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Management of Islamic Education in Kelantan

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Management of Islamic Education in Kelantan Federalism in Serambi Mekah 63 Chapter 5 Federalism in Serambi Mekah: Management of Islamic Education in Kelantan Azmil Tayeb Universiti Sains Malaysia [email protected] In theory, federalism as a system of governance allows for an evenly balanced power arrangement between the central government and its autonomous component states, formally ascribed by the constitution. In practice, however, such power equilibrium is rarely the case. In Malaysia, the federal system skews heavily in favor of the strong central government despite the clear jurisdictional authority accorded to the states by the constitution. In this article I will illustrate why the central government in Malaysia has been able to transcend this constitutionally designed separation of powers by focusing on Islamic education. The Ninth Schedule and Article 3 of the Malaysian constitution stipulate that each state has the broad authority to administer Malay and Islamic affairs within its own boundary, of which Islamic education is part, with minimal interference from the central government. In reality, since the late 1970s at the onset of the wave of Islamic resurgence in Malaysia the central has been ramping up effort to absorb many of the previously independent private Islamic schools into its control. This effort includes attempts to gain control over Islamic schools in the state of Kelantan, which is long known for its Islamic education traditions and oppositional politics against the central government. This article argues that the central government has been largely successful in its effort to gain control of Islamic education in Kelantan despite the state’s long-time fraught relationship with the central government in Kuala Lumpur and Putrajaya. 64 The Illusions of Democracy Federalism, as a governing concept, makes pragmatic sense in a country such as Malaysia where there have been in existence historically autonomous kingdoms and colonies with their own local bases of power and unique traditions. It is a system of governance that allows for particular expressions of local autonomy while still keeping the nation whole and cohesive, essentially balancing the dominating tendency of the federal government and the autonomous aspirations of its components on the periphery. Nevertheless, the type of federalism practised in Malaysia is not evenly balanced and is heavily skewed towards the domineering federal government in Putrajaya and Kuala Lumpur (Loh, 2010; Mohammad Agus, 2006; Shafruddin, 1987). Francis Loh terms this imbalanced arrangement ‘centralised federalism’, a central–state relationship that is ‘coercive, rather than co-operative’ (Loh, 2010: 132). Loh offers three explanations why this is so: constitutional design that clearly favours the central over the state governments; the one-party political dominance that leads to the concentration of power in the executive branch; and the implementation of the New Economic Policy (NEP) in 1971 that spawned numerous statutory bodies and government-linked companies (GLCs), which resulted in the expansion of the public sector and tight control by the central authorities (Ibid., 132–4). At the crux of this highly centralised form of federalism lies the persistent drive to maintain the political status quo, that is the unbroken hegemony of National Coalition (Barisan Nasional, BN) rule since independence, in particular of the Malay political party, United Malays National Organisation (UMNO). The management of Islamic education in Malaysia is used as the focal point to analyse the currently overbearing presence of the federal government. This chapter is organised as follows: first, background information on Islamic education in Malaysia, especially in regard to central–state relations. Then an explanation of why the federal government, via the Ministry of Education (MOE) and JAKIM, has managed to exert overwhelming influence over the character and management of Islamic education despite the states’ constitutionally empowered autonomy to administer Islamic education in their own respective areas. Two factors that contribute to this lopsided dynamic are offered. Lastly, Kelantan is used as the case study to serve as an empirical illustration of the federal government’s dominance in the field of Islamic education in a state that is long renowned for its strong local traditions of Islamic learning. Federalism in Serambi Mekah 65 Background of Islamic Education in Malaysia Most Islamic schools in Malaysia are part of the national education system. Only a few dozen traditional pondok choose to remain independent of official control by offering exclusively religious education.1 In recent years there has also been an explosive growth of