Taiwan's Path to Independence: Resolving the “One China”
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Foreign Office Files for China, 1919-1980 Is an Archives Direct Series
Complete FO 371, FCO 21 and additional files from The National Archives, UK “This is a priceless collection on changes and developments of China since 1919. Professors, researchers, and students of China and Chinese foreign relations will find this collection fascinating and tremendously useful. It is wise to produce a digitised version of the materials; this greatly facilitates research and studies of contemporary China.” Professor Cindy Yik-yi Chu, Associate Director, David C. Lam Institute for East-West Studies, Hong Kong Baptist University Available in six sections, this digital collection makes available all British Foreign Office files dealing with China, Hong Kong and Taiwan between 1919 and 1980. In 1919, despite the recent revolution, the bulk of the Chinese population had not been touched by industrialisation or modernisation. Through the inter-war turmoil of competing governments – encapsulated in the rivalry between the Nationalist Chiang Kai-shek and the Communist Mao Zedong – warlordism, civil wars and Japanese invasion, China emerged reunified under communism in 1949, and by the 1980s – only seventy years after revolution – had transformed itself into a growing economic superpower. Due to the unique nature of the relationship between Britain and China, these formerly restricted first-hand accounts provide unprecedented levels of detail into a turbulent FCO 21/1555 period in Chinese history. The collection includes diplomatic despatches, After 1949 Britain was one of the first countries letters, newspaper cuttings, political pamphlets, to recognise the new People’s Republic and reports of court cases and other materials, maintained special interests in the region, not least representing a constant exchange of information its possession of Hong Kong, leading to its often between London and the British embassies and taking a different policy approach to the United consulates that were located in various Chinese States, as demonstrated in this material. -
CONCEPT of STATEHOOD in UNITED NATIONS PRACTICE * ROSALYN COHEN T
1961] THE CONCEPT OF STATEHOOD IN UNITED NATIONS PRACTICE * ROSALYN COHEN t The topic of "statehood under international law" has long been a favorite with jurists. The problem of what constitutes a "state" has been extensively examined and discussed, but all too often in absolutist terms confined to drawing up lists of criteria which must be met before an entity may be deemed a "state." The very rigidity of this approach implies that the term "state" has a fixed meaning which provides an unambiguous yardstick for measuring without serious fear of error, the existence of international personality. The framework of examination being thus constricted, traditional inquiry has endeavored to meet some of its inadequacies by ancillary discussions on the possi- bility of a "dependent state" in international law, of the desirability of universality in certain organizations set up by the international com- munity, and of the rights of peoples to national self-determination. It would appear, however, that these questions, far from being ancillary, are integral to any discussion of "statehood." Even the language of the law-or perhaps especially the language of the law-contains ambiguities which are inherent in any language system, and the diffi- culties presented by this fact can only be resolved by an analysis which takes full cognizance of the contextual background. Thus, when ex- amining what is meant by the word "state," an appraisal of the com- munity interests which will be affected by the decision to interpret it in one way rather than in another is necessary. Discussions, for example, of whether a "dependent state" can exist under international law become meaningless unless there is first an examination of whether the community of nations would find it appropriate, in the light of its long range objectives, to afford the rights which follow from "state- hood" to entities fettered by restrictions which impair their independ- ence. -
China As a Hybrid Influencer: Non-State Actors As State Proxies COI HYBRID INFLUENCE COI
Hybrid CoE Research Report 1 JUNE 2021 China as a hybrid influencer: Non-state actors as state proxies COI HYBRID INFLUENCE COI JUKKA AUKIA Hybrid CoE Hybrid CoE Research Report 1 China as a hybrid influencer: Non-state actors as state proxies JUKKA AUKIA 3 Hybrid CoE Research Reports are thorough, in-depth studies providing a deep understanding of hybrid threats and phenomena relating to them. Research Reports build on an original idea and follow academic research report standards, presenting new research findings. They provide either policy-relevant recommendations or practical conclusions. COI Hybrid Influence looks at how state and non-state actors conduct influence activities targeted at Participating States and institutions, as part of a hybrid campaign, and how hostile state actors use their influence tools in ways that attempt to sow instability, or curtail the sovereignty of other nations and the independence of institutions. The focus is on the behaviours, activities, and tools that a hostile actor can use. The goal is to equip practitioners with the tools they need to respond to and deter hybrid threats. COI HI is led by the UK. The European Centre of Excellence for Countering Hybrid Threats tel. +358 400 253 800 www.hybridcoe.fi ISBN (web) 978-952-7282-78-6 ISBN (print) 978-952-7282-79-3 ISSN 2737-0860 June 2021 Hybrid CoE is an international hub for practitioners and experts, building Participating States’ and institutions’ capabilities and enhancing EU-NATO cooperation in countering hybrid threats, located in Helsinki, Finland. The responsibility for the views expressed ultimately rests with the authors. -
How China Started the Second Sino-Japanese War: Why Should Japan Apologize to China?
