Recursion and Occlusion in Noel Pearson's 'Eulogy' for Gough Whitlam
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Whitlam As Internationalist: a Centenary Reflection
WHITLAM AS INTERNATIONALIST: A CENTENARY REFLECTION T HE HON MICHAEL KIRBY AC CMG* Edward Gough Whitlam, the 21st Prime Minister of Australia, was born in July 1916. This year is the centenary of his birth. It follows closely on his death in October 2014 when his achievements, including in the law, were widely debated. In this article, the author reviews Whitlam’s particular interest in international law and relations. It outlines the many treaties that were ratified by the Whitlam government, following a long period of comparative disengagement by Australia from international treaty law. The range, variety and significance of the treaties are noted as is Whitlam’s attraction to treaties as a potential source of constitutional power for the enactment of federal laws by the Australian Parliament. This article also reviews Whitlam’s role in the conduct of international relations with Australia’s neighbours, notably the People’s Republic of China, Papua New Guinea, Indonesia and Indochina. The reconfiguration of geopolitical arrangements is noted as is the close engagement with the United Nations, its agencies and multilateralism. Whilst mistakes by Whitlam and his government are acknowledged, his strong emphasis on international law, and treaty law in particular, was timely. It became a signature theme of his government and life. CONTENTS I Introduction .............................................................................................................. 852 II Australia’s Ratification of International Treaties ................................................. -
In the Name of Failure: a Generational Revolution in Indigenous Affairs Will Sanders
In the Name of Failure: A Generational Revolution in Indigenous Affairs Will Sanders Introduction In April 2004, towards the end of its third term, the Howard Government announced its intention to abolish the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission (ATSIC), the statutory centerpiece of Commonwealth Indigenous affairs administration over the previous fifteen years. In so doing Prime Minister Howard and his Minister for Immigration and Multicultural and Indigenous Affairs, Senator Amanda Vanstone, referred to ATSIC as an ‘experiment in separate….elected representation, for Indigenous people’ which had been a ‘failure’ and which would not be replaced. Instead a group of ‘distinguished Indigenous people’ would be appointed to ‘advise’ the government and ATSIC’s former programs would be ‘mainstreamed’ to line government departments, though there would still be ‘a major policy role’ for the Minister for Indigenous Affairs (Howard and Vanstone 2004). In this essay, I will focus on the way in which the idea of past policy failure has become the driving motif of Australian Indigenous affairs during the fourth Howard Government and how, in the name of failure, the Government has argued repeatedly for significant organizational and policy change. The first section of the essay documents, in chronological style, this constant linking of the idea of failure with arguments for change. The second section asks, in a more analytic style, what sort of change is now occurring in Australian Indigenous affairs? I argue that the change is best thought of as a generational revolution, which combines a major disowning of the work of the previous generation in Indigenous affairs with a significant ideological swing to the right. -
Whitlam and China
WHITLAM AND CHINA Prime Ministers Series November 2014 FRONT COVER IMAGE: Gough and Margaret Whitlam visit the Temple of Heaven in Beijing November, 1973. © File photo/NLA/Xinhua CONTENTS Introduction 4 Whitlam and China: 6 Transcript of Panel Discussion, Sydney, November 6 2014 A Note from Graham Freudenberg - Terrill and Taiwan (November 9 2014) 35 Whitlam Timeline 38 Further Reading 40 The Panellists 42 Published by Australia-China Relations Institute (ACRI) University of Technology, Sydney PO Box 123 Broadway NSW 2007 Australia t: +61 2 9514 8593 f: +61 2 9514 2189 e: [email protected] w: www.acri.uts.edu.au © Australia-China Relations Institute (ACRI) 2015 ISBN 978-0-9942825-0-7 The publication is copyright. Other than for uses permitted under the Copyright Act 1968, no part may be reproduced by any process without attribution. INTRODUCTION ACRI is proud to have hosted this discussion of Gough Whitlam’s 1971 visit which opened up the contemporary relationship between Australia and China. It is sad that we weren’t able to interview Gough Whitlam about China in the way we intend to interview other Australian Prime Ministers. But we are honoured to add this transcript to the many tributes to Australia’s 21st Prime Minister. In our panel conversation, a long-term Whitlam advisor and friend, 81 year old Graham Freudenberg, recreated the tension around the visit. Mr Whitlam was Opposition Leader; he was taking a political risk in going to ‘Red China’. Mr Freudenberg, a master of story- telling, captured the sense of excitement felt by the Whitlam party encamped at the Peking Hotel. -
History on a Bus
