(Pro-) Socially conscious hip hop: Empathy and attitude, prosocial effects of hip hop

Thesis

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Master of Arts in the

Graduate School of The Ohio State University

By

Todd Cameron Haery

Graduate Program in Communication

The Ohio State University

2020

Thesis Committee:

Dr. Osei Appiah, Advisor

Dr. Lanier Holt

1

Copyrighted by

Todd Cameron Haery

2020

2 Abstract

The scope of this thesis addresses the widening cultural, racial, and social divide in the

U.S. today and the potential in which hip hop music can serve as a remedy to these social divides. It has been said that race relations are at a 20-year low, hate crimes against gays (and the LGBT community) are prevalent, and attitudes towards the homeless seem to be in perpetual decline (Dann, 2017). Here I discuss the current social disharmony between the dominant in-group and socially stigmatized outgroups while exploring potential remedies for such intergroup discord. One such potential remedy in particular is socially conscious hip hop. Being that hip hop music’s origins are rooted in providing a platform and a voice for marginalized members of society who otherwise would go unheard, this form of entertainment media may possess unique and novel capacity to affect prosocial outcomes. By re-conceptualizing the nature of hip hop culture, highlighting the significance of understanding its complex history, and emphasizing the socio-political forces driving rap music’s foundation, several potential pro-social impacts—commonly understated within literature concerning the effects of consuming rap music—begin to surface. A mediated intergroup contact approach is used to establish conceptual framework that views rap as lyrical narratives that influence perception and mold social identity. Mediated intergroup contact, also closely related to parasocial contact theory, ascribes that individuals’ perceptions of social outgroup i members can be enhanced via media and/or other forms of indirect contact with outgroup members. Socially conscious hip hop is discussed as informative, entertainment media capable of positively influencing attitudes towards socially stigmatized outgroup members and provoking deep-seated emotional responses (e.g., perspective, self- reflection, and other eudemonic feelings) similarly described in extant literature on media effects by serving as an effective conduit of indirect contact between groups.

Identifying empathetic affects and perspective-taking as mechanisms activated by lyrical narratives, I argue that rap music can improve intergroup relations by enhancing attitudes and reducing stereotypes.

ii Dedication

I dedicate this thesis to Teresa Price, Cyrus Haery, and Jennifer Pena. Thank you for everything.

iii Acknowledgments

I would like to acknowledge Dr. Osei Appiah for his mentorship, patience, and wisdom. I am forever grateful for your support. Thank you.

iv Vita

Todd Cameron Haery

Education

2004-2006 Columbus State Community College, AA

2006-2009 Ohio State University, BA

Fields of Study

Major Field: Communication

v

Table of Contents

Abstract ...... i

Dedication ...... iii

Acknowledgments ...... iv

Vita ...... v

List of Figures ...... x

Introduction ...... 1

Social tension and mounting hatred toward outgroups ...... 1

Potential remedy- Socially conscious hip hop ...... 2

Hip hop music- A brief history ...... 5

Hip hop early on- light hearted, feel-good vibes ...... 5

Contributing factors driving socially-conscious hip hop...... 7

A “bad rap”- Two common misconceptions lending to negative attitudes about hip

hop: ...... 8

Gangsta Rap ...... 8

vi “An invasive, cultural outsider”- Rap perceived in a cultural vacuum ...... 10

Socially conscious rap- ...... 13

Tumultuous state of intergroup relations ...... 18

Gays/LGBT- Rejected and stigmatized ...... 18

Normalization of racist expression: Recent racism and socially conscious hip hop’s

response ...... 22

Homeless in despair- stereotypes, attitude and policy ...... 26

Theory ...... 31

Perspective-taking ...... 31

Empathic perspective-taking and socially conscious hip hop ...... 31

Intergroup Contact ...... 34

Similarities between Parasocial Contact and Intergroup Contact ...... 34

“Lyrical exposure” and parasocial interaction with outgroup members ...... 35

Socially conscious hip hop and social identity ...... 36

Summary ...... 42

Hypotheses ...... 44

Methods ...... 46

Participants ...... 46

Design ...... 46

vii Stimulus Materials ...... 46

Procedure ...... 47

Measures ...... 49

Results ...... 51

Gays- ...... 51

Attitude towards gays ...... 51

Identification with gays ...... 52

Empathy towards gays ...... 54

Blacks-...... 55

Attitudes towards Blacks ...... 55

Empathy towards Blacks ...... 56

Identification with Blacks ...... 56

The Homeless- ...... 58

Attitudes towards homeless ...... 58

Empathy towards homeless ...... 58

Identification with homeless ...... 58

Discussion ...... 59

Results Summary ...... 59

What we learned ...... 60

viii Theoretical implications ...... 60

Practical implications ...... 62

Limitations...... 62

Conclusion, direction for future research ...... 64

References ...... 66

ix List of Figures

Figure 1: Mean Attitudes toward Gays ...... 52

Figure 2: Mean Identification with Gays ...... 53

Figure 3: Mean Identification with Gays (by gender) ...... 54

Figure 4: Mean Empathy toward Gays ...... 55

Figure 5: Mean Identification with Blacks ...... 57

x Introduction

Social tension and mounting hatred toward outgroups

The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) has documented increases in reported hate crimes against federally protected classes since the 2016 elections (Leomporra &

Hustings, 2018). Thus, it might come as no surprise that in America today there remain socially stigmatized, minority groups (i.e. Blacks, gays, homeless) who are continuously subjected to discrimination, violence, and systemic injustice—furthermore, one can argue that social tension and anxiety pertaining to these issues are intensifying. A recent study gauged race relations to be at their lowest in over 20 years, and that 74% of

Americans viewed race relations in the United States as poor — nearly matching the record high, according to a poll from NBC News and The Wall Street Journal; just short of a complete reversal from the 77% (of Americans polled) who expressed a positive assessment of race relations in 2009 shortly before Obama’s inauguration (Dann, 2017).

Perhaps racially motivated hate crimes like the Charleston church shooting, also known as the Charleston church massacre—a mass shooting in 2015 in Charleston, South

Carolina in which nine African Americans were killed during a Bible study at the Emanuel

African Methodist Episcopal Church reflect this glaring racial divide. As for society’s most vulnerable group, acts of violence against the homeless by housed individuals is a trend that has increased steadily from year to year since 1999, when the National Coalition for 1 the Homeless began recording incidents (2015). For instance, John D. Guerrero was arrested for the murder and attempted murder of several homeless individuals in 2017 and in one instance, a 23-year-old man, Dionicio Derek Vahidy, was doused in accelerant and lit on fire by Guerrero (Leomporra & Hustings, 2018). This example highlights the randomized nature of the hateful acts against homeless individuals. Given that the homeless are severely underrepresented, many heinous crimes against them often go unnoticed by the mainstream. Lastly, although there have been recent efforts to stem the social disparagement and acts of aggression directed at gays, members of the LGBT community remain at a risk of violence. Look no further than the massacre that took place in Orlando, Florida at Pulse, a gay nightclub, in 2016. Deemed an act of hatred by officials, a gunman engaged in a shooting spree, an act motivated by the individual’s hatred toward gays. This attack, and the other randomized acts of hatred mentioned above are not unique and makeup an ongoing dilemma of who’s nature needs to be better understood in order to be remedied. Furthermore, bold new approaches in the field of media effects might serve to mitigate these problems.

Potential remedy- Socially conscious hip hop

One possible approach to remedy escalating social tension distressing intergroup relations is to better understand the effects of culturally popular media. One of which being the growing prevalence of rap music within mainstream entertainment media and its capacity to affect consumers’ perceptions. In particular, socially conscious hip hop music and its ability to expand knowledge of, reduce prejudice towards, and induce 2 empathy for social outgroups. Given that rap music’s history and its communicative fiber is rooted in the margins of society, impoverished and stigmatized “outcasts”

(explained in detail below) used this medium of music to forge a platform for the voiceless. A platform whose tenants can be applied to underrepresented outgroups facing similar injustice. However, a bold new approach for analyzing rap music’s effects through a theoretical lens in which scholars similarly view other forms of commonly studied media effects is required if scholars are to gain novel insights relating to the effects of socially conscious hip hop and more harmonious intergroup relationships.

More specifically, it has been stated that “just as people form positive or negative attitudes toward other people in ‘real life,’ television viewers develop positive or negative attitudes about the characters they watch on television (Conway & Rubin,

1991)” (Schiappa, 2005, p.96)—and the present thesis contends that socially conscious hip hop lyrics impact attitudes similarly.

By implementing mediated intergroup contact theory—a theory which asserts that indirect contact with members of social outgroups via media consumption can reduce prejudice and anxiety, and lead to enhanced attitudes towards those outgroups’ members—we highlight appropriate similarities pertaining to rap lyrics and enhanced attitudes. Once mechanisms pertaining to how socially conscious hip hop might reduce prejudice and enhance attitudes toward socially stigmatized outgroups are established, methods for implementing remedies can be administered. First a brief background on hip hop music’s origins is discussed alongside its evolution as a controversial

3 entertainment medium created by cultural outsiders operating within the culturally dominant framework.

4 Hip hop music- A brief history

Hip hop early on- light hearted, feel-good vibes

Defined as a “musical form that makes use of rhyme, rhythmic speech, and street vernacular, which is recited or loosely chanted over a musical soundtrack” (Keyes,

2002 pg.13), rap originated on New York’s inner-city streets and Black, urban neighborhoods (Kubrin, 2003). These inner-city environments afforded limited avenues for adolescents to obtain social status and social roles that were available to youths in other environments. For instance, peer groups dominated social roles and there were limited opportunities for community-life participation, like school groups, supervised athletics, or volunteer groups in such disadvantaged communities; this left alternatives for attaining status, such as physical domination, exhibiting material wealth or displaying “verbal agility”, as described by Kubrin (2003). Thus, one can also view rap lyrics as a valuable cultural artifact created out of artistic ingenuity despite limited opportunities and social disadvantage.

