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The Social Life of a Small Ethnology Museum in Limpopo, South Africa Lisa Victoria Hendricks Thesis Presented in Fulfilment of T

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The Social Life of a Small Ethnology Museum in Limpopo, South Africa Lisa Victoria Hendricks Thesis Presented in Fulfilment of T The social life of a small ethnology museum in Limpopo, South Africa Lisa Victoria Hendricks Thesis presented in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at Stellenbosch University Supervisor: Ilana van Wyk December 2020 i Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za Declaration By submitting this thesis electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the sole author thereof (save to the extent explicitly otherwise stated), that reproduction and publication thereof by Stellenbosch University will not infringe any third party rights and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. December 2020 Copyright © 2020 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved ii Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za Abstract This mini-ethnography is concerned with a small-town ethnology museum, the Aranya Museum, and the various actors that entered and engaged with the museum and its artefacts during a period of transition, which started with the death of its long-time curator. The museum, like many others in South Africa, was founded by a lone man and was animated by a colonial collecting ethic that had become deeply unfashionable post-apartheid. Indeed, the literature shows a radical shift in museum collecting practices that has seen “source communities” becoming involved in and laying claim to their ethnic heritage in such ethnology collections. Contrary to this trend, the Aranya Museum held little interest for the museum’s “source communities” who expressed no intention to appropriate or reclaim ‘their’ indigenous artefacts. Instead, local white, wealthy and landed businessmen became publicly invested in this seemingly inconsequential museum precisely because it contained artefacts of the area’s black communities; artefacts which were, at the time of my research, susceptible to appropriation. In the context of looming land claims and racial tensions in this small town, this appropriation was in opposition to the interests of people whose ethnic identity and heritage were contained in the museum. Inspired by Appadurai’s (1986) The Social Life of Things, I show how this literally and symbolically set the collection and its personnel in motion. At the same time, the “source community’s” dynamic understanding of heritage and of tourism has given rise to plans for possible new ethnology museums in the area, mapping onto existing political and economic divisions within the community. iii Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za Opsomming Hierdie mini-etnografie is gesituasioneer in ‘n klein dorpie waar verskeie sosiale akteurs betrokke geraak het in ‘n etnologie museum, die Aranya Museum, gedurende ‘n oorgangsperiode wat begin het toe die museum se langtermyn kurator oorlede is. Soos baie ander museums in Suid Afrika, is dié een geloods deur ‘n man wat geïnspireer was deur ‘n koloniale versamelingsetiek. Ná apartheid het die etiek hoogs problematies geword. Inderdaad, akademiese werk dui op ‘n radikale verskuiwing in museumsversamelingspraktyke waarin “oorsprongsgemeenskappe” toenemend betrokke raak in etnologie museums en waar hulle dikwels eise instel op ‘hulle’ etniese erfenis in sulke versamelings. In teenstryd met dié neiging het die Aranya Museum se “oorsprongsgemeenskap” min belangstelling getoon in ‘hulle’ kultuurerfenis binne die museum. ‘n Groep plaaslike, ryk wit mans het wel probeer om die niksseggende versameling te probeer kaap omdat dit die plaaslike swart gemeenskappe se kultuurerfenis bevat het. Die objekte het gedurende my navorsing beskikbaar vir sulke kaping geword. In ‘n konteks waarin grondeise en rassespanning in die klein dorpie hoog geloop het, was die kaping in teenstryd met die belange van die mense wie se etniese identiteit en erfenis in die museum vervat is. Geïnspireer deur Appadurai (1986) se The Social Life of Things, wys ek hoe die proses letterlik en figuurlik die museum se versameling en personeel in mosie gesit het. Terselftertyd het die “oorsprongsgemeenskap” se dinamiese begrip van erfenis en toerisme meegegee dat hulle planne gemaak het om nuwe etnologie museums in die area oop te maak. Die planne was geskool op bestaande politieke en ekonomiese verdelings in die gemeenskap. iv Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za Acknowledgements First and foremost, I would like to thank my supervisor, Ilana van Wyk, for the assistance and invaluable support she provided me over the course of this research project. I would also like to thank my family and friends, Henry and Elisa Hendricks, Kylie and Justine, for their endless support and encouragement during this period. Lastly, I would like to thank the Mellon Foundation for an Indexing Transformation MA Scholarship that financially assisted me in the completion of this research project. v Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za Table of Contents ABSTRACT iii OPSOMMING iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS v LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ix LIST OF FIGURES x Chapter 1: Introduction 1 Modjadjiskloof, the kingdom of the Modjadji Rain Queens 2 My fieldwork 5 Cultural products of the Modjadji and their place in the Aranya Museum 6 Ethical considerations 13 Chapter outline 13 Chapter 2: One man’s mission 16 Introduction 16 The founder 18 The Aranya Museum 22 Mr. Gerhard, the hero-collector 25 Aranya Museum and its source communities 33 A guided tour of the Aranya Museum 34 Miss Cynthia 38 The Gerhard Schneider Trust 41 Conclusion 42 Chapter 3: A time of change 44 Introduction 44 vi Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za Seeing the changes 44 The trust, Agri24 and local farming 46 Source communities and museum claims 49 Mr. Gerhard’s legacy 51 Nine to five in the museum 54 Conclusion 58 Chapter 4: Mr. Daniel Hilton-Barber 60 Introduction 60 A notable man 60 Victoria-Chambers Boutique Hotel 62 The “Limpopo Museum of Magic” 68 Museums and distinction 70 The “local community” as audience 72 Conclusion 73 Chapter 5: The Aranya Museum and the Modjadji “source community” 75 Introduction 75 “Community” and tourism 75 The Modjadji collection, source communities and cultural reparations 82 The Aranya Museum from source community members’ perspective 86 A royal feud 92 Museums, tourism and political authority 95 Conclusion 97 Chapter 6: Conclusion 99 Reference list 105 vii Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za List of Abbreviations CCMA Commission for Conciliation, Mediation and Arbitration EEF Economic Freedom Fighters GAM Greater Aranya Municipality LSWP Legacy of Slavery Working Party SAHRA South African Heritage Resources Agency SAM South African Museum viii Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za List of Figures Figure 1 Map of South Africa, Limpopo Province and Modjadjiskloof 1 Figure 2 Museum signboard 16 Figure 3 Reception area 17 Figure 4 Sculptures room 17 Figure 5 Pots room 17 Figure 6 Aranya museum layout 29 Figure 7 Modjadji “house guard” 36 Figure 8 Headrest 37 Figure 9 Congolese headrest 37 Figure 10 Modjadji royal compound layout 79 Figure 11 Modjadji cooking pot 87 Figure 12 Modjadji plate 87 Figure 13 Modjadji “ritual” pot 88 ix Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za Chapter 1: Introduction This research project is about a small-town museum in the tropical environs of a town I will call Aranya in the Mopani District, Limpopo, South Africa (see Figure 1). I was first attracted to this small town because of the legend of South Africa’s Rain Queen who lives nearby. Known as Modjadji, the rain queen has been described as the “[t]ransformer of the clouds… regarded as the changer of the seasons” (Krige & Krige 1943: 271). The queen’s mystical abilities seemed well suited to this area. Aranya is an agricultural town surrounded by forests and fruit and vegetable farms in almost every direction. The area receives high rainfall and its soils are fertile, yet these natural riches did not extend to Aranya’s population. Unemployment, low education levels and poverty plagued more than half of the town’s people, the majority of whom were black (Whitbread, MacLeod, McDonald, Penegelly, Ayisi & Mkhari 2011: 435). Apart from the economic and educational legacies of apartheid, the area’s social issues included increased racial tensions, which some sections of the community have ascribed to land claims in the area1, which have received great public attention (Whitbread et al 2001: 439). Limpopo 1 In 1994, South Africa land reform policy experienced major changes impacting the Restitution and Land Rights Act (No 22 of 1994) and Section 2(7) of the Bill of Rights. It determined that any person or community dispossessed of property rights, after June 1913 and as a result of racially discriminatory laws or practices, is entitled to restitution of that property or equitable redress (De Beer 2006: 27). Initially, the cut-off date for lodging land claims was December 1998, yet in June 2014, the process of lodging land claims was reopened and extended until 30 June 2019 (Zenker 2015: 2), yet only 7% of white-opened farms have been transferred to black farmers as a result of the land reform programmes (Evers, Seagle and Krijtenburg, 2013:103). 1 Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za South Africa Figure 1: Map of South Africa, Limpopo Province and Modjadjiskloof. Source: Wikipedia (05/02/2020) Modjadjiskloof Modjadjiskloof, the kingdom of the Modjadji Rain Queens According to the newspapers, it rained slightly on the morning of 16 April 2003, the day Makobo Modjadji was inaugurated as the new Rain Queen Modjadji VI of the Balobedu. It apparently drizzled through most of the ceremony. A family representative, Mathole Moshekga, said that they expected the rain; no one doubted that the coronation of the rain queen would be a dry event (Nair, 2003b). The rainfall on her coronation day was interpreted as a symbol of her power, and a blessing on her and her people. Although the family knew that “rain will be a blessing for the queen”, an auspicious sign, Moshekga said that it would “disrupt proceedings” (Nair, 2003a).
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