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Harvard CHS Open House, September 20th, 2018 1 Chalcidian regionality between Sithonia and Pallene: from periphery to epichoric identity Dr Maria-Elizabeth G. Xanthou, Research Associate, CHS Harvard University, USA [email protected] Chalcidian regionality between Sithonia and Pallene: from periphery to epichoric identity 1. Hdt. 8.127 ἐνθαῦτα δὴ Ἀρτάβαζος Thereupon Artabazus laid siege to ἐπολιόρκεε τὴν Ποτίδαιαν. ὑποπτεύσας Potidaea, and suspecting that Olynthus δὲ καὶ τοὺς Ὀλυνθίους ἀπίστασθαι ἀπὸ too was plotting revolt from the king, he βασιλέος, καὶ ταύτην ἐπολιόρκεε: εἶχον laid siege to it also. This town was held δὲ αὐτὴν Βοττιαῖοι ἐκ τοῦ Θερµαίου by Bottiaeans who had been driven from κόλπου ἐξαναστάντες ὑπὸ Μακεδόνων. the Thermaic gulf by the Macedonians. ἐπεὶ δὲ σφέας εἷλε πολιορκέων, Having besieged and taken Olynthus, he κατέσφαξε ἐξαγαγὼν ἐς λίµνην, τὴν δὲ brought these men to a lake and there cut πόλιν παραδιδοῖ Κριτοβούλῳ Τορωναίῳ their throats and delivered their city over ἐπιτροπεύειν καὶ τῷ Χαλκιδικῷ γένεϊ, to the charge of Critobulus of Torone and καὶ οὕτω Ὄλυνθον Χαλκιδέες ἔσχον. the Chalcidian people. It was in this way that the Chalcidians gained possession of Olynthus. 2. Thuc. 1.57.5 προσέφερε δὲ λόγους καὶ and he proposed to the Chalcidians and τοῖς ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης Χαλκιδεῦσι καὶ to the Bottiaeans that they should join in Βοττιαίοις ξυναποστῆναι, νοµίζων, εἰ the revolt, thinking, that if he had the ξύµµαχα ταῦτα ἔχοι ὅµορα ὄντα τὰ assistance of the neighboring peoples, the χωρία, ῥᾷον ἂν τὸν πόλεµον µετ᾽ αὐτῶν difficulties of the war would be ποιεῖσθαι. diminished. 3. Thuc. 2.99.3 τὴν δὲ παρὰ θάλασσαν [3] The country on the sea coast, now νῦν Μακεδονίαν Ἀλέξανδρος ὁ called Macedonia, was first acquired by Περδίκκου πατὴρ καὶ οἱ πρόγονοι αὐτοῦ, Alexander, the father of Perdiccas, and Τηµενίδαι τὸ ἀρχαῖον ὄντες ἐξ Ἄργους, his ancestors, originally Temenids from πρῶτοι ἐκτήσαντο καὶ ἐβασίλευσαν Argos. This was effected by the ἀναστήσαντες µάχῃ ἐκ µὲν Πιερίας expulsion from Pieria of the Pierians, Πίερας, οἳ ὕστερον ὑπὸ τὸ Πάγγαιον who afterwards inhabited Phagres and πέραν Στρυµόνος ᾤκησαν Φάγρητα καὶ other places under Mount Pangaeus, ἄλλα χωρία （καὶ ἔτι καὶ νῦν Πιερικὸς beyond the Strymon （indeed the κόλπος καλεῖται ἡ ὑπὸ τῷ Παγγαίῳ πρὸς country between Pangaeus and the sea is θάλασσαν γῆ）, ἐκ δὲ τῆς Βοττίας still called the Pierian gulf） of the καλουµένης Βοττιαίους, οἳ νῦν ὅµοροι Bottiaeans, at present neighbors of the Χαλκιδέων οἰκοῦσιν: Chalcidians, from Bottia, 4. Hdt. 7.22.3 ἐν δὲ τῷ ἰσθµῷ τούτῳ, ἐς [3] On this isthmus which is at the end of τὸν τελευτᾷ ὁ Ἄθως, Σάνη πόλις Ἑλλὰς Athos, there stands a Greek town, Sane; οἴκηται, αἳ δὲ ἐκτὸς Σάνης, ἔσω δὲ τοῦ there are others situated seaward of Sane Ἄθω οἰκηµέναι, τὰς τότε ὁ Πέρσης and landward of Athos, and the Persian νησιώτιδας ἀντὶ ἠπειρωτίδων ὅρµητο now intended to make them into island ποιέειν: εἰσὶ δὲ αἵδε, Δῖον Ὀλόφυξος and not mainland towns; they are Dion, Ἀκρόθῳον Θύσσος Κλεωναί. Olophyxus, Acrothoum, Thyssus, and Cleonae. Harvard CHS Open House, September 20th, 2018 2 Chalcidian regionality between Sithonia and Pallene: from periphery to epichoric identity Dr Maria-Elizabeth G. Xanthou, Research Associate, CHS Harvard University, USA [email protected] 5. Strabo 7 fr. 31 µετὰ δὲ Κασάνδρειαν After Cassandreia, in order, comes the ἐφεξῆς ἡ λοιπὴ τοῦ Τορωνικοῦ κόλπου remainder of the seaboard of the Toronic παραλία µέχρι Δέρρεως: ἄκρα δ᾽ ἐστὶν Gulf, extending as far as Derrhis. Derrhis ἀνταίρουσα τῷ Καναστραίῳ καὶ ποιοῦσα is a headland that rises opposite to τὸν κόλπον. ἀπαντικρὺ δὲ τῆς Δέρρεως Canastraeum and forms the gulf; and πρὸς ἕω τὰ ἄκρα τοῦ Ἄθω, µεταξὺ δὲ ὁ directly opposite Berrhis, towards the Σιγγικὸς κόλπος ἀπὸ τῆς ἐν αὐτῷ πόλεως east, are the capes1 of Athos; and ἀρχαίας κατεσκαµµένης Σίγγου τοὔνοµα. between2 is the Singitic Gulf, which is named after Singus, the ancient city that was on it, now in ruins. 6. Hdt. 7.122.1 ὁ µέν νυν ναυτικὸς Now when the fleet had left Xerxes, it στρατὸς ὡς ἀπείθη ὑπὸ Ξέρξεω καὶ sailed through the Athos canal which διεξέπλωσε τὴν διώρυχα τὴν ἐν τῷ Ἄθῳ reached to the gulf in which are located γενοµένην, διέχουσαν δὲ ἐς κόλπον ἐν τῷ the towns of Assa, Pilorus, Singus, and Ἄσσα τε πόλις καὶ Πίλωρος καὶ Σίγγος Sarte. The fleet took on board troops καὶ Σάρτη οἴκηνται, ἐνθεῦτεν, ὡς καὶ ἐκ from all these cities and then headed for τουτέων τῶν πολίων στρατιὴν παρέλαβε, the Thermaic gulf. Then rounding ἔπλεε ἀπιέµενος ἐς τὸν Θερµαῖον Ampelus, the headland of Torone, it κόλπον, κάµπτων δὲ Ἄµπελον τὴν passed the Greek towns of Torone, Τορωναίην ἄκρην παραµείβετο Galepsus, Sermyle, Mecyberna, and Ἑλληνίδας γε τάσδε πόλις, ἐκ τῶν νέας Olynthus, all of which gave them ships τε καὶ στρατιὴν παρελάµβανε, Τορώνην and men. Γαληψὸν Σερµύλην Μηκύβερναν Ὄλυνθον. 7. Hdt. 7.123.2 ἡ µέν νυν χώρη αὕτη Hdt. 7.123 This country is called Σιθωνίη καλέεται, ὁ δὲ ναυτικὸς στρατὸς Sithonia. The fleet held a straight course ὁ Ξέρξεω συντάµνων ἀπ᾽ Ἀµπέλου from the headland of Ampelus to the ἄκρης ἐπὶ Καναστραίην ἄκρην, τὸ δὴ Canastraean headland, where Pallene πάρης τῆς Παλλήνης ἀνέχει µάλιστα, runs farthest out to sea, and received ἐνθεῦτεν νέας τε καὶ στρατιὴν ships and men from the towns of what is παρελάµβανε ἐκ Ποτιδαίης καὶ Ἀφύτιος now Pallene but was formerly called καὶ Νέης πόλιος καὶ Αἰγῆς καὶ Θεράµβω Phlegra, namely, Potidaea, Aphytis, καὶ Σκιώνης καὶ Μένδης καὶ Σάνης: Neapolis, Aege, Therambus, Scione, αὗται γὰρ εἰσὶ αἱ τὴν νῦν Παλλήνην Mende, and Sane. πρότερον δὲ Φλέγρην καλεοµένην νεµόµεναι. 