Early on, rap lyrics were more-or-less fun and lighthearted, like those found in what is argued to be the song that first popularized hip hop in the U.S. and around world

(Rapper’s Delight by The Sugarhill Gang, 1979). With lyrics like: “The hip, hip a hop, and you don't stop, a rock it out, Bubba to the bang bang boogie, boobie to the boogie, To the rhythm of the boogie the beat, Now, what you hear is not a test I'm rappin' to the 5 beat, And me, the groove, and my friends are gonna try to move your feet”—early forms of rap music embraced fun-loving, dance music. It was common for dance halls to play upbeat hip hop for kids and adults alike, and block parties would peacefully congregate and socialize around the music produced by DJs on turntables while being entertained by the emerging culture’s distinct dances as performed by break-dancers. Influential hip hop pioneering artist and ex-gang member Afrika Bambaataa would eventually recognize hip hop as a powerful, pro-social means of bringing troubled ghetto youths together, and go on to form the “Organization”—a social support group which reformed

Bronx gang members into local, cultural educators and mentors. This would later become a global movement known as Zulu Nation and one of the first examples where rap music was used to inform, uplift, and promote social awareness (Wood, 2004). But the optimistic early stages of hip hop, characterized by fun-loving music and communal gatherings, would later take a definitive turn.

The light-hearted, optimistic lyrical content began to morph into much bleaker depictions of social angst, discontent, anger, and general criticisms of public policy due to worsening living conditions in the environments from which the music emanated.

Thus it is increasingly important to recognize the socio-economic factors which helped to shape hip hop music’s foundation and evolution in order to effectively recognize the potential prosocial role the medium might play in an ever-diversifying society. By considering rap music and its perceived public deprecations as outcomes to deep- seated, socio-structural inequities and inconsistent public policies which have

6 historically perpetuated the plight and marginalization of disadvantaged people, social sciences and the culturally-dominant, general public might understand hip hop music and its constituents more accurately—and more importantly, interpret its complex messages with a more culturally-adept ear.

Contributing factors driving socially-conscious hip hop

It has been stated that, “All of hip-hop was shaped by the social and political upheavals of its time” (Chang, 2005). The economic restructuring of America and the

“get tough on crime” approach of the Reagan-Bush era are often linked with statistics implying a general degradation of living conditions in Black and Latino communities.

“The social, political, and economic forces that shaped these conditions included, among other things, globalization and deindustrialization (Rose, 1994 pp 21–61;

Wadsworth, 2004; Wilson, 1996), residential segregation (Keyes, 2002 pp 44–45;

Massey & Denton, 1993), punitive criminal justice policy (Tonry, 1995), and a legacy of slavery and discrimination (Hawkins, 1985)” (Kubrin, 2005)—all of which contributed to a social climate which gave rise to a new brand of rap. Over-policing, prosecution and imprisonment of young, Black men between the late ‘60s through the ‘90s increased at abnormal rates (Kubrin, 2005). This type of strenuous disadvantage found in many predominantly African-American neighborhoods remains incomparable to white communities. Characteristics of such include unemployment, disrupted families, and isolation from mainstream America (Kubrin, 2005). These are some of the forces which helped to form a more explicitly counter cultural brands of rap, including gangsta rap. 7 A “bad rap”- Two common misconceptions lending to negative attitudes about hip hop:

Gangsta Rap

Gangsta rap departed from earlier rap forms, which were often characterized as socially conscious and more politically Afro-centric (Keyes 2002:88, 158–59; Martinez

1997; Perkins 1996:19). Additionally, the glorification of material wealth and flaunting of financial success became commonly attributed to gangsta rap, and is commonplace in rap music from destitute areas. Description of the classic, archetypal depiction of the

“rags to riches” narrative (of particular relevance later discussed) became a status symbol. Even though its message content displayed a much different repertoire of subject matter than other leading pop music contemporaries of the time, the raw lyrics which explicitly challenged and attacked public policies and racially taboo subjects (i.e., firsthand accounts of police brutalities, racist agendas underlying the motives of the war on drugs, countercultural views of racial dynamics of welfare) appealed to mainstream,

White popular culture. This style was considered less couth and politically incorrect in speech by the general public. Additionally, another key element which distinguished gangsta rap from other types of rap is the musical expression of “ghettocentricity”, an expression engaging the “black youth cultural imagination that cultivated varying ways of interpreting, representing, and understanding the shifting contours of ghetto dislocation” (Watkins, 2001, pp 389). Kubrin (2005) also notes, “Scholars agree that other rap forms reflect a generic concern for chronicling the “black” experience, while

8 gangsta rap is specifically interested in the black underclass in the ghetto (Keyes, 2002 pp 122; Rose, 1994 pp 12, 114; Smith, 1997 pp 346).”

This style of lyricism, while objectifying women and glorifying violence, also called into question racial equality and public policy, defying the stereotype that hold

Blacks to be uninformed citizens. Explicit and militant lyrics which challenged the idea of accepting the establishment’s failed policy as status quo was seen as edgy and cool and captivated the attention of cultural outsiders and “by the early to mid-1990s performers began more consistently looking at hip-hop as a political opportunity with social movement implications” (Callais, 2013, pp.86). Only when this subject matter caught the ear of White America’s youth, which accounted for 70% of all record sales in 1998, did the mainstream start paying more attention to rap music (Time Magazine, 1999). This not only bolstered the notion that hip hop is a prominent source of entertainment among youths of the majority group, but a catalyst for public debate as well. Artists such as N.W.A. (“Niggas with Attitudes”), Public Enemy, and Tupac Shakur, all of whom straddle the proverbial line dividing gangsta and socially conscious rap, were publically singled out and ridiculed by elites for their controversial lyrical content which was influencing the attitudes of youths.

Rap music has also been commonly viewed and discussed negatively among the general public, media, and elites, including “opinion leaders”—known as public figures to whom the masses refer when forming opinions (Lazarsfeld, 1955). Historically, rap music has garnered scrutiny from politicians and public figures such as Dan Quayle,

9 Jesse Jackson, Tipper Gore, and Bill Clinton, Delores Tucker, etc., for its increasingly critical subject matter directed at public policy, policy makers, as well as imbalanced news media portrayals which commonly reinforce negative stereotypes of impoverished, marginalized communities. Bill Cosby and Bill O’Reilly, both now infamous for sexual-misconduct charges, were also outspoken critics detesting the degradation of women within gangsta rap. Furthermore, it becomes increasingly apparent that rappers are not the only public figures or entertainers guilty of portraying socially-deviant behavior, yet they consistently and disproportionately find themselves facing public outrage.

“An invasive, cultural outsider”- Rap perceived in a cultural vacuum

Reddick (2002) stated, “Most recently, some rap music has been characterized by the presence of explicit sexual language in its lyrics as well as messages of violence, racism, homophobia, and hatred toward women” (pg. 17). It may be more appropriate and insightful to redirect this breadth of criticism toward culturally normative themes permeating the greater whole of society, rather than scapegoating an entire sub-culture by reducing its significance to a mere sub-genre of rap music. While Negus et al (1999) recognize rap as a resistant, oppositional, countercultural form of expressive culture, they also point out that this culture “may be embedded within and even contribute to a dominant hegemonic framework” (Martinez, 1997, p.272); as popular artist Jay-Z once rapped the relevant lyric: “Scarface’ the movie did more than Scarface the rapper to me, so that ain’t to blame for all the shit that’s happened to me” (2005). The rapper

10 highlights the notion that violence and crime depicted by rappers is no different, yet more highly scrutinized, than other forms of popular entertainment media conveying similar messages. As the lyric implies, the critically-acclaimed movie Scarface which depicts the rags-to-riches story of a drug kingpin—a narrative commonly attacked when contextualized within rap music—imparted more influence on him than Scarface, the hip hop artist.

Thus it becomes increasingly important to reiterate the notion that rap music does not exist in a cultural vacuum; rather it expresses the cultural crossing, mixing, and engagement of mainly black youth culture with the values, attitudes, and concerns of the white majority. Many of the violent (materialistic, sexist, etc.) behaviors often glorified in gangsta rap are likely reflections of the prevailing values created, sustained, and rendered accountable in the larger society. David Banner, influential producer and rapper questioned the disproportionate indignation rappers often face, "What does

America want? People go to NASCAR because they want to see somebody crash. They want to see the movie 'The Departed,' with people blowing each other's heads off — that's cool, that's trendy. We see what people buy. Gangsta rap is just a reflection of

America. America is sick. There's so many other things we should be complaining about, and we're talking about hip-hop" (Katel, 2007). It is such contradictions raised by Banner and other gangsta rappers which highlight the relationship between misguided attitudes and socially detrimental public policy.

11 Examples of other forms of “acceptable” entertainment media potentially harming society include popular T.V. shows like Breaking Bad which depicts drug dealing and violence, organized crime and romanticizing of violence in The Sopranos, a bevy of war movies which glorify violence (American Sniper, Lone Survivor, etc.), and even other genres of music—whether it be country music promoting alcohol consumption (Garth

Brooks), EDM (electronic dance music) raves openly promoting the use of designer drugs (Mike Posner), and metal bands encouraging violence during live shows (Alice

Cooper). For instance, Alice Cooper performed violent and outlandish stage acts without provoking storms of condemnation. In the 1970s and '80s, Cooper's "shock-rock" stage shows depicted a woman being decapitated and Cooper being hanged. So why are negative attitudes expressed when a marginalized group exhibits questionable depictions within their respective art medium?

To conceptualize and discuss hip hop music as a standalone expression, detached from the cultural zeitgeist and theatrical fiber permeating greater whole of society, may potentially serve to disproportionately, negatively skew attitudes. In order to understand the prosocial aspects within rap we must realize it’s effects are not the sum of strategically selected controversial lyrics. And by learning to appreciate its art form as we do with other forms of more readily accepted entertainment media, then a more accurate interpretation of socially-conscious messages may follow, setting the stage for attitude-enhancing mechanisms such as empathy and perspective-taking to take effect.