History on a Bus USING SOCIODRAMA TO ADDRESS RACISM AND RECONCILIATION HELEN KEARINS ABSTRACT In Sydney’s Redfern Park on the 10th of December 1992, the launch of the International Year of Indigenous People, the then Australian Prime Minister Paul Keating delivered a ground breaking speech that gave great hope to people working for reconciliation with Aboriginal Australians. One of those inspired to continue this work, Helen Kearins developed a workshop that assists participants to own racism and move beyond it towards genuine reconciliation with Aboriginal people. In this article, adapted from her 2011 AANZPA Accreditation thesis, she demonstrates the efficacy of sociodrama in this work. KEY WORDS Aboriginal Australians, racism, reconciliation, sociodrama, warm up, White Australians Setting the Scene On my way to or from work in Sydney, I often drive past Redfern Park. Many Australians associate the suburb of Redfern with a stereotype of Aboriginal poverty and dysfunction. Apart from the fact that the stereotype is grossly inaccurate, I have a very different association with Redfern Park. It was here on the 10th December 1992 that Prime Minister Paul Keating gave a speech, often referred to now as the Redfern Park Speech, to launch the 1993 International Year of the World’s Indigenous People. I was there. The speech was significant because it was the first time that an Australian prime minister had acknowledged that, “...the problem starts with us non-Aboriginal Australians”. He went on to say, “It begins I think with an act of recognition” and to name the elements in need of recognition. He emphasised the opportunity provided by this international year to address the injustices suffered by indigenous Australians and to continue working towards reconciliation. -
The Scabsuckers: Regional Journalists' Representation of Indigenous Australians
Asia Pacific Media ducatE or Issue 3 Article 7 7-1997 The scabsuckers: Regional journalists' representation of Indigenous Australians J. Ewart Central Queensland University Follow this and additional works at: https://ro.uow.edu.au/apme Recommended Citation Ewart, J., The scabsuckers: Regional journalists' representation of Indigenous Australians, Asia Pacific Media ducatE or, 3, 1997, 108-117. Available at:https://ro.uow.edu.au/apme/vol1/iss3/7 Research Online is the open access institutional repository for the University of Wollongong. For further information contact the UOW Library: [email protected] ear c n t e s The Scabsuckers: Regional Journalists' Representation Of Indigenous Australians This article paints a picture of the professional culture of journalists at one regional daily newspaper in Queensland, Australia in relation to their self-described practices in the representation of indigenous Australians. Theauthor suggests thatjournalists' ideologies and self described practices tend to conflict. However this conflict tends to be rationalised and justified by thejournalists on thebasis ofthereality of theirpractices and adherence to conventional news values. Jacqui Ewart Central Queensland University, Australill ell, I think the media has got to take a lot of the blame [for W Pauline Hanson]. Cultural and racial stereotypes are your trade. You guys are responsible for creating the very swamp out of which Pauline Hanson has just emerged. You people trade in prejudices. You've been picking at the scab of racism since you started. You're in the scab sucking business. (Noel Pearson, Frontline, 1997). Strong and emotive, but hard hitting words from a man who has been on the receiving end of the II scab suckingbusiness" for many years in his work with the Cape York Land Council in the Northern Territory, Australia. -
Media Stars and Neoliberal News Agendas in Indigenous Policymaking Kerry Mccallum and Lisa Waller
13 Media stars and neoliberal news agendas in Indigenous policymaking Kerry McCallum and Lisa Waller Introduction Our essay uses a media studies lens to examine the ascendancy of neoliberal policy agendas in Indigenous affairs. The Media and Indigenous Policy project1 has been investigating the dynamic interplay between news media and the complex, politically sensitive and uneven bureaucratic field of Indigenous affairs. A particular focus has been to investigate the news media’s power to construct problems and suggest solutions in the Indigenous policy field. This essay draws on that research to argue that conservative news outlets have sponsored a narrow range of Indigenous voices to articulate and promote neoliberal policy agendas to government. We examine how The Australian newspaper, as the keystone media on Indigenous affairs, was integral to the rise of Noel Pearson as the singular influence on Indigenous affairs. In doing so, we acknowledge and pay tribute to the thinking of Jon Altman in the development of our ideas, and for his support throughout this project. Altman’s public discussion 1 Australian News Media and Indigenous Policymaking 1988–2008 (DP0987457). 171 ENGAGING INDIGENOUS ECONOMY of the 2007 Northern Territory Emergency Response made him one of the few Australian public intellectuals to think and act outside the dominant neoliberal discourse on Indigenous policy. Neoliberal agendas in Indigenous affairs policy The constructivist approach to policymaking (Colebatch 2002, Bacchi 2009) foregrounds the discursive battles that frame some issues as problems to be solved and enable some solutions to be heard more clearly than others. This approach problematises the dominant assumption that Indigenous affairs is ‘intractable’, ‘wicked’ or an area of ‘policy failure’, and helps explain sharp swings and occasional dramatic announcements such as the 2007 Northern Territory Emergency Response (NTER or Intervention). -
