secretary-General Brezhnev of the USSR, and the Chief Executives of 32 othe r European States--signed the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperatio n in Europe (CSCE) . -
Importance of European Remembrance for the Future of Europe
European Parliament 2019-2024 TEXTS ADOPTED P9_TA(2019)0021 Importance of European remembrance for the future of Europe European Parliament resolution of 19 September 2019 on the importance of European remembrance for the future of Europe (2019/2819(RSP)) The European Parliament, – having regard to the universal principles of human rights and the fundamental principles of the European Union as a community based on common values, – having regard to the statement issued on 22 August 2019 by First Vice-President Timmermans and Commissioner Jourová ahead of the Europe-Wide Day of Remembrance for the victims of all totalitarian and authoritarian regimes, – having regard to the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights adopted on 10 December 1948, – having regard to its resolution of 12 May 2005 on the 60th anniversary of the end of the Second World War in Europe on 8 May 19451, – having regard to Resolution 1481 of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe of 26 January 2006 on the need for international condemnation of crimes of totalitarian Communist regimes, – having regard to Council Framework Decision 2008/913/JHA of 28 November 2008 on combating certain forms and expressions of racism and xenophobia by means of criminal law2, – having regard to the Prague Declaration on European Conscience and Communism adopted on 3 June 2008, – having regard to its declaration on the proclamation of 23 August as European Day of Remembrance for the Victims of Stalinism and Nazism adopted on 23 September 20083, 1 OJ C 92 E, 20.4.2006, p. 392. 2 OJ L 328, 6.12.2008, p. -
Democratic Change and Crime Control in Lithuania: Compiling New Criminological Discourses
Democratic Change and Crime Control in Lithuania: Compiling New Criminological Discourses Dr. Aleksandras DOBRYNINAS (Vilnius, Lithuania - 1996) Introduction I. Political Change and Crime in Lithuania II. Theoretical Reflection on Crime and Criminality III. Crime, General Public and Mass Media IV. Political Rhetoric on Crime Conclusions Bibliography Introduction Lithuania belongs to the so called post-communist part of the world and shares with its neighbors all spectrum of problems that characterize the transition from authoritarian state to new, probably, democratic one. This transition has its logic and its stages that hardly possible to bypass. Lithuania as many other countries of Central and East Europe has faced paradoxical problem: how to implement Western democratic ideas in society that still experiences strong influence of previous anti-democratic institutional structure. There were a lot of illusions about liberal and democratic prospects for future development in the beginning of 'velvet ('singing' in Lithuanian case) revolution'. However there was a deep gap between noble idealistic thinking and crude social and political reality. B. Ackermann, who in 1992 noted sensitiveness of Eastern Europeans to liberal democratic ideas, wrote that "it is one thing, (...), to affirm the enduring significance of freedom and the rule of law," and "quite another to translate these values into enduring political structured" (1; p. 67-68). Unfortunately, he was right. Recent elections in Lithuania, Latvia, Hungary, Poland and other East European countries showed that previous communist nomenclature was able to adapt itself to new political conditions and to restore its control under societies using more soft, civilized methods of governing. Today European intellectuals prefer to speak rather of 'velvet restoration' (A. -
The Future of European Naval Power and the High-End Challenge Jeremy Stöhs
Jeremy Stöhs ABOUT THE AUTHOR Dr. Jeremy Stöhs is the Deputy Director of the Austrian Center for Intelligence, Propaganda and Security Studies (ACIPSS) and a Non-Resident Fellow at the Institute for Security Policy, HOW HIGH? Kiel University. His research focuses on U.S. and European defence policy, maritime strategy and security, as well as public THE FUTURE OF security and safety. EUROPEAN NAVAL POWER AND THE HIGH-END CHALLENGE ISBN 978875745035-4 DJØF PUBLISHING IN COOPERATION WITH 9 788757 450354 CENTRE FOR MILITARY STUDIES How High? The Future of European Naval Power and the High-End Challenge Jeremy Stöhs How High? The Future of European Naval Power and the High-End Challenge Djøf Publishing In cooperation with Centre for Military Studies 2021 Jeremy Stöhs How High? The Future of European Naval Power and the High-End Challenge © 2021 by Djøf Publishing All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means – electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise – without the prior written permission of the Publisher. This publication is peer reviewed according to the standards set by the Danish Ministry of Higher Education and Science. Cover: Morten Lehmkuhl Print: Ecograf Printed in Denmark 2021 ISBN 978-87-574-5035-4 Djøf Publishing Gothersgade 137 1123 København K Telefon: 39 13 55 00 e-mail: [email protected] www. djoef-forlag.dk Editors’ preface The publications of this series present new research on defence and se- curity policy of relevance to Danish and international decision-makers. -