12 Although, hip hop’s origins in music are that of fun-loving, light hearted and positive, community-oriented messaging, much of this history is overshadowed by the breadth of literature highlighting its “darker”, less socially-heralded aspects; thus, the rap genre cannot seem to escape the negative parameters in which it is regularly discussed within the literature (Dixon, 2006; Callais, 2013; Reddick 2002). This, in part, is due to cultural outsiders continually emphasizing various undesirable societal ramifications associated with listening to rap, such as deviant youth behavior, violence, and aggression (Knobloch, 2006; Dixon, 2006; Reddick, 2003) while oftentimes failing to equally note the lyrics depicting empowerment, knowledge of self, and politically driven narratives—all characteristics of another type of rap—socially conscious rap.

Socially conscious rap-

Socially conscious rap, also referred to as “conscious rap” or “political rap”, is a subgenre of hip hop creating awareness and imparting knowledge (Henry, 2015).

Although it was birthed out of the same bleak living conditions as gangsta rap (police brutality, mass unemployment, inadequate public schools, oppression, etc.) and expresses similar elements of early gangsta rap such as challenging the dominant cultural, political, economic, and philosophical consensus, socially conscious rap refrains from the aggression, militancy, and chauvinism typified within gangsta rap. Propelled by the conviction that social change comes through knowledge of self and personal discovery rather than crime and violence, socially conscious rap embodies positivity by

13 uplifting and enriching the listener (Henry, 2015). One of the earliest examples of this style of lyricism is said to be “Hey Young World” by Slick Rick (Wood, 2004):

This rap here... it may cause concern it's

broad and deep... why don't you listen and learn

Love mean happiness... that once was strong

But due to society... even that's turned wrong

Times have changed... and it's cool to look bummy

and be a dumb dummy and disrespect your mummy

Have you forgotten... who put you on this Earth?

Who brought you up right... and who loved you since your birth?

Socially conscious rap often challenges listeners by raising existential and philosophical questions, probing and provoking deep thought. However, its lyrics can also paint vivid pictures of bleak circumstances, offering cultural outsiders a firsthand glimpse into a world to which they might not otherwise have access. For example, the socially conscious lyrics of popular rap single “The Message”, by Grandmaster Flash, reflected the dismal socioeconomic circumstances of ghetto life in America (Wood,

2004):

Broken glass everywhere,

People pissing on the station, Y'know they just don't care

I can't take the smell, I can't take the noise,

14 I got no money to move out, I guess I got no choice

Rats in the front room, Roaches in the back,

Junkies in the alley with a baseball bat,

I tries to get away but I couldn't get far,

Cos a man with a truncheon re-possessed my car…

My son said: "Daddy, I don't wanna go to school,

Cos the teacher's a jerk, he must think I'm a fool…

A child is born with no state of mind, Blind to the ways of mankind

God is smiling on you but he's frowning too,

Because only God knows what you'll go through

You'll grow in the ghetto living second rate,

And your eyes will see a song of deep hate

The places you play and where you stay, Looks like one great big alleyway

You'll admire all the number book takers,

The pimps the pushers and the big money makers

Driving great big cars spending twenties and tens,

And you want to grow up to be just like them

Smugglers scramblers burglars gamblers, Pickpocket peddlers even panhandlers

You say I'm cool I'm no fool,

But then you end up dropping right outta school.

15 Informing listeners via lyrics with philosophical and sociopolitical undertones, socially conscious rap often seeks to raise awareness of social issues, while leaving the listeners room to form their own opinions, rather than aggressively advocating for certain ideas and demanding actions (Henry, 2015). It is this type of lyrical narrative and rhetorical elocution depicting desolate social circumstances, “transporting” its listeners to the ghetto, that likely induces societally enhancing perspective-taking and empathy among outgroups. Lyrical content which responsively calls into question public policy— oftentimes influenced and driven by attitude—arguably possesses capacity to heighten listeners’ social awareness and update attitudes positively. These core elements which contribute to this style of lyricism—both lyrical narrative, and lyrics more reflective of rhetoric in terms of the manner of message delivery—grounded peacefully in social, political or socio-economic content underlie the theoretical framework for advancing research regarding attitudes and rap music.

Given the turbulent sociopolitical landscape, poor state of race relations and widening cultural divides spanning the U.S. (Dann, 2017), a unifying voice to which people can turn, or a common ground on which people can stand in solidarity together, is needed now more than ever. Socially conscious rap can be seen as a possible remedy to social turmoil in which feelings of apathy and negative attitudes toward one another abound. On an individual level, socially conscious hip hop has always been based in enlightenment of its listeners, and on a group level it can be a peaceful and civil call to action. With its spirit of empathy for stigmatized groups, promotion of social inclusion

16 and acceptance of those who may be different from us, and empowerment of diverse subcultures and marginalized out groups--socially-conscious hip hop can potentially help to bridge these gaps in inter-group relations. Between racial tension, an ever-increasing rate of homelessness, and the gay rights movement in full-swing, socially conscious hip hop is a powerful catalyst in mitigating the marginalization of these social groups.

17 Tumultuous state of intergroup relations

Gays/LGBT- Rejected and stigmatized

One such socially stigmatized group facing oppression and acts of hatred is the

LGBT community. Numerous studies have now concluded that attitudes toward lesbians and gay men are negative (Herek, 1991) (Haddock, Zanna, & Esses, 1993) and the historical plight and struggle of gays and transgender people is well documented. As early on as many of today’s most popular religions were being recorded, gays were being brutally persecuted for their sexual orientation; gays have even been blamed for bringing the “wrath of God” via epidemics and natural disasters (i.e., AIDS, 9/11 attack, tsunamis, earthquakes, etc.) (Urbatsch, 2015). Such harmful accusations and prejudice have contributed to the stigmatization of gays. Furthermore, sexual prejudice has been found to contribute to antigay behavior (e.g., Haddock & Zanna, 1998; Kite & Whitley,

1998), and a large proportion of adults hold negative attitudes toward homosexual behavior (Yang, 1997).

Gays and LGBT people have long been labeled as unacceptable and morally corrupt, resulting in various types of discrimination and injustices. In the United States and around the world, openly gay and closeted members of the LGBT community battle for acceptance, civil dignity, and in many cases, their own safety (Igual, mambaonline.com, 2018). Gays often undergo mistreatment and physical abuse from a 18 young age while in the “safe” confines of school. About 9 out of 10 LGBT teens have reported being bullied at school within the past year because of their sexual orientation.

Out of those numbers, almost half have reported being physically harassed and a quarter of victims are physically assaulted (bullyingstatistics.org). “According to recent statistics, gay and lesbian teens are two to three times more likely to commit suicide than other youths. About 30% of all suicides have been related to sexual identity crisis”

(bullyingstatistics.org). Thus, sexual prejudice is a prominent problem in contemporary society, and its most effective means of reduction deserves close investigation. Might uplifting rap lyrics embedded in socially conscious rap advocating on behalf of gays spur empathy among listeners and aid in diminishing negative attitudes?

Another potential way in which socially conscious rap can be seen as a potential remedy the hardships for gays is by raising awareness of discriminant policy.

Homosexual acts are deemed illegal in 71 countries around the world, and even punishable by death in others (Avery, 2019). To add, more recently The Department of

Health and Human Services under President Trump has proposed a rule allowing adoption agencies to refuse placement in same-sex households (Taylor, NYTimes, 2019).

With the ongoing struggle for gay rights, it may be helpful to consider effective tenets of socially conscious hip hop and its constituents which have proven effective in the political sphere in various ways and on numerous occasions. For example, hip hop figures like Sean Puff Daddy Combs used hip hop as a platform to mobilize up to 4.6 million youth, would-be nonvoters during the 2004 election cycle (Vargas, 2004). To 19 add, the poignancy of rap lyrics has even triggered congressional hearings, thus the idea of it persuading attitudes and policy towards gays is not implausible.

Gay men have also long-been stereotyped as pedophiles and child molesters, and charged with “recruiting and converting” children to be homosexuals themselves

(Halperin, 2007). These claims of course are not only unsubstantiated but researchers have noted the opposite to be true in many cases. Studies have shown that 70% of sex- offenders who target boys rate themselves as predominantly or exclusively heterosexual in adult orientation, and only 8% as exclusively homosexual, according to the Kinsey scale (Abel, 2001). This is another example of a harmful stereotype surrounding the

LGBT community which propagates fear and social disharmony. A stereotype that if debunked might improve attitudes, as Herek (1991, p. 66) has pointed out that "strongly correlated with negative attitudes toward lesbians and gay men is acceptance of negative stereotypes". With that, socially conscious hip hop frequently offers messages that portray stigmatized groups positively such as gays while denouncing stereotypes— logically, socially beneficial outcomes pertaining to gays should be explored.

Furthermore, LGBT people, youths in particular, are often in need of access to public assistance programs and homeless shelters. According to Chapin Hall at the

University of Chicago (2017) LGBT young adults had a 120% higher risk of experiencing homelessness than those who identified as heterosexual and True Colors United estimated that while about 7% of youth in the United States are LGBT, 40% of the homeless youth population are LGBT (Morton, M.H., Dworsky, A., & Samuels, G.M.). 20 Rejection was the reason most cited for this increased rate of homelessness among

LGBT youth (Choi, Wilson, Shelton, Gates, 2015) and negative attitudes toward LGBT likely fuel this rejection.

It seems progress towards equality for the LGBT community has garnered support as of late, but salient barriers and stigmas remain. As of 2012, Gallup conducted a poll in which attitudes towards same sex marriage were measured by asking participants if they thought same-sex couples should be recognized by the law as valid, with the same rights as traditional marriages—48% felt same-sax marriage should not be deemed lawfully valid. Particularly relevant to same-sex marriage, LGBT rights, are the empowering and empathic lyrics of “Same Love”, a song by Macklemore:

"Gay" is synonymous with the lesser

It's the same hate that's caused wars from religion

Gender to skin color, the complexion of your pigment

The same fight that led people to walk-outs and sit-ins

It's human rights for everybody, there is no difference

Live on! And be yourself!...