8. Thuc. 4.110.1 ὡς δ᾽ οὐκ ἐσήκουον, Upon their not submitting, he at once εὐθὺς στρατεύει ἐπὶ Τορώνην τὴν marched against Torone in Chalcidice, Χαλκιδικήν, κατεχοµένην ὑπὸ which was held by an Athenian garrison, Ἀθηναίων: καὶ αὐτὸν ἄνδρες ὀλίγοι having been invited by a few persons ἐπήγοντο, ἑτοῖµοι ὄντες τὴν πόλιν who were prepared to hand over the παραδοῦναι. καὶ ἀφικόµενος νυκτὸς ἔτι town. Arriving in the dark a little before καὶ περὶ ὄρθρον τῷ στρατῷ ἐκαθέζετο daybreak, he sat down with his army near πρὸς τὸ Διοσκόρεον,ὃ ἀπέχει τῆς πόλεως the temple of the Dioscuri, rather more τρεῖς µάλιστα σταδίους. than a quarter of a mile from the city. Harvard CHS Open House, September 20th, 2018 3 Chalcidian regionality between Sithonia and Pallene: from periphery to epichoric identity Dr Maria-Elizabeth G. Xanthou, Research Associate, CHS Harvard University, USA [email protected] 9. Hdt. 7.185.1-2[1] νέας µέν νυν οἱ ἀπὸ [1] The Greeks of Thrace and the islands Θρηίκης Ἕλληνες καὶ οἱ ἐκ τῶν νήσων off Thrace furnished one hundred and τῶν ἐπικειµενέων τῇ Θρηίκῃ παρείχοντο twenty ships, and the companies of these εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατόν: ἐκ µέν νυν τουτέων ships must then have consisted of τῶν νεῶν ἄνδρες τετρακισχίλιοι καὶ twenty-four thousand men. [2] As δισµύριοι γίνονται. [2] πεζοῦ δὲ τὸν regards the land army supplied by all the Θρήικες παρείχοντο καὶ Παίονες nations—Thracians, Paeonians, Eordi, (Illyrians) καὶ Ἐορδοὶ καὶ Βοττιαῖοι καὶ Bottiaei, Chalcidians, Brygi, Pierians, τὸ Χαλκιδικὸν γένος καὶ Βρύγοι Macedonians, Perrhaebi, Enienes, (Thracian) καὶ Πίερες καὶ Μακεδόνες καὶ Dolopes, Magnesians, Achaeans, Περραιβοὶ καὶ Ἐνιῆνες καὶ Δόλοπες καὶ dwellers on the coast of Thrace—of all Μάγνητες καὶ Ἀχαιοὶ καὶ ὅσοι τῆς these I suppose the number to have been Θρηίκης τὴν παραλίην νέµονται, τούτων three hundred thousand. τῶν ἐθνέων τριήκοντα µυριάδας δοκέω γενέσθαι. 10. Hdt. 7.110.1 ἔθνεα δὲ Θρηίκων δι᾽ The Thracian tribes through whose lands ὧν τῆς χώρης ὁδὸν ἐποιέετο τοσάδε, he journeyed were the Paeti, Cicones, Παῖτοι Κίκονες Βίστονες Σαπαῖοι Bistones, Sapaei, Dersaei, Edoni, and Δερσαῖοι Ἠδωνοὶ Σάτραι. τούτων οἱ µὲν Satrae. Of these, the ones who dwelt by παρὰ θάλασσαν κατοικηµένοι ἐν τῇσι the sea followed his army on shipboard; νηυσὶ εἵποντο: οἱ δὲ αὐτῶν τὴν the ones living inland, whose names I µεσόγαιαν οἰκέοντες καταλεχθέντες τε have recorded, were forced to join with ὑπ᾽ ἐµεῦ, πλὴν Σατρέων, οἱ ἄλλοι πάντες his land army, all of them except the πεζῇ ἀναγκαζόµενοι εἵποντο. Satrae. 11. Hdt. 7.112 παραµειψάµενος δὲ ὁ After passing through the Ξέρξης τὴν εἰρηµένην, δεύτερα τούτων aforementioned land, Xerxes next passed παραµείβετο τείχεα τὰ Πιέρων, τῶν ἐνὶ the fortresses of the Pierians, one called Φάγρης ἐστὶ οὔνοµα καὶ ἑτέρῳ Phagres and the other Pergamus. By Πέργαµος. ταύτῃ µὲν δὴ παρ᾽ αὐτὰ τὰ going this way he marched right under τείχεα τὴν ὁδὸν ἐποιέετο, ἐκ δεξιῆς their walls, keeping on his right the great χειρὸς τὸ Πάγγαιον ὄρος ἀπέργων, ἐὸν and high Pangaean range, where the µέγα τε καὶ ὑψηλόν, ἐν τῷ χρύσεά τε καὶ Pierians and Odomanti and especially the ἀργύρεα ἔνι µέταλλα, τὰ νέµονται Πίερές Satrae have gold and silver mines. τε καὶ Ὀδόµαντοι καὶ µάλιστα Σάτραι. 