NATO, the Baltic States, and Russia a Framework for Enlargement
NATO, the Baltic States, and Russia A Framework for Enlargement Mark Kramer Harvard University February 2002 In 2002, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) will be initiating its second round of enlargement since the end of the Cold War. In the late 1990s, three Central European countries—Hungary, the Czech Republic, and Poland—were admitted into the alliance. At a summit due to be held in Prague in November 2002, the NATO heads-of-state will likely invite at least two and possibly as many as six or seven additional countries to join. In total, nine former Communist countries have applied for membership. Six of the prospective new members—Slovakia, Slovenia, Bulgaria, Romania, Albania, and Macedonia—lie outside the former Soviet Union. Of these, only Slovakia and Slovenia are likely to receive invitations. The three other aspiring members of NATO—Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia— normally would stand a good chance of being admitted, but their status has been controversial because they were republics of the Soviet Union until August 1991. Until recently, the Russian government had vehemently objected to the proposed admission of the Baltic states into NATO, and many Western leaders were reluctant to antagonize Moscow. During the past year-and-a-half, however, the extension of NATO membership to the Baltic states in 2002 has become far more plausible. The various parties involved—NATO, the Baltic states, and Russia—have modified their policies in small but significant ways. Progress in forging a new security arrangement in Europe began before the September 2001 terrorist attacks, but the improved climate of U.S.-Russian relations since the attacks has clearly expedited matters. -
Lithuania by Vaidotas A
Lithuania by Vaidotas A. Vaicˇaitis This monograph is up-to-date as of MONTH YEAR 2020 Constitutional Law – Suppl. 149 (2020) Lithuania – 1 Published by: Kluwer Law International B.V. PO Box 316 2400 AH Alphen aan den Rijn The Netherlands E-mail: [email protected] Website: lrus.wolterskluwer.com Sold and distributed in North, Central and South America by: Wolters Kluwer Legal & Regulatory U.S. 7201 McKinney Circle Frederick, MD 21704 United States of America Email: [email protected] Sold and distributed in all other countries by: Air Business Subscriptions Rockwood House Haywards Heath West Sussex RH16 3DH United Kingdom Email: [email protected] The monograph Lithuania is an integral part of Constitutional Law in the International Encyclopaedia of Laws series. Printed on acid-free paper. ISBN 978-90-654-4944-3 Constitutional Law was first published in 1992. Vaicˇaitis, Vaidotas A. ‘Lithuania’. In International Encyclopaedia of Laws: Constitutional Law, edited by André Alen & David Haljan. Alphen aan den Rijn, NL: Kluwer Law International, 2020. This title is available on www.kluwerlawonline.com © 2020, Kluwer Law International BV, The Netherlands All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without written permission from the publisher. Permission to use this content must be obtained from the copyright owner. More information can be found at: lrus.wolterskluwer.com/policies/permissions-reprints-and-licensing Printed in the United Kingdom. 2 – Lithuania Constitutional Law – Suppl. 149 (2020) The Author Vaidotas A. -
Region Building and Identity Formation in the Baltic Sea Region
IJIS Volume 3 REGION BUILDING AND IDENTITY FORMATION IN THE BALTIC SEA REGION ∗ Imke Schäfer Abstract This paper examines the concept of “new region building” in the Baltic Sea region with emphasis on the construction of a collective “Baltic” identity. Possible implications of these processes on Russia as a non-EU member state are discussed. Region building around the Baltic Sea is conceptualised within the framework of social constructivism, and a connection between region building and identity formation is established. Furthermore, an attempt is made to shed light on the way in which a “Baltic identity” is promoted in the region. By means of a short discourse analysis, certain characteristics of the Baltic Sea region are discovered that are promoted as the basis for a regional identity by various regional actors. The impact of these characteristics on relations between Russia, the EU and the other Baltic Sea states are examined and conclusions are drawn in relation to the region building processes in the Baltic Sea area. INTRODUCTION Cooperation in the Baltic Sea region (BSR) has prospered since the independence of the Baltic States in the beginning of the 1990s. Several programmes and initiatives have been established, such as the Northern Dimension initiative (ND), the Council of Baltic Sea States (CBSS) or the Baltic Sea States Subregional Cooperation (BSSSC). The EU actively supports cooperation in this region. In 1997, at the Luxembourg European Council, Finland’s Northern Dimension initiative (ND) was recognized as part of the -