'Til the day that my uncles can be united by law

Kids are walking around the hallway

Plagued by pain in their heart

A world so hateful

Some would rather die, Than be who they are 21 And a certificate on paper, Isn't gonna solve it all

But it's a damn good place to start

No law's gonna change us,We have to change us

Whatever god you believe in, We come from the same one

Strip away the fear, underneath, it's all the same love

About time that we raised up!

By highlighting the affective similarities of same-sex relationships to hetero relationships, the artist blurs the oftentimes socially detrimental, perceived group boundaries. When separate group memberships are de-emphasized people come to perceive themselves as members of one, inclusive category (Eller & Abrams, 2003;

Gaertner & Dovidio, 2000; Gaertner, Mann, Murrell, & Dovidio, 1989). The blurring of group boundaries can shift people's focus away from intergroup comparisons (Tajfel,

1978; Turner, Oakes, Haslam, & McGarty, 1994), rendering their separate social identities and associated group differences less salient (Saguy & Chernyak, 2012). And similar aspects of such divisiveness and widening sociocultural boundaries apply to the current, waning state of race relations, as well.

Normalization of racist expression: Recent racism and socially conscious hip hop’s response

Secondly, exacerbating intergroup conflict in the U.S. is the deteriorating state of race relations, and negative attitudes towards blacks is partly to blame (Dann, 2017).

Research shows a sharp decline in Americans’ perceptions of the state of race relations 22 (Dann, 2017). In addition to a perceived increase in interracial conflict, there has been a recent resurgence in openly racist sentiment, “in a way that hearkens back to the days of the KKK”, as stated by Michael Signer, Mayor of Charlottesville, Virginia (Hayden,

2017).

In Charlottesville on August 12, 2017, roughly six months into Trump’s presidency, a black man named DeAndre Harris was beaten by at least four white supremacists at a white nationalist rally (Graham, 2017). Later that day, a 20-year-old white supremacist drove his car into a crowd of counter-protesters, killing one and injuring 35 others. The driver pled guilty to 29 federal hate-crimes and was convicted of first-degree murder (Graham, 2017). However, despite the heinous act, rather than using the moment to condemn racism and prejudice when speaking on the afternoon of the attack, Trump described the events as an “egregious display of hatred, bigotry, and violence on many sides…On many sides”. Trump would later add, “There were very fine people on both sides”, and that the “alt left” were “very violent” (Graham, 2017). This type of ambivalent speech, and refusal to specifically condemn racism or any racist undertone of the attacks, can be likened to a “green-light” for future racist and violent behavior. For instance, Richard Spencer— organizer and promoter of the abovementioned “Unite the Right” rally, inventor of term “alt-right” (Hayden 2017), and well known, white supremacist leader who held an event directly after Trump’s inauguration where he led a Nazi salute (Graham, 2019)—went on to state: “There is no question that Charlottesville wouldn’t have occurred without Trump. It really was 23 because of his campaign and this new potential for a nationalist candidate who was resonating with the public in a very intense way. The alt-right found something in

Trump. He changed the paradigm and made this kind of public presence of the alt-right possible”.

Furthermore, former Ku Klux Klan leader David Duke called the violent rally in

Charlottesville a “turning point” for his own movement which seeks to “fulfill the promises of Donald Trump” (Graham, 2019). It can be argued that, socially conscious hip hop, which undermines racist stereotypes and promotes racial equality, can be remedy interracial discord and a unique platform for effecting social change.

For instance, socially conscious songs like Glory (Common, 2014), which specifically recount the tragedies and triumphs of the civil-rights era, can be potent and compelling reminders to listeners. The uplifting lyrical messages serve as reminders that progress toward equality can be achieved through prosocial leadership and unity, as exemplified by the highly driven, courageous, profound Black men and women who led a historical social movement:

Hands to the Heavens, no man, no weapon

Formed against, yes glory is destined

Every day women and men become legends

Sins that go against our skin become blessings

24 The movement is a rhythm to us

Freedom is like religion to us…

That's why Rosa sat on the bus

That's why we walk through Ferguson with our hands up

When it go down we woman and man up

They say, "Stay down", and we stand up

Shots, we on the ground, the camera panned up

King pointed to the mountain top and we ran up…

Facin' the league of justice, his power was the people

Enemy is lethal, a king became regal

Saw the face of Jim Crow under a bald eagle

The biggest weapon is to stay peaceful

We sing, our music is the cuts that we bleed through…

Now we right the wrongs in history

No one can win the war individually

It takes the wisdom of the elders and young people's energy…

In today’s adverse, social climate, messages like “Glory” can be considered exponentially effective by attitudinally influencing multiple groups of listeners, distinctively. That is to say, discouraged Black youths, upon hearing narratives of Black excellence, may gain much needed inspiration and a reinvigorated sense cultural pride and honor despite an arguably growing normalization of expressed racism. On the other

25 hand, White youths can gain a unique, culture-centric perspective of a struggle of which they may never otherwise conceive, potentially resulting in heightened empathy and newfound appreciation for interracial harmony. For example, it has been said that

“intergroup interaction consists of more than representing and reacting to people in a vacuum; it involves the experience of events unfolding through one’s mind in a specific time and space (i.e., an episode), within which the relevant parties are embedded”

(Gaesser, Shimura, Cikara, 2019). Additionally, other marginalized outgroups (i.e., gays, homeless) enduring social discrimination, might find solace, inspiration or hope upon hearing the story of another stigmatized group who, when met with extreme prejudice, pioneered a civil-rights movement to effectively overcome injustice. Might messages of intergroup acceptance, tolerance and compassion be particularly impactful given the current state of turbulent, interracial dynamics? Nevertheless, socially conscious rap will continue chronicling the inspirational Black experience in America in ways that inform and uplift listeners, while advocating on behalf of the less fortunate—including society’s most vulnerable class: the homeless.

Homeless in despair- stereotypes, attitude and policy

Although reasons for homelessness include a multitude of complex issues that include poverty, unemployment, low-paying jobs, policy changes limiting access to social security disability benefits, reductions in welfare support, lack of affordable housing, inability to access affordable health care, domestic violence, prison release, mental illness, and addiction (National Coalition for the Homeless, 2003), people commonly 26 blame the victims of homelessness, citing character flaws—rather than address

“systemic issues embedded within social spheres and public policy” (Becker, H.S., 1963).

Instead, homeless folk are often stereotyped lazy, alcoholic, morally bankrupt, and potentially dangerous (Hocking & Lawrence, 2007). The homeless are seen as “failures within capitalist society”, and this view “allows society to shed societal blame and turn towards the individuals’ own flaws” (Belcher, Deforge 2012). Furthermore, these “flaws” are viewed as controllable, and evidence shows that when “stigmatized identity is viewed as controllable (such as unemployment, drug addiction, or obesity), group-based discrimination has a more harmful effect on well-being than discrimination directed against those with an uncontrollable stigma (such as race or gender)” (Johnston, et al,

2015).

Homeless people are often viewed and treated as the underclass and belong to the lowest and least privileged stratum in society (Belcher & DeForge, 2012) and treated as such. Perceived as “less than human”, essentially seen as objects (Harris and Fiske,

2006), the group becomes dehumanized and thus especially vulnerable to hate crimes:

“More than double the number of fatalities from bias motivated violence against people who are homeless than the FBI has tracked for all federally protected classes combined”

(National Coalition for the Homeless, 2016). Levin (2016) found “the characteristics of bias attacks against the homeless are very similar to that of hate crime in general. As with other hate crimes, offenders fit a pattern: typically, young male ‘thrill offenders’ acting on stereotypes, seeking excitement and peer validation.” However, the homeless 27 are not considered a protected group by law as it pertains to federal hate crimes. A cultural shift may be necessary in order to improve the way society treats its neediest and most vulnerable group.

It is imperative that commonly held misconceptions (i.e., all homeless are lazy/failures) be rectified if negative attitudes, and discriminate and violent behavior toward homeless are to be remedied. The current thesis contends that socially conscious hip hop, which oftentimes embodies equality and compassion within the lyrics, may be a useful means to prompting empathy and attitude reform among listeners. Unfortunately, many if not most Americans still harbor indifferent or negative attitudes toward homeless people; this negative consensus is the “biggest obstacle impeding policy changes” pertaining to society’s mistreatment of the homeless (Hocking

& Lawrence, 2007). Research has shown a relationship between public perception and policy— “There is a tendency among policy makers to develop social policy to satisfy public anxiety and perception. For example, there is the frequent public perception that too many people are on welfare (Abramovitz, 2001), and public policy is often created to respond to view” (Belcher & DeForge, 2012). Thus it can be argued that by enhancing attitudes toward the homeless, societal change may be more likely to occur. Specifically, to consider adding the homeless as a social group to the list of groups protected by laws against hate crimes, given that they are currently excluded. But first a cultural shift must take place in order for a more civil and compassionate society for all people. Socially

28 conscious hip hop might help to achieve this by improving attitudes and highlighting policy inadequacies.

Socially conscious hip hop often delivers messages of compassion for humanity and it also challenges public policy. For instance, the song “Mr. Wendel” (Arrested

Development, 1992) focuses on lessons the artist has learned from taking the time to talk with a knowledgeable homeless man:

Here, have a dollar

In fact, no brotherman here, have two

Two dollars means a snack for me But it means a big deal to you…

I saw a man with no clothes, no money, no plate

Mr. Wendel, that's his name,

No one ever knew his name cause he's a no-one

Never thought twice about spending on a ol' bum

Until I had the chance to really get to know one

Now that I know him, to give him money isn't charity

He gives me some knowledge, I buy him some shoes…

Free to be without the worries of a quick to diss society…

His only worries are sickness

And an occasional harassment by the police and their chase

Uncivilized we call him, But I just saw him eat off the food we waste

Civilization, are we really civilized, yes or no 29 Who are we to judge

When thousands of innocent men could be brutally enslaved

And killed over a racist grudge

Mr. Wendel has tried to warn us about our ways,

But we don't hear him talk

Is it his fault when we've gone too far,

And we got too far, cause on him we walk

Mr. Wendal, a man, a human in flesh, But not by law

I feed you dignity to stand with pride,

Realize that all in all you stand tall.