12. Hdt. 7.132.1 τῶν δὲ δόντων ταῦτα Among those who paid that tribute were ἐγένοντο οἵδε, Θεσσαλοὶ Δόλοπες the Thessalians, Dolopes, Enienes, Ἐνιῆνες Περραιβοὶ Λοκροὶ Μάγνητες Perrhaebians, Locrians, Magnesians, Μηλιέες Ἀχαιοὶ οἱ Φθιῶται καὶ Θηβαῖοι Melians, Achaeans of Phthia, Thebans, καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι Βοιωτοὶ πλὴν Θεσπιέων τε and all the Boeotians except the men of καὶ Πλαταιέων. Thespiae and Plataea. 13. Strabo [11] ὅτι Ἠµαθία ἐκαλεῖτο [11] What is now called Macedonia was πρότερον ἡ νῦν Μακεδονία. ἔλαβε δὲ in earlier times called Emathia. And it τοὔνοµα τοῦτο ἀπ᾽ ἀρχαίου τινὸς τῶν took its present name from Macedon, one ἡγεµόνων Μακεδόνος. ἦν δὲ καὶ πόλις of its early chieftains. And there was also Harvard CHS Open House, September 20th, 2018 4 Chalcidian regionality between Sithonia and Pallene: from periphery to epichoric identity Dr Maria-Elizabeth G. Xanthou, Research Associate, CHS Harvard University, USA [email protected] Ἠµαθία πρὸς θαλάσσῃ.
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    Politics and Policy in Corinth 421-336 B.C. Dissertation

    POLITICS AND POLICY IN CORINTH 421-336 B.C. DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University by DONALD KAGAN, B.A., A.M. The Ohio State University 1958 Approved by: Adviser Department of History TABLE OF CONTENTS Page FOREWORD ................................................. 1 CHAPTER I THE LEGACY OF ARCHAIC C O R I N T H ....................7 II CORINTHIAN DIPLOMACY AFTER THE PEACE OF NICIAS . 31 III THE DECLINE OF CORINTHIAN P O W E R .................58 IV REVOLUTION AND UNION WITH ARGOS , ................ 78 V ARISTOCRACY, TYRANNY AND THE END OF CORINTHIAN INDEPENDENCE ............... 100 APPENDIXES .............................................. 135 INDEX OF PERSONAL N A M E S ................................. 143 BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................... 145 AUTOBIOGRAPHY ........................................... 149 11 FOREWORD When one considers the important role played by Corinth in Greek affairs from the earliest times to the end of Greek freedom it is remarkable to note the paucity of monographic literature on this key city. This is particular­ ly true for the classical period wnere the sources are few and scattered. For the archaic period the situation has been somewhat better. One of the first attempts toward the study of Corinthian 1 history was made in 1876 by Ernst Curtius. This brief art­ icle had no pretensions to a thorough investigation of the subject, merely suggesting lines of inquiry and stressing the importance of numisihatic evidence. A contribution of 2 similar score was undertaken by Erich Wilisch in a brief discussion suggesting some of the problems and possible solutions. This was followed by a second brief discussion 3 by the same author.