Európai Tükör Xv
EURÓ PA I TÜ KÖR A KÜLÜGYMINISZTÉRIUM FOLYÓIRATA 2010. MÁJUS A TARTALOMBÓL Berend T. Iván: Válságtól válságig: új európai Zeitgeist az ezredfordulón (1973–2008) Járóka Lívia: Egy európai roma stratégia lehetõsége és szükséges- sége Makkay Lilla: A balti-tengeri térség és az EU balti- EURÓPAI TÜKÖR XV. ÉVF. 5. SZÁM tengeri stratégiája Kátai Anikó: Az Európai Unió követ- kezõ tíz évre szóló versenyképességi és foglalkoztatási stra- tégiája – az Európa 2020 stratégia Siposné Kecskeméthy Klára: A mediterrán térség és az Európai Unió XV. ÉVFOLYAM 5. SZÁM 2010. MÁJUS EURÓPAI TÜKÖR Kiadja a Magyar Köztársaság Külügyminisztériuma, a HM Zrínyi Kommunikációs Szolgáltató Kht. támogatásával. Felelõs kiadó: Tóth Tamás A szerkesztõbizottság elnöke: Palánkai Tibor A szerkesztõbizottság tagjai: Bagó Eszter, Balázs Péter, Balogh András, Barabás Miklós, Baráth Etele, Bod Péter Ákos, Erdei Tamás, Gottfried Péter, Halm Tamás, Hefter József, Horváth Gyula, Hörcsik Richárd, Inotai András, Iván Gábor, Kádár Béla, Kassai Róbert, Kazatsay Zoltán, Levendel Ádám, Lõrincz Lajos, Magyar Ferenc, Nyers Rezsõ, Somogyvári István, Szekeres Imre, Szent-Iványi István, Török Ádám, Vajda László, Vargha Ágnes Fõszerkesztõ: Forgács Imre Lapszerkesztõ: Hovanyecz László Lapigazgató: Bulyovszky Csilla Rovatszerkesztõk: Fazekas Judit, Becsky Róbert Szerkesztõk: Asztalos Zsófia, Farkas József György Mûszaki szerkesztõ: Lányi György A szerkesztõség címe: Magyar Köztársaság Külügyminisztériuma 1027 Budapest, Nagy Imre tér 4. Telefon: 458-1475, 458-1577, 458-1361 Terjesztés: Horváthné Stramszky Márta, [email protected] Az Európai Integrációs Iroda kiadványai hozzáférhetõk az Országgyûlési Könyvtárban, valamint a Külügyminisztérium honlapján (www.kulugyminiszterium.hu; Kiadványaink menüpont). A kiadványcsalád borítón látható emblémája Szutor Zsolt alkotása. Nyomdai elõkészítés: Platina Egyéni Cég Nyomdai kivitelezés: Pharma Press Kft. ISSN 1416-6151 EURÓPAI TÜKÖR 2010/5. -
The Development of Regular Army Officers – an Essay
Baltic Defence Review No. 3 Volume 2000 The development of regular army officers an essay By Michael H. Clemmesen, Brigadier General, MA (history) One must understand the mechanism and the power of the individual soldier,,, model is expensive in manpower cost (in then that of a company, a battalion, a brigade and so on, before one can ven- a Western industrialised state), relative ture to group divisions and move an army. I believe I owe most of my success to cheap in training cost due to the long the attention I always paid to the inferior part of tactics as a regimental officer... service contracts, and relatively cheap in There are few men in the Army who knew these details better than I did; it is equipment as a result of the limited size. the foundation of all military knowledge. The Duke of Wellington. The training-mobilisation army is relevant The standing force army is likely to be in continental states faced with a poten- Two army models attractive to states without any massive, tial (rather than an immediate) massive direct, overland threat to their territory. scale overland treat that makes it neces- It will often help and clarify an analy- In the pure version of that army, the sol- sary to have a large section of the state sis to establish the theoretical, pure mod- diers will have long service contracts. Be- population available for direct defence. els that can be used as references. In this cause of its potential high readiness, in- The potentially large trained manpower essay I shall use the two basic types of cluding mature unit cohesion, this army pool makes it possible to mobilise an army armies that influence the land forces of model is useful for external intervention that can defend the borders and territory the real world: the standing force army operations and in support of the police in depth. -
The Baltic Sea Region the Baltic Sea Region