The lyrics to this particular socially conscious hip hop song place value on and humanize the homeless; the homeless’ perspective is considered and appreciated.

Beyond just advocating on behalf of the homeless, the song also tactfully prods listeners to question other tertiary aspects of social values (e.g., passing judgement) and policy

(e.g., policing of homeless) relative to the homeless condition. By promoting social awareness to the harsh realities homeless people endure, and by enhancing public perception relative to social policy, socially conscious hip hop may undermine harmful stereotypes and induce perspective-taking and empathy.

30 Theory

Perspective-taking

Empathic perspective-taking and socially conscious hip hop

Empathy is an emotional response which allows the experiencer to feel compassion, sympathy, and tenderness for another individual or group of individuals (Batson et al., 1997). It is this emotional response that we hypothesize socially conscious hip hop music can influence.

Research has shown that by inducing feelings of empathy for a member of a stigmatized group, attitudes toward the individual, and the group as whole, can both be improved (Batson et al,

2019). There are numerous ways in which individuals can be prompted to empathize with groups. Research has shown that it is relatively easy for movies, documentaries and novels to affect empathy within consumers (Batson et al, 1997). The current study contends that socially conscious rap can also be a mechanism for inducing such empathic emotional responses; in particular, it can be argued that consuming songs whose lyrics depict accounts of stigmatized groups in society might increase listeners’ likelihood to empathize for members of the group via perspective-taking. The notion of perspective as a mechanism for empathy parallels the first step in Batson et al.’s three-step model for how empathic feelings might enhance attitudes toward stigmatized groups. The first step being: “Adopting the perspective of a needy individual who is a member of a stigmatized group (i.e., imagining how this individual is affected by his or her situation) leads to increased empathic feelings for this individual” (1997). And, the

31 imagining of how the individual feels is an area of interest in that it is closely related to perspective-taking a key mediator of attitude impression.

Emotions like compassion and sympathy for stigmatized outgroups are essential for social harmony and these empathic responses are oftentimes mentioned alongside perspective-taking. Perspective-taking is the act of considering the world from another person’s point of view; when an individual actively attempts to “walk in the shoes” of, and experience a particular situation from the perspective of another individual. Not only does perspective- taking remedy intergroup conflict, but, conversely, a lack of perspective can actually be socially destructive: “The presence of perspective-taking can inspire great gestures of altruism (Batson,

1991, 1998), and its absence can incite the devastations of social aggression (Richardson,

Hammock, Smith, Gardner, & Signo, 1994)” (Galinsky & Moskowitz, 2000). Thus it is increasingly important to explore any and all potential means of perspective-taking as well as methods for utilizing it effects in order to minimize the rampant intergroup conflict plaguing society.

There has been a great deal of sociological research outlining the prosocial benefits of perspective-taking (Batson, 1991, Galinsky & Moskowitz, 2000). For instance, Clore and Jeffrey

(1972) have shown that travelling, or even watching another travel, around in a wheelchair for an hour increased sensitivity to the plight of, and attitudes toward, disabled persons. If by simply observing a disadvantaged group can induce empathy and improve attitude, one could be led to explore similar outcomes for “observing” a disadvantaged group via lyrical depictions.

Furthermore, Galisnky & Moskowitz (2000) showed that perspective-taking can reduce the application of stereotypic knowledge and can reduce stereotypic responding due to increased overlap between representations of self and representations of the out-group. By stepping into

32 to the shoes of another, the sociologically imposed barriers between groups can become distorted in the mind of the perceiver (Goldstein, Vezich, and Shapiro, 2014). This then might hint a lyrical transportation (described in detail below), and effect listener’s more strongly.

The present study argues that socially conscious rap can be a uniquely effective means of inducing perspective-taking, and that the vivid, lyrical messages embedded within rap music likely activate the imagination of listener’s, further “blurring” the socially-differentiating lines between group members. The blurring of perceived culturally-definitive “lines” is commonly referred to as “self-other overlap”— the idea that perspective-taking melds the personal identity of the perceived other with that of the perceiver, resulting in a heightened sense of intergroup similarity (Goldstein, Vezich, and Shapiro, 2014)—and the active imagination taking place within the audience is considered a key, driving factor of effective, prosocial perspective- taking. Davis (1996) points out “increased self-target overlap occurs both when participants imagine themselves in the target's place and when they imagine what it would be like to be the target” (Galinsky & Moskowitz, 2000). How else might socially conscious hip hop music act as a catalyst for inducing the described act of imagining?

Perspective-taking and empathy are said to be positively correlated with contact with a group (Tropp, 2011). And “contact”, in sociological terms, has been theorized to include perceived, or imagined, interaction with a character on TV or the radio; thus we feel that extending elements of imagined contact to processes associated with consuming hip hop music, new knowledge of how prosocial perspective-taking operates. The next logical question to ask is—How might exposure to positive depictions of outgroup members, lyrically embedded within socially conscious hip hop songs, result in parasocial interaction?

33 Intergroup Contact

Similarities between Parasocial Contact and Intergroup Contact

Parasocial contact hypothesis is an extension of intergroup contact theory (Schiappa, 2005).

Intergroup contact theory states that interpersonal contact between people of different groups leads to reduced prejudice between two different groups (Allport, 1954). Reduced prejudice is best explained by reconceptualization of group categories (Schiappa, 2005) by which individuals learn more about a group through contact. Prejudice reduction is said to be best achieved when groups in contact (a) are of equal status, (b) share common goals, (c) cooperate rather than compete with each other. Though the original formulation of the theory limited intergroup contact to interpersonal interaction between people from different groups, the theory’s scope has since expanded to include other forms of contact. One of which is mediated contact, also referred to as to parasocial contact, which alludes to effective prejudice-reducing contact via media consumption, as delineated in Schiappa’s (2005) parasocial contact hypothesis. It is this type of interaction that we suspect can take place within listeners upon hearing socially conscious hip hop pertaining to portrayals of members of an outgroup.

Parasocial contact is considered to be the most similar to the traditional intergroup contact (Park, 2012). Parasocial Contact Hypothesis closely parallels what Horton and Wohl

(1956) introduced as “parasocial interaction”, a concept which suggests communication media provides the audience with “an apparently intimate, face-to-face association with the performer” (p.228). Similarly, according to parasocial contact hypothesis, in-group members’ attitudes towards outgroups can be enhanced via exposure to media such as TV shows, news media, or movies (Schiappa, 2005). These prosocial effects are difficult to be proven a direct

34 cause of contact, imagined or otherwise, but the three most popularly tested mediational processes associated with the contact-prejudice effect highlight knowledge, anxiety, and empathy and perspective taking. As Pettigrew & Tropp (2008) tested how contact diminishes prejudice by meta-analyzing the three most studied mediators: (1) enhancing knowledge about the outgroup, (2) reducing anxiety about intergroup contact, and (3) increasing empathy and perspective taking. Their findings indicate anxiety reduction and empathy produced stronger mediational value than the more cognitively related knowledge-based mediator. This affective response is particularly important to the current thesis because of the emotionally provocative nature of socially conscious hip hop narratives and outgroups, as well as the accompaniment of music which has been shown to increase empathic affect (Costabile & Terman, 2013). The latter of the three aforementioned mediators (empathy and perspective-taking) is directly measured in the current study as it pertains to intergroup empathy and perspective-taking brought about by listening to socially-conscious hip hop music. Additionally, Pettigrew & Tropp’s (2006) meta- analytic work closely mirrored similar outcomes of parasocially-tested contact (Schiappa, 2005), and it also suggested that contact effect’s hold true for other groups outside the initial ethnic and racial groups which the hypothesis originally studied. Therefore, applications to groups such as gays and homeless (as well as Blacks) can intuitively be employed as we aim to expand the scope of the theory by applying its tenets to rap music and various outgroups.

“Lyrical exposure” and parasocial interaction with outgroup members

Much of the literature on parasocial contact refers to attitudinal impressions on viewers in context to television, yet there is little to no literature discussing such contact relative to contact with characters portrayed within song lyrics. This thesis contends that lyrics are able to

35 induce similar parasocial responses as mentioned within the parasocial contact hypothesis.

Thus, Schiappa (2005) states “When we experience a televised character, we form impressions, make judgments about their personality, and develop beliefs about them” (p. 95). The present thesis proposes that attitudes and judgements about characters within the context of song lyrics might be seen similarly. And, that positive depictions of such characters as outgroups members, may positively affect attitudes of, and empathy for, the individual and his or her outgroup. Parasocial interaction, as Rubin and Rubin (2001) pointed out, is “grounded in interpersonal notions of attraction, perceived similarity or homophily, and empathy” (p. 326).

Research shows that parasocial contact effectively reduces prejudice among individuals exposed to likable, diverse, and explicit representations of a minority group. Furthermore, and more importantly, individuals who lack real-world exposure are more likely to be prejudice to minority groups, and are also more greatly affected by media portrayals of minority groups than others with more frequent exposure (Schiappa, 2005). Thus it is increasingly important for any and all additional, diverse depictions--such as unique, lyrical depictions--of outgroups to be studied in order to more thoroughly understand media effects, and attempt to mitigate social discord. Lastly, to consider how cognitive and affective mechanisms associated with parasocial interaction might affect social identity can be influenced relative to listening to socially conscious hip hop whose lyrics increase perceived intergroup similarity, and depict stigmatized group members in a positive light.