  • Determining the Significance of Alliance Athologiesp in Bipolar Systems: a Case of the Peloponnesian War from 431-421 BCE

    Determining the Significance of Alliance Athologiesp in Bipolar Systems: a Case of the Peloponnesian War from 431-421 BCE

    Wright State University CORE Scholar Browse all Theses and Dissertations Theses and Dissertations 2016 Determining the Significance of Alliance athologiesP in Bipolar Systems: A Case of the Peloponnesian War from 431-421 BCE Anthony Lee Meyer Wright State University Follow this and additional works at: https://corescholar.libraries.wright.edu/etd_all Part of the International Relations Commons Repository Citation Meyer, Anthony Lee, "Determining the Significance of Alliance Pathologies in Bipolar Systems: A Case of the Peloponnesian War from 431-421 BCE" (2016). Browse all Theses and Dissertations. 1509. https://corescholar.libraries.wright.edu/etd_all/1509 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses and Dissertations at CORE Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in Browse all Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of CORE Scholar. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DETERMINING THE SIGNIFICANCE OF ALLIANCE PATHOLOGIES IN BIPOLAR SYSTEMS: A CASE OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR FROM 431-421 BCE A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts By ANTHONY LEE ISAAC MEYER Dual B.A., Russian Language & Literature, International Studies, Ohio State University, 2007 2016 Wright State University WRIGHT STATE UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES ___April 29, 2016_________ I HEREBY RECOMMEND THAT THE THESIS PREPARED UNDER MY SUPERVISION BY Anthony Meyer ENTITLED Determining the Significance of Alliance Pathologies in Bipolar Systems: A Case of the Peloponnesian War from 431-421 BCE BE ACCEPTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF Master of Arts. ____________________________ Liam Anderson, Ph.D.
  • Thucydides on the Outbreak of War

    Thucydides on the Outbreak of War

    THUCYDIDES ON THE OUTBREAK OF WAR by Seth N. Jaffe A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy Graduate Department of Political Science University of Toronto © Copyright by Seth Nathan Jaffe (2012) Abstract Thucydides on the Outbreak of War By Seth N. Jaffe A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of Political Science University of Toronto (2012) This project illuminates Thucydides’ political thought through a novel interpretation of the first book of the History of the Peloponnesian War. It explores how Thucydides reveals the human causes of war through the outbreak of a particular war, the Peloponnesian war. The primary claim is that Thucydides intends the breakdown of the Thirty Years’ Peace between Athens and the Peloponnesians, which inaugurates the great Peloponnesian war, to be understood by grasping how the characters of the Athenian and Spartan regimes contribute to the outbreak of the war and, crucially, how Athens and Sparta differently express human nature. In broad outline, the History’s first book reveals how the regime characters of Athens and Sparta inform their respective foreign policies, but also how the interaction between the two cities—informed by the distinctive necessities pressing upon them— causes the Hellenic status quo to tremble and fall. Throughout the first book, while never obscuring the specific events triggering war, Thucydides progressively develops and expands his original statement that it was Spartan fear of Athenian power that compelled the fighting. The study argues that necessity (or compulsion) is the bright thread that Thucydides uses to guide his reader through the episodes of the first book, from the immediate causes of the Peloponnesian war to the human causes of war, from the particular events to the History’s universal themes.
  • A HISTORY of the PELASGIAN THEORY. FEW Peoples Of

    A HISTORY of the PELASGIAN THEORY. FEW Peoples Of

    A HISTORY OF THE PELASGIAN THEORY. FEW peoples of the ancient world have given rise to so much controversy as the Pelasgians; and of few, after some centuries of discussion, is so little clearly established. Like the Phoenicians, the Celts, and of recent years the Teutons, they have been a peg upon which to hang all sorts of speculation ; and whenever an inconvenient circumstance has deranged the symmetry of a theory, it has been safe to ' call it Pelasgian and pass on.' One main reason for this ill-repute, into which the Pelasgian name has fallen, has been the very uncritical fashion in which the ancient statements about the Pelasgians have commonly been mishandled. It has been the custom to treat passages from Homer, from Herodotus, from Ephorus, and from Pausanias, as if they were so many interchangeable bricks to build up the speculative edifice; as if it needed no proof that genealogies found sum- marized in Pausanias or Apollodorus ' were taken by them from poems of the same class with the Theogony, or from ancient treatises, or from prevalent opinions ;' as if, further, ' if we find them mentioning the Pelasgian nation, they do at all events belong to an age when that name and people had nothing of the mystery which they bore to the eyes of the later Greeks, for instance of Strabo;' and as though (in the same passage) a statement of Stephanus of Byzantium about Pelasgians in Italy ' were evidence to the same effect, perfectly unexceptionable and as strictly historical as the case will admit of 1 No one doubts, of course, either that popular tradition may transmit, or that late writers may transcribe, statements which come from very early, and even from contemporary sources.