private Islamic schools that use an integrated Islamic curriculum, which essentially fuses religious tenets with general subjects such as science and mathematics, as opposed to the bifurcated curriculum found in other Islamic schools. These integrated Islamic schools typically cater to middle- and upper-middle class Malay families, due to their focus on professional careers and expensive tuition fees (Azmil, 2016: 240–96). Three authorities manage and supervise the various types of Islamic schools in Malaysia: the Ministry of Education (Kementerian Pendidikan), the State Religious Council (Majlis Agama Islam Negeri, MAIN), and the Department of Islamic Development (Jabatan Kemajuan Islam, JAKIM). There is an occasional overlap of jurisdiction and responsibilities between these three authorities, even causing intra- institutional frictions at times, but the overall relationship is smooth, with a heavy tilt towards the Ministry of Education and JAKIM. The constitution, which gives each state the full authority to manage Islamic affairs within its borders, produces a two-tiered administration for Islamic education in Malaysia: national and state (Fig. 1). At the national level, the Islamic Education Division (Bahagian Pendidikan Islam, BPI) of the Ministry of Education is in charge of all national religious secondary schools (Sekolah Menengah Kebangsaan Agama, SMKA), the curriculum of the Islamic studies subject in all schools within the national educational system, and the certification of Islamic studies teachers. BPI also co-manages the Government-Assisted Religious Schools (Sekolah Agama Bantuan Kerajaan, SABK) with MAIN. The ministry and MAIN divide between them the management of the People’s Religious Schools (Sekolah Agama Rakyat, SAR) and State Religious Schools (Sekolah Agama Negeri, SAN). The ministry supervises the implementation of the national curriculum in these schools, while the state Islamic council sets the curriculum for all Islamic subjects. Schools such as pondok which are not part of the national educational system fall under the aegis of MAIN. SAR also come under the 1 The pedagogical method in traditional pondok education places heavy emphasis on rote memorisation and recitation of seminal texts, oral transmission of knowledge with a clear intellectual genealogy (teacher-focus), no regular exams, and no fixed curriculum or school terms. 66 The Illusions of Democracy purview of the Advisory Agency for the Streamlining of Islamic Education and Islamic Studies (Lembaga Penasihat Penyelarasan Pelajaran dan Pendidikan Agama Islam, LEPAI), a sub-division within JAKIM. Currently there are 1,804 Islamic schools in the Malaysian national education system (roughly one school for every 9,616 Muslims) (Data KAFA, Sekolah Agama dan Masjid, 2013: 30). Lastly, supervision for the integrated Islamic schools falls under the jurisdiction of the Private Education Division in the Ministry of Education while MAIN co-vets their curriculum. Fig. 1. Management of Islamic Schools in Malaysia State Department Ministry of Religious of Islamic Education Council Development (MAIN) (JAKIM) National Government- People’s Government- People’s Religious Assisted State Religious Religious Assisted Religious Secondary Religious Schools (SAN) Schools (SAR) Religious Schools (SAR) Schools (SMKA) Schools (SABK) Schools (SABK) Historical and political background of management of Islamic education in Malaysia The influence of the federal government is unmistakably apparent in the field of Islamic education, which technically falls under the autonomous purview of the state governments and the State Islamic Councils (Majlis Agama Islam Negeri, MAIN). Article 3 and the Ninth Schedule of the constitution bestow the states the authority to administer Islamic affairs and customs within their own respective boundaries, of which Islamic education is a part. Before the late 1970s the federal government largely left the states alone with respect to Islamic education as it saw the matter as the states’ prerogative. Moreover, the federal government at the time was irreligious in orientation and did not find much political utility in supporting Islamic education, as evidenced by their inaction on the 1956 report submitted by the Committee to Consider Financial Aid to Non-Government Islamic Religious Schools on the poor conditions of Islamic schools.2 2 According to the report, by 1956 there were 368 non-government Islamic religious schools with 35,093 students and 1,174 teachers spread across eleven states in peninsular Malaysia. Most of these schools had poor infrastructure, unqualified teachers, and haphazardly designed curricula that mainly focused on religious subjects (Rosnani, 2004: 36–9). For example, the Pahang religious authority asked for a federal government takeover of People’s Islamic Schools (Sekolah
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