ACHIEVEMENT and SHORTFALL in the NARCISSISTIC LEADER Gough Whitlam and Australian Politics
CHAPTER 12 ACHIEVEMENT AND SHORTFALL IN THE NARCISSISTIC LEADER Gough Whitlam and Australian Politics JAMES A. WALTER Conservative parties have dominated Australian federal politics since the Second World War. Coming to power in 1949 under Mr. (later Sir) Robert Menzies, the Liberal-Country party (L-CP) coalition held office continuously until 1972, when it was displaced by the reformist Aus tralian Labor party (ALP) government of Mr. Gough Whitlam. Yet the Whitlam ALP government served for only three years before losing office in unusual and controversial circumstances in 1975, since which time the conservative coalition has again held sway. It is my purpose here to examine the leadership of Gough Whitlam and the effects he had upon the fortunes of the ALP government. But first, it is essential to sketch briefly the political history of the years before Whitlam carne to power and the material conditions which the ALP administration en countered, for rarely can the success or failure of an administration be attributed solely to the qualities of an individual. In this case, the con tingencies of situation and history were surely as relevant as the charac teristics of leadership. In Australia, the period from the late 1940s until the late 1960s was, in relative terms, a time of plenty. Prices for Australian exports (agri cultural and later mineral products) were high, foreign investment in the economy flourished, and Robert Menzies' conservative government capitalized by astutely presenting itself as the beneficent author of these conditions. In reality, the government played little part, and develop- 231 C. B. Strozier et al. -
Aboriginal Australia: an Economic History of Failed Welfare Policy
ABORIGINAL AUSTRALIA: AN ECONOMIC HISTORY OF FAILED WELFARE POLICY Laura Davidoff and Alan Duhs* University of Queensland June 2008 Abstract: Aboriginal welfare policy of recent decades has been widely rejected as a failure. Radically different policies are now being trialed, in recognition of the continuing large gap between indigenous and non-indigenous living standards. Some Aboriginal leaders themselves have called for a rejection of the passive welfare policies of the past, in acceptance of a Friedman-style critique of ‘money for nothing’ welfare handouts, while nonetheless calling for a Sen-style capabilities approach to the policy needs of the future. *Laura Davidoff was formerly an economic consultant and is now a tutor, School of Economics The University of Queensland. *Alan Duhs is Senior Lecturer, School of Economics The University of Queensland I. Introduction: Australia’s Aboriginal population has just passed the half million mark, representing some 2.5% of the total population of about 21 million. In the midst of Australian prosperity and its world-class health and education systems lies what is now widely regarded as the national shame of Aboriginal living conditions. Particularly in remote areas, Aboriginal circumstances are so conspicuously unsatisfactory that critics regard the Aboriginal population as comprising something of a separate third world country, within the Australian mainstream. Respected Aboriginal leader Noel Pearson has described life in his North Queensland hometown as “a living Hell”. An immediate indicator of this situation is the fact the full-blooded Aborigines were not even counted in the Australian population census until a referendum changed the Australian constitution in 1967. -
Addressing Indigenous Constitutional Vulnerability Through the Uluru Statement’S Call for a First Nations Voice in Their Affairs
2018 ‘The Torment of Our Powerlessness’ 629 ‘THE TORMENT OF OUR POWERLESSNESS’: ADDRESSING INDIGENOUS CONSTITUTIONAL VULNERABILITY THROUGH THE ULURU STATEMENT’S CALL FOR A FIRST NATIONS VOICE IN THEIR AFFAIRS SHIREEN MORRIS* This article analyses and explores the Uluru Statement from the Heart’s call for a constitutionally guaranteed First Nations voice in their affairs, as constitutional reform intended to address the ongoing problem of Indigenous constitutional vulnerability and powerlessness. It contends that a First Nations voice is a suitable solution: it coheres and aligns with Australian constitutional culture and design which recognises, represents and gives voice to the pre- existing political communities, or constitutional constituencies. The article evaluates, compares and attempts to refine drafting options to give effect to a First Nations constitutional voice, by reference to principles of constitutional suitability, responsiveness to concerns about parliamentary supremacy and legal uncertainty, and assessment of political viability. The article concludes that the proposal for a constitutionally enshrined First Nations voice strikes the right conceptual balance between pragmatism and ambition, for viable yet worthwhile constitutional change. With appropriate constitutional drafting and legislative design, such a proposal offers a ‘modest yet profound’ way of meaningfully addressing Indigenous constitutional vulnerability, by empowering the First Nations with a voice in their affairs. I INTRODUCTION This article analyses and explores the Uluru Statement from the Heart’s call for a constitutionally guaranteed First Nations voice in their affairs as constitutional reform intended to address the ongoing problem of Indigenous constitutional vulnerability and powerlessness. It contends that a First Nations voice is a suitable solution: it coheres and aligns with Australian constitutional culture and design, which recognises, represents and gives voice to the pre- existing political communities, or constitutional constituencies. -