Socially conscious hip hop and social identity

Social identity theory (Tajfel, 1979) states that the social groups of which we perceive ourselves to be members play a significant role in self-image, and can be seen as a source of

36 pride and self-esteem. By extension, the theory would also imply that negative connotations presiding over rap music and its constituents can have negative impacts on both in- and outgroups, in that negative misconceptions perpetuate stereotypes of, and prejudice towards outgroup members from within a majority ingroup; while a looking-glass-self (Cooley, 1902) effect may take place within members of the minority outgroup associated with hip hop (i.e. young black males), potentially lowering self-esteem, or inducing feelings of antipathy and detestation toward their social group in response to negative stereotypes impressed by outsiders. Disproportionate, negative portrayals of rappers and the content of their music within the media and academic literature, combined with the fact that most rappers are black men, one might reason that public perception of blacks might suffer, which in turn, according to social identity theory, could indirectly lower group members’ self-esteem. An overemphasis of negative attributes of an outgroup can exacerbate social stigmatization, and even worse, potentially effect behavioral outcomes negatively. The reason for this is becomes more clear when assessing the role that in-group prototypes play in the developmental processes of social identity.

Hall & LaFrance (2012, p37) explain “perceptual and behavioral information obtained about the group is used to construct a group norm, which Terry and Hogg (2001) identified as an in-group prototype. In-group prototypes include properties of both descriptive norms and injunctive norms: They not only describe how people do behave, but how people ought to behave (Hogg & Reid, 2006)”. Misconceived, negative cultural norms and prototypes become what is expected of a group and a lack of exposure to diverse depictions of outgroup members can reinforce harmful stereotypes. Thus the sociological approach and manner in which rap

37 music is studied and discussed might influence perceived norms and ultimately impact group identity. We argue that socially conscious hip hop can be a means of rectifying negatively perceived cultural norms and ingroup prototypes through lyrical content which emphasizes commonly understated positive attributes of socially stigmatized outgroups who are generally underrepresented.

Music, being of socio-cultural fiber by nature, is said to be a “social-cohesive” which can mold and strengthen psychological closeness within communities (Roederer, 1984)— communities which define individuals’ social identities. Tekman & Hortaçsu (2002) found that strengthening identity was one of the perceived functions of music; and as a cultural artifact by definition, music can offer unique insights to understanding motives and outcomes for cultural and group expression. Studies have shown, people listen to music for self-expression and social identity (Baker, 2001; Halnon, 2005), as well as social connection (Frith, 1981; Leung & Kier,

2008). Songs come to be the property of a group or a community instead of an individual, as well as “come to belong to a tradition, rather than to a moment” (Margullis, 2007, pp. 79). With that, social and cultural groups posit meaning and identity-forming symbolisms to music (i.e.,

National anthems, religious hymns, sporting events & other social gatherings). Lyrical content is often-time reflective of cultural and societal norms, moral values, and political ideologies

(Goeh, 2002). Socially conscious hip hop reflects all these concepts in a more-or-less thoughtful, socially constructive, and prosocial manner.

Lyrical narratives can be viewed as an integral piece of any social group and as an identity building tool (Owens, 2003). Music has been studied as an expressive tool used by group members for creating a social identity and an as influencer of social evaluations (Berlyne,

38 1971; Chaffee, 1985; Kubrin, 2005). North, Hargreaves, and O’Neill (2000) observed, that from the 12 reasons for listening to music that they offered participants, one of the most commonly chosen reasons offered was: “creating an external impression”. Since people perceive music as contributing to their own identity, and consciously use it as an explicit signifier to the outside world, they likely assume others do the same. Intergroup relations are then likely influenced by interpretation of the music expressed by respective social groups—the notion of interpreting expressions of social identity underscore aspects of perspective-taking.

As mentioned above, perspective-taking has been stated to increase homophily, or the perception of possessing similar traits with another (Gainsky and Moskowitz, 2000). Central to the present thesis is the relational dynamics of homophily and social identity relative to consuming socially conscious hip hop. The realization of previously unnoticed similarities might prompt listeners to question, or update, his or her preconceived notions of the outgroup, bringing the listener’s perceived identity “closer” to that of the outgroup’s. Beyond noticing similarities not before recognized, perspective-takers have been shown to actually adopt attributes and behaviors of the target, regardless of the valence of previously held stereotypes of the individual (Laurent & Myers, 2011). This attribute adoption process is important because it potentially leads to influencing social identity in a socially beneficial way, as Rokeach (1968) discovered that perceived similarity in values serves as an important determinant of interpersonal attraction. The present thesis purports that by adopting attributes of stigmatized outgroup members perceived within media (rap), listeners might, in turn, experience a heightened sense of identity with the other and, furthermore, the stigmatized group. Because social identity theory states that members of a group seek to enhance the self by seeking

39 approval from and inclusion within the group (Hall & LaFrance, 2012), listeners might additionally behave more favorably to outgroup members as perceived from within the lyrics.

Due to newly perceived intergroup similarities and lyrics highlighting attractive outgroup traits, listeners’ likelihood of socially beneficial perspective-taking and identifying with particular, marginalized outgroups may occur.

Gender, and modality of messaging

When assessing the effects of media consumption, gender can sometimes mediate outcomes (Cao, 2013). Men and women tend to have differing self-construals; men typically construct and maintain an independent self-construal, and women a more interdependent self- construal (Cao). Might this interdependence indicate that women might be more empathetic to outgroups than men? By perceiving and construing a more interdependent self, women might naturally do the same for others further increasing likelihood to show signs of compassion, identity and empathy for stigmatized outgroup members. With that, there is a well-established link between helping behavior and empathy (Cao, 2013). Thus we might expect to see women show more feelings of empathy toward individuals within rap music, as well.

Another factor to consider when assessing media effects is modality in which it is consumed (i.e., audio vs. audiovisual). Research has shown that audiovisual congruency can enhance how intensely an emotion is perceived (Rosenfeld and Steffens, 2019). For instance, when a sad scene is accompanied by semantically congruent music (i.e., sad music), consumers are more influenced and more likely to remember the experience than film scenes exhibiting incongruent audiovisual content (Rosenfeld and Steffens, 2019). Thus when studying the effects of rap music, it is important to understand the mode in which the music is consumed, as well as

40 any semantic congruency pertaining to the song. Because aggression, whether conveyed musically or visually, is said to dominate emotions like happiness and friendliness when it comes to audiences’ perception of audiovisual stimuli, studies on rap music’s effects might benefit by considering the valence of the music and/or video (Bolivar et al., 1994). A congruent combination of distinctive film scenes and music reinforces the effect of the visual scene

(Bolivar et al., 1994; Marshall & Cohen, 1988) Lastly, studies have shown the influence of music on the perception of film characters (Hoeckner et al., 2011). Hoeckner (2011) provides evidence that “film music can influence character likability and the certainty of knowing the character's thoughts, which are antecedents of empathetic concern and emphatic accuracy. Thus film music may be regarded as modulating antecedents of empathic concern and empathic accuracy”. This might suggest that music videos which depict positively perceived, audiovisual congruency could help to induce feelings of empathy.

41 Summary

Overall, music “is a fundamentally human capacity, present in all known cultures, and important to intellectual, emotional and social experience . . . and pulls us together as people” (Margullis, 2007). The ways in which the hip hop subculture continues to produce persuasive messages like narrative lyricism and innovative frames of reference can be further investigated by scholars to better understand the conceptualizing and sense-making processes of its producers and listeners. Lyrics spanning rap music’s young history can be used to gauge the influencing of attitudes toward social groups and issues in order to better understand its future role in society. Hip hop’s foothold in popular culture will likely continue to influence attitudes, produce and challenge critics, and present evolving and diverse opinions in communicatively unique ways. The alleged negatives and social detriment attributed to rap music is well researched, but what is next for the future of research?

Lastly, according to Callais (2013), key figures in the rap industry today are leading a movement countering the mainstream rap stereotypes of violence, misogyny, and crime to help create a better image for rap music. If these artists, songs, and social movements are not recognized and adequately addressed by social scientists, one can expect more of the same, one-dimensional subject matter. That is, novel contribution to extant theory can diminish cross-cultural misunderstandings in an ever-diversifying 42 society. According to playwright and hip-hop expert Danny Hoch: “Hip-hop is the future of language and culture in the multicultural society. It crosses all lines of color, race, economics, nationality, and gender, and hip-hop still has something to say” (pg. xvii).

Political tension and the prevalence civil unrest in the United States is arguably more palpable now than has been in recent years. Marginalized social groups voicing discontent of the discrimination and social inequality can learn from and leverage hip hop to reach the youth and disseminate ideas pertaining to overcoming social barriers hindering intergroup harmony. Being that rap music is the most popular genre among youths, coupled with its historically effective ability to advocate on behalf of marginalized groups, rap can be viewed as an effective medium for persuading and promoting intergroup cohesion. Between racial tension, an ever-increasing rate of homelessness, and the LGBT-rights movement in full-swing, socially conscious hip hop is positioned to serve as a catalyst for mitigating the marginalization of these social groups.

43 Hypotheses

The fundamental expectations in this study are that listening to socially- conscious rap music will have positive impacts on listeners relative to how listeners perceive marginalized outgroups: gays, blacks, and homeless. It is expected that this general pattern of positive impact will be found for each of the three dependent variables: attitude, empathy, and identity. [The purpose of this study is to measure the effects of socially-conscious rap on three dependent variables: attitude, empathy, and identity relative to social outgroups (gays, blacks, and homeless). Results will be cross- analyzed by participants’ gender to test for significant differences in responses between groups. Theoretical framework discussed in the literature above will be explored through the following hypotheses:

H1: Participants who listen to socially conscious rap will be more likely to possess more positive attitudes toward outgroups (i.e., gays, Blacks, homeless) than will participants who are not exposed to socially conscious rap.

H2: Participants who listen to socially conscious rap will be more likely to identify with outgroups (i.e., gays, Blacks, homeless) than will participants who are not exposed to socially conscious rap.

44 H3: Participants who listen to socially conscious rap will be more likely to empathize with outgroups (i.e., gays, Blacks, homeless) than will participants who are not exposed to socially conscious rap.