TTHEHE BBALALTTICIC SSEAEA RREGIONEGION Cultures,Cultures, Politics,Politics, SocietiesSocieties EditorEditor WitoldWitold MaciejewskiMaciejewski A Baltic University Publication A chronology of the history 7 of the Baltic Sea region Kristian Gerner 800-1250 Vikings; Early state formation and Christianization 800s-1000s Nordic Vikings dominate the Baltic Region 919-1024 The Saxon German Empire 966 Poland becomes Christianized under Mieszko I 988 Kiev Rus adopts Christianity 990s-1000s Denmark Christianized 999 The oldest record on existence of Gdańsk Cities and towns During the Middle Ages cities were small but they grew in number between 1200-1400 with increased trade, often in close proximity to feudal lords and bishops. Lübeck had some 20,000 inhabitants in the 14th and 15th centuries. In many cities around the Baltic Sea, German merchants became very influential. In Swedish cities tensions between Germans and Swedes were common. 1000s Sweden Christianized 1000s-1100s Finland Christianized. Swedish domination established 1025 Boleslaw I crowned King of Poland 1103-1104 A Nordic archbishopric founded in Lund 1143 Lübeck founded (rebuilt 1159 after a fire) 1150s-1220s Denmark dominates the Baltic Region 1161 Visby becomes a “free port” and develops into an important trade center 1100s Copenhagen founded (town charter 1254) 1100s-1200s German movement to the East 1200s Livonia under domination of the Teutonic Order 1200s Estonia and Livonia Christianized 1201 Riga founded by German bishop Albert 1219 Reval/Tallinn founded by Danes ca 1250 -
GENERAL ELECTIONS in LITHUANIA 14Th and 28Th October 2012
GENERAL ELECTIONS IN LITHUANIA 14th and 28th October 2012 European Elections monitor The leftwing opposition running favourite in the general elections in Lithuania Corinne Deloy Translated by Helen Levy On 14th October next 2.5 million Lithuanians will be electing the 141 MPs who sit in the Seimas, the only chamber in parliament. They will also be voting by referendum on the building of a new nuclear power station in Visaginas (in the country’s north east). The second round of the general election will take place on 28th October. Analysis The general election date has to be set and announced by presidential decision at least six months before the end of the previous legislature. On 11th April last, Lithuanian President, Dalia Grybauskaite announced the dates of the next election. The campaign started immediately after this announcement with the official campaign beginning on 14th September. 2 000 candidates (+ 400 in comparison with the previous elections on 12th and 26th October 2008) from 27 of the country’s 44 political parties (including six new ones), are running in this election. The situation in Lithuania The two heads of the Lithuanian executive have implemented a severe policy to consolidate public The country has been governed by the right for the finances. At present the country is experiencing the past four years. The government comprises the Ho- highest growth rate in the EU (3% forecast in 2012 meland Union – Lithuanian Christian Democrats (TS- after 6% last year). Its public deficit is due to drop LK), led by Prime Minister Andrius Kubilius, the Liberal below the 3% of the GDP this year and its debt lies and Centre Union (LLC-LSC) led by Gintautas Babravi- at 38.5% (2011). -
Arctic Strategies and Policies
1 Arctic Strategies and Policies Inventory and Comparative Study Lassi Heininen April 2012 Northern Research Forum 2 Arctic Strategies and Policies: Inventory and Comparative Study © Lassi Heininen, 2011; 2nd edition April 2012 Published by: The Northern Research Forum & The University of Lapland Available at: http://www.nrf.is Author: Lassi Heininen, PhD., University of Lapland, Northern Research Forum Editor: Embla Eir Oddsdóttir, The Northern Research Forum Secretariat Photograps: © Embla Eir Oddsdóttir Printing and binding: University of Lapland Press / Stell, Akureyri, Iceland Layout and design: Embla Eir Oddsdóttir Arc c strategies and policies 3 Contents Introduction – 5 Background – 7 Inventory on Arctic Strategies and State Policies – 13 1. Canada – 13 2. The Kingdom of Denmark – 17 3. Finland – 23 4. Iceland – 29 5. Norway – 35 6. The Russian Federation – 43 7. Sweden – 49 8. The United States of America – 53 9. The European Union – 57 Comparative Study of the Arctic Strategies and State Policies – 67 (Re)constructing, (re)defi ning and (re)mapping – 68 Summary of priorities, priority areas and objectives – 69 Comparative study of priorities/priority areas and objectives – 71 International Cooperation – 77 Conclusions – 79 References – 83 Appendix - tables – 91 Northern Research Forum 4 Arc c strategies and policies 5 tors and dynamics, as well as mapping rela- Introduction onships between indicators. Furthermore, it is relevant to study the Arc c states and their policies, and to explore their changing posi- In the early twenty-fi rst century interna onal on in a globalized world where the role of a en on and global interest in the northern- the Arc c has become increasingly important most regions of the globe are increasing, at in world poli cs.