A Systemic Linguistic Analysis of Two Prime Ministerial Speeches
A Systemic Linguistic Analysis of Two Prime Ministerial Speeches Paul Dickinson Assignment submitted for Master of Arts in Applied Linguistics March 2009 Functional Grammar FG/09/01 Apply the principles of systemic linguistic analysis explored in the course to a comparison of the style and communicative functionality of two short texts or text extracts of your own choice. The texts should have a similar subject matter, be drawn from a similar institutional or discourse domain (science, economics, health care provision, tourism, politics, the arts etc) or have some other obvious point of similarity. They need, however, to differ significantly in some aspect of their style, structure, approach, tone. You should indicate how the texts are similar and how they are different in terms of their general stylistic properties and their communicative functionality. Your claims should be backed up by means of an analysis of the types of lexical and grammatical features explored in the course. That is to say, you should consider whether the texts are similar or different in terms of the types of textual, interpersonal and experiential (ideational) meanings explored in the materials. Estimated Word Count: 4,300 (excluding cover page, contents, quotes, tables, references and appendices) Centre for English Language Studies Postgraduate Programmes THE UNIVERSITY OF BIRMINGHAM Edgbaston Birmingham B15 2TT UK Table of Contents page 1. Introduction......................................................................................... 2 2. Literature Review............................................................................. -
Reconciliation News May 2020
Reconciliation News Stories about Australia’s journey to equality and unity National Reconciliation Week 2020 Doing it differently this year, but still in this together Linda Burney On the goodwill and legacy of the bridge walks THE BRIDGE WALKS A DEFINING MOMENT FOR RECONCILIATION 43 May 2020 Reconciliation News is published by Reconciliation Australia in May and October each year. Its aim is to inform and inspire readers with stories relevant to the ongoing reconciliation process between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and other Australians. CONTACT US JOIN THE CONVERSATION reconciliation.org.au facebook.com/ReconciliationAus [email protected] twitter.com/RecAustralia 02 6153 4400 @reconciliationaus Reconciliation Australia acknowledges the Traditional Reconciliation Australia is an independent, not-for- Owners of Country throughout Australia and profit organisation promoting reconciliation by building recognises their continuing connection to lands, relationships, respect and trust between the wider waters and communities. We pay our respects to Australian community and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander cultures, and to Islander peoples. Visit reconciliation.org.au Elders past and present. to find out more. NOTABLE DATES 26 27 – 3 4 9 2 May May June August August September National National National Aboriginal International Day Indigenous Sorry Day Reconciliation and Torres Strait of the World’s Literacy Week Islander Children’s Indigenous Day Day Peoples Cover: A river of goodwill flows over the bridge. (Photo by Glenn Campbell/Newspix) Issue no. 43 / May 2020 3 CONTENTS FEATURES 7 In this together NRW this year will be different as we’re unable to gather in the usual way. -
Wild Rivers Policy –
Wild Rivers Policy – Likely impact on Indigenous Well-Being Authored by Dr Joanne Copp August 2009 On behalf of the Social Responsibilities Committee, Anglican Diocese of Brisbane Contents EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ............................................................................................................................ II 1 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................... 1 2 INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES LIVING IN REMOTE AREAS ...................................................... 2 3 WILD RIVERS ..................................................................................................................................... 2 4 PROPERTY RIGHTS FOR REMOTE INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES ............................................ 6 4.1 PROPERTY RIGHTS AND ECONOMIC EFFICIENCY ......................................................................... 9 4.2 APPLICATION TO THE WILD RIVERS ACT .................................................................................... 11 5 THE IMPORTANCE OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT FOR REMOTE INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES ........................................................................................................................................ 13 5.1 ENGAGEMENT WITH THE REAL ECONOMY ................................................................................. 14 6 HAS THE WILD RIVERS ACT STRUCK THE CORRECT BALANCE? .......................................... 15 7 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR CHANGE ......................................................................................