RQ1: Will the type of modality (i.e., audio or audiovisual) that the socially conscious rap music is delivered differentially impact participants’ emotional responses

(i.e., empathy, attitude, identity towards outgroups)?

45 Methods

Participants

All 164 participants (116 females, 48 males) were students recruited from the

Communication Department at a large university. The sample was 71% female and 29% male. There were 126 Whites, 14 Blacks, 12 Asians, and eight Latinos. Students were granted extra credit for in exchange for participating in the study. All participants were between the ages of 18 and 28. We targeted this sample of people based on the proclivity for this particular demographic to be familiar with the selected genre of music.

Design

This analysis was conducted using a 3 (experiment conditions: Socially-conscious rap music video vs. lyrics video with music vs. no music) x 2 (Participants gender: Male or Female) factorial design. The following are the three dependent variables: (1)

Attitude; (2) Empathy; (3) Identity.

Stimulus Materials

Stimuli consisted of listening to three rap songs: (1) “Same Love” by Mclemore &

Ryan Lewis; (2) “Mr. Wendel” by Arrested Development; (3) “I’m Not Racist” by Joyner

Lucas. The first two songs narrate firsthand experiences of two distinct, marginalized social groups (gay and homeless people) while explicitly discussing the groups in the context of public opinion and public policies. The third song, spoke to racial stereotypes, 46 injustice, social identity and the “Black experience” in America. “I’m Not Racist” highlights racial differences between white and black Americans via dialogue between a black man and a white man addressing stereotypes, injustices and common, racially motivated frustration. It also exudes a sense of reconciliation and empathy when the two characters depicted in the song discuss their incongruent perspectives peacefully.

The lyricism across all three songs is relevant to this study because the culturally critical and insightful contents exemplify the prosocial aspects of socially conscious rap music as it pertains to marginalized social groups. Lastly, there was a control group in which participants were not exposed to musical stimuli.

Procedure

The experiment took place in a human-subjects laboratory at a large university in order to quantitatively measure the effects of rap music as accurately as possible. All students were informed that participation was voluntary and to not include their names on any of the questionnaires to assure anonymity. After the briefing, all participants were randomly assigned to one of three conditions: (1) Socially-conscious rap songs with lyric video; (2) Socially-conscious rap songs accompanied by the music video (3) No stimuli (control group).

Participants in Condition 1 were seated at a desk equipped with a monitor and speakers. Each of the three aforementioned songs were played one at a time while the appropriate lyrical content was displayed textually on the screen in sync with the audio

47 vocals to ensure participants accurately received the narratives being conveyed as they listen and read along. The order in which the three songs were presented was random.

Participants in Condition 2, were presented the same songs as participants in

Condition 1. However, instead of text-based lyrics displayed on the monitor, the official music video for each respective song was displayed.

Lastly, Condition 3 was a control group in which participants were not subjected to musical stimuli.

The researchers used a questionnaire to measure participants’: 1) attitudes toward-; 2) empathy toward-; 3) likelihood to identify with- three target social groups

(gays, Blacks, and homeless). Participants in Conditions 1 and 2 were presented with the portion of the questionnaire which related to the most recently played song. After hearing each song, participants immediately responded to questionnaire items pertaining solely to the contents of the song they had heard most recently. After completing the relevant portion of the questionnaire, participants were prompted to play the next song. For example, after hearing “Same Love”, participants responded to questionnaire items which measured attitudes, empathy, and feelings of identity towards gays. After completing questionnaire items pertaining to gays, participants were prompted to proceed to listen to the next song, which was in turn followed by the corresponding questionnaire items.

48 Measures

The three dependent variables will be measured using the following validated scales: (a) Attitudes toward gays will be measured with Kite and Deaux’s (1986)

Attitudes Toward Homosexuality Scale. All items from this scale will be incorporated in this study, as they all describe attitudes toward gays and homosexuality, in general, in society; (b) Attitudes toward homeless people will be measured using Batson et al.’s

(2002) Attitudes Toward Homelessness Scale. All items from this scale will be incorporated because they describe attitudes toward homeless people and homelessness as a social issue in society; (c) Identification and empathy with all three social groups will be measured using distinct scales created by the researchers; (e)

Stereotypical beliefs about out-group members will be measured using Hamilton and

Trolier’s (1986) Social Justice and Equality Scale. All items from this scale will be incorporated, as they all describe beliefs about social justice and equality in society.

Participants will immediately complete the questionnaire items relating to the specific lyrical content of the songs respectively, and indicate all of their responses on a

1 – 7 Likert type scale, with 1 representing “strongly disagree” and 7 representing

“strongly agree”.

For the attitude toward outgroup scale, coefficient alphas were computed for each group: Gays (alpha = .65), Blacks (alpha = .22), Homeless (alpha = .29). For the empathy toward outgroup scale were computed for each group: Gays (alpha = .84),

Blacks (alpha = .84), Homeless (alpha = .86). For the identification with outgroup scale,

49 coefficient alphas were computed for each group: Gays (alpha = .91), Blacks (alpha =

.91), Homeless (alpha = .90).

50 Results

Gays-

Attitude towards gays

A 3 x 2 ANOVA was conducted to evaluate the effects of music listening conditions and gender on attitudes toward gays. Hypothesis H1 proposed that socially conscious rap would have a positive impact on participants’ attitudes towards gays. The results for the ANOVA indicated a significant main effect for the music condition, F (2,

157) = 7.00, p = .001, partial n2 = .09. This main effect demonstrates that participants in both the music video (M = 5.31, SD = .435) and the song/lyric conditions (M = 5.31, SD =

.422) had more positive attitudes toward gays than did those participants in the control only condition (M = 4.96, SD = .655). These findings support H1 (see figure 1)

The data also show that there was a main effect for gender such that males were less likely to harbor positive attitudes toward gays (M = 4.76, SD =.819) than females (M

= 5.16, SD = .521). However, these main effects were qualified by a significant interaction between gender and the specific music condition F (2, 157) = 3.21, p = .043, partial n² = .041. Upon further analyses of the interaction, a one-way ANOVA indicated a significant main effect for condition, F (2, 46) = 4.54, p = .016 such that males who were exposed to the music video (M = 5.37, SD = .421) and males who were exposed to

51 audio/lyrics (M = 5.27, SD = .571) harbored more positive attitudes towards gays. These findings support H1. The results are presented in Figure 1.

Mean Attitudes toward Gays 7.00

6.00 5.27 5.38 4.76 5.00 5.16 5.34 5.25 4.00 3.00 Males

2.00 Females MeanAttitudes 1.00 0.00 Control Lyrics Only Music Video

Figure 1: Mean Attitudes toward Gays

Furthermore, the results do not show a main effect for music conditions among males in the lyric video when compared to the music video. These findings would suggest that attitudinal change is not dependent on the mode in which music was consumed (RQ1).

Identification with gays

The 3 x 2 ANOVA tested the prediction that exposure to socially conscious rap would increase feelings of identification with gays. Results indicated a main effect for condition F (2, 155) = 3.55, partial n2= .02, (p = .031) such that lyrics (M = 4.64, SD =

1.15) and video (M = 4.71, SD = 1.36) conditions yielded higher feelings of identification 52 among participants toward gays than did control groups (M = 3.99, SD = 1.55). These findings support H2 (see Figure 2).

Mean Identification with Gays 4.80 4.64 4.71 4.60

4.40

Identity 4.20 3.99

4.00 Mean 3.80

3.60 Control Lyrics Music Video Participants' Identification with Gays

Figure 2: Mean Identification with Gays

A one-way ANOVA was used to further analyze the effects of music conditions on males’ likelihood to identify with gays. Results indicated a significant main effect for music condition, F (2, 47) = 3.28, p = .047 such that males who were exposed to the music video (M = 4.53, SD = 1.48) and males exposed to audio/lyrics (M = 4.64, SD =

1.05) were more likely to identify with gays than males who received the control (M =

3.53, SD = 1.38). These results support H2 (see Figure 3 below).

53 Mean Identification with Gays 7.00

6.00 4.64 5.00 4.46 4.53

4.00 4.64 4.80

3.00 3.53

MeanIdentity Males 2.00 Females 1.00

0.00 Control Lyrics Music Video

Figure 3: Mean Identification with Gays (by gender)

Empathy towards gays

A 3 x 2 ANOVA was conducted to evaluate the effects of listening to socially conscious rap on feelings of empathy toward gays. The ANOVA indicated no significant interaction between music conditions and gender. The ANOVA indicated a main effect F

(2, 156) = 3.04, p = .05, partial n2 = .04 for music condition, such that feelings of empathy among participants exposed to lyrics & audio (M = 5.20, SD = 1.06) and participants exposed to video & audio (M = 5.14, SD = 1.10) were significantly higher than the feelings of empathy among participants in the control group (M = 4.70, SD =

54 1.32) see Figure 4. These findings support H3. There were no significant differences relative to modalities of music consumption (lyrics video vs music video) (RQ1).

Mean Empathy toward Gays 5.30 5.20 5.20 5.14 5.10 5.00 4.90 4.80 4.70 4.70

Mean Empathy Mean 4.60 4.50 4.40 Control Lyrics Music Video Participants' Empathy towards Gays

Figure 4: Mean Empathy toward Gays

Blacks-

Attitudes towards Blacks

There was no significant effect pertaining to attitudes towards Blacks when listening to music. Second, there was no significant interaction between listening condition and gender. These findings fail to support the hypothesis that socially conscious music will have a positive effect on participants’ attitudes towards Blacks.

55 Empathy towards Blacks

Mirroring the results for attitudes towards Blacks, there was no significant effect pertaining to empathy towards Blacks when listening to socially conscious music.

Identification with Blacks

A 3 x 2 ANOVA was conducted to evaluate the effects of music listening conditions and gender on identification with Blacks. Hypothesis 3 proposed that socially conscious rap music would have a positive impact on participants’ likelihood to identify with Blacks, more so than participants in the control condition. The results for the

ANOVA indicated a significant main effect for music condition, F (2, 151) = 14.96, p <

.001, partial n2 = .161, such that participants exposed to lyrics & audio (M = 5.01, SD =

1.33), and participants exposed to video & audio (M = 5.31, SD = 1.01) identified more with Blacks than did participants in the control group (M = 4.19, SD = 1.41) (see Figure

5)— these findings support H3.

56 Mean Identification with Blacks 7.00

6.00 5.42 5.09 5.00

4.00 4.06 3.00 All Participants

Mean Identity Mean 2.00

1.00

0.00 Control Lyrics Music Video

Figure 5: Mean Identification with Blacks

However, these main effects were qualified by a significant interaction between gender and music condition F (2, 156) = 3.25 = p < .05, partial n2 =.04. Closer examination of the means indicated that women who were exposed to the socially conscious music video (M = 5.11, SD = .942) and females who were exposed to the lyrics

& audio (M = 5.11, SD = 1.24) were more likely to identify with Blacks than females who did not hear the song (M = 4.41, SD = 1.46, p = .021).

Closer examination of the means for males using a one-way ANOVA indicated males who were exposed to the music video (M = 5.72, SD = 1.06) and males exposed to audio/lyrics (M = 5.07, SD = 1.68), were more likely to identify with Blacks than males in the control (M = 3.72, SD = 1.19, p > .01). These findings support H3.

57 While there was not a significant main effect for music conditions (lyric video/audio vs. music video/ audio), these findings would suggest that attitudinal change is not dependent on the mode in which music was consumed (RQ1).

The Homeless-

Attitudes towards homeless

There was no significant effect pertaining to attitudes towards homeless when listening to music. Second, there was no significant interaction between listening condition and gender. These findings fail to support the hypothesis that socially conscious music will have a positive effect on participants’ attitudes towards homeless.

Empathy towards homeless

The 3 x 2 ANOVA indicated a main effect for gender F (1, 162) = 4.06, p = .046, partial n2 = .025, such that females empathized more with the homeless (M = 5.78, SD =

.93) than did males (M = 5.43, SD = 1.02). These support H2. However, modality in which music was received yielded no significant differences in feelings of empathy of females or males.

Identification with homeless

There was no significant effect when testing for identification with the homeless.

58 Discussion

Results Summary

As previously mentioned, there is a great deal of research and literature pointing to rap music’s detriment to society, and a less-than-balanced approach to assessing attitudinal and behavioral outcomes associated with its consumption. We proposed that, aside from the popular approach to discussing negative effects of rap music, it can in fact have prosocial benefits as well. Overall the findings of the study indicate socially conscious hip hop can indeed yield significant, socially beneficial results.

Same Love, the song pertaining to social injustice and equal rights pertaining to gays, yielded significant results relative to all three dependent variables (attitude, empathy, identity). Additionally, attitudes and identity among males were more positively impacted by socially conscious hip hop pertaining to gays than females.

However, the modality of which the music was consumed did not appear to impact these results.

I’m Not Racist, the socially conscious song pertaining to race relations and Black stereotypes, indicated a prosocial effect among listeners relative to identity. The consumption of the song increased likelihood for participants to identify with Blacks.

Again, these findings were not dependent on the modality in which the song was

59 consumed. And lastly, Mr. Wendel, a prosocial song about empathizing with homeless people, failed to yield any significant effects among listeners.

What we learned

The present thesis aimed to explain sociocultural and systemic forces driving hip hop music so that a more rounded understanding of its societal effects might be attained; and how a more holistic, unpresumptuous view of hip hop music’s effects allows for valuable, prosocial insights to become salient. Furthermore, using this universal approach we discovered that socially conscious hip hop can serve to mitigate intergroup conflict and raise awareness to some of the issues plaguing socially stigmatized groups. By casting a more positive light on the entertainment medium that is socially conscious hip hop music, we were able to show how the genre of rap music enhances attitudes and induces empathy towards society’s marginalized groups. This thesis provided us with valuable insights into how empathy and perspective-taking, attitudes toward outgroups, and social identity can be improved by listening to socially conscious hip hop.

Theoretical implications

Overall the results of the experiment were supportive of the hypothesis that attitudes toward outgroups can be improved by through exposure to positive depictions of outgroup members. Furthermore, results support parasocial contact hypothesis in that indirect contact with representations of outgroup members within media (rap lyrics), individuals can come to form more positive impressions of the outgroup.

60 However, a direct measurement of participants’ perceived relationship with characters or the rappers themselves was not implemented, thus limiting the theoretical contribution to the theory. Additionally, this thesis suggests hip hop lyrics can induce perspective-taking and feelings of empathy which ultimately lead to intergroup harmony. With that being said, a more direct measurement for gauging whether or not empathy triggered perspective-taking when consuming lyrical media could be utilized in order to better understand affective processes pertaining prosocial media effects.

Furthermore, the findings suggest that the effects of socially conscious hip hop can parallel the effects associated with other types of media consumption, relative to extant literature (i.e., parasocial contact); logically implying that social science theory pertaining to prosocial media effects, writ large, might gain by juxtaposing socially conscious hip hop lyrics to television and other forms of media commonly discussed within the literature.

However, it should be noted that all depictions of stigmatized outgroup members presented within the songs in the experiment were males. This could inherently impact participants’ responses, in that if the outgroups were represented by females, participants might have responded differently. That is to say, gay men typically elicit more negative reactions than gay women; and homeless women might potentially elicit more empathetic responses than homeless men, as well. Lastly, results support the hypothesis that when similarities between two different groups are made more salient

61 and members perceive themselves more homogenously, likelihood for empathy and effective parasocial interaction is increased.

Practical implications

Moreover, results indicate that socially conscious hip hop can be employed as a valuable tool which can actively ameliorate the current state of intergroup conflict within society today. Especially, according to results from the present experiment, conflict pertaining to social injustices and prejudice afflicting members of the LGBT community; given the definitively prosocial affects within participants subjected to

Same Love. This is not to say other marginalized groups (e.g., Blacks and homeless) could not equally benefit from the music genre’s lyrical messaging, but the positive responses should compel future research exploring additional prosocial impacts associated with socially conscious rap. Furthermore, in this case, those who listen to socially conscious hip hop regularly might expect to experience more positive attitudes towards those socially stigmatized groups represented within the lyrics than individuals not consuming such lyrics. Thus is can be reasoned that teachers, parents, and people in positions of social influence might then look to the genre in a more socially constructive light and even utilize its poignant messaging in bold new ways to affect prosocial outcomes among their respective audiences.

Limitations

The results of the experiment conducted were limited due to a lack of participant diversity. Participants were predominately white which limits the results’ applicability to

62 certain aspects of intergroup interaction, such as varying racial groups’ perceptions on stigmatized group members represented within the lyrics. Additionally, we chose a diverse set of socially conscious hip hop songs which spanned roughly 15 years between the releases of Mr. Wendel in 1993, and I’m Not Racist in 2017. The earliest song might not be as applicable today’s youth given the popularity and salience as the other, new songs. Furthermore, potential shifts in societal norms might have taken place during the time between the songs creations/releases were not accounted for (i.e., political correctness or slang in 1993 differs from those in 2017). Additionally, preexisting attitudes towards the rappers whose songs were chosen for experiment might influence participants’ responses. For instance, if a participant was a fan of the rapper of song being consumed, he or she may be more likely to engage in active listening than a nonfan; or a participant who disliked the artist and might be compelled to ignore the lyrics.

Also, the melody of the song might influence the mood of participants in ways which researchers could not take into account. Also, the lyrical content covered a bevy of social issues ranging from stereotypes, to policy, and the questionnaire items can fail to measure other possible prosocial outcomes as well as potential adverse effects that may have resulted from hearing the lyrics. limit however content within the lyrics might not adequately address all measures of variables equally. Another limitation to the experiment might be that lyrics were not properly comprehended by the participants which could obvious consequences in self reports.

63 Conclusion, direction for future research

In conclusion—the current state of intergroup relations, and the overall perception of hip hop music within social science literature, both could benefit from more perspective-taking and empathy. Overall, there oftentimes seems that there is a lack of acceptance and appreciation for cultural heterogeneity within the social sphere; and informative and thoughtful rap lyrics found within socially conscious hip hop music ought to be considered a unique and effective way of reducing prejudice. Given hip hop’s pop-cultural magnitude, socially conscious rap lyrics are likely having prosocial impacts quite often, as shown within the results of this study. The present thesis shows that when social science and the general public adhere to rigid, antiquated preconceived notions, novel insights and social harmony are less likely to be achieved.

Future research directions for those who might want to pursue a similar research path might be to explore additional, prosocial outcomes of socially conscious hip hop, such as improving self-esteem, or behavioral outcomes (i.e., likelihood for civic engagement). We noticed there is a breadth of music which could be applied to when exploring the notion of increased self-esteem among listeners; it would be interesting to see how effective some of the prosocial songs might be when testing for cultural pride and self-esteem improvements. Another direction for future research might be to test for potential prosocial outcomes of gangsta rap, as well. That is to say, there is prosocial content within gangsta rap as well, but rarely are those positive attributes the focal point when assessing outcomes. Furthermore, it might be noted that future research

64 aimed at expanding parasocial hypothesis might focus on listener’s perceived relationship to music artists and rappers themselves, rather than characters portrayed within lyrical narratives as mentioned above. Parasocial relationships with rappers may potentially grow over time and with prolonged exposure to a particular artist belonging to an outgroup. Future, similar research might also consider including a survey as a pretest to gage participants’ baseline attitudes toward outgroups in order to achieve a more thorough measurement of the music’s effect.

Overall, the findings of this study were promising for future research interesting on the prosocial effects of hip hop music. Asking bold, new questions when approaching research, rather than those mirroring negative public perceptions, is imperative to advance theory and acquire novel insights within the field. Most importantly, scholars might consider taking more holistic approaches to studying media effects and rap music in order to better understand intergroup dynamics.

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