How China Started the Second Sino-Japanese War: Why Should Japan Apologize to China? By Moteki Hiromichi Society for the Dissemination of Historical Facts © 1 Introduction In the so-called "apology issue," which concerns Japan's conduct in China during the Second Sino-Japanese War, there exists two opposing points of view: "I guess the only thing we can do is to keep on apologizing until China tells us, 'The problems between us may not be settled, but for now you have sufficiently apologized.'" -Murakami Haruki1 "A grateful China should also pay respect to Yasukuni Shrine." -Ko Bunyu2 Mr. Murakami's opinion is based on the belief that Japan waged an aggressive war against China, a belief shared by many Japanese even if they don't know the reason why. This belief holds that the Japanese should be completely repentant over that act of aggression for the sake of clearing our own conscience. There are two major problems with this point of view. First of all, it rests on the conventional wisdom that Japan was guilty of aggression towards China. Many people will perhaps respond to that by saying something like, "What are you talking about? The Japanese Army invaded continental China and waged war there. Surely that constitutes a war of aggression." However, let's imagine the following scenario. What if the Japan Self-Defense Forces launched an unprovoked attack on American military units, which are stationed in Japan in accordance with the provisions of the US-Japan Security Treaty, and a war broke out on Japanese territory? Because the fighting would be taking place in Japan, does that mean that, in this scenario, the US Army is undeniably the aggressor? No matter how distasteful a person might find the US military presence to be, under international law, Japan would be deemed the aggressor here. -
The San Francisco System: Past, Present, Future in U.S.- Japan-China Relations サンフランシスコ体制 米日中関係の過去、 現在、そして未来
Volume 12 | Issue 8 | Number 2 | Article ID 4079 | Feb 23, 2014 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus The San Francisco System: Past, Present, Future in U.S.- Japan-China Relations サンフランシスコ体制 米日中関係の過去、 現在、そして未来 John W. Dower controversies and tensions involving Japan, China, and the United States. NOTE: This essay, written in January 2013, appears as the first section in a book co- Take, for example, a single day in China: authored by John W. Dower and GavanSeptember 18, 2012. Demonstrators in scores McCormack and published in Japaneseof Chinese cities were protesting Japan's claims translation by NHK Shuppan Shinsho in to the tiny, uninhabited islands in the East January 2014 under the title Tenkanki no Nihon China Sea known as Senkaku in Japanese and e: "Pakkusu Amerikana" ka-"Pakkusu Ajia" ka Diaoyu in Chinese-desecrating the Hi no Maru ("Japan at a Turning Point-Pax Americana? Pax flag and forcing many China-based Japanese Asia?"; the second section is an essay by factories and businesses to temporarily shut McCormack on Japan's client-state relationship down. with the United States focusing on the East China Sea "periphery," and the book concludes Simultaneously, Chinese leaders were accusing with an exchange of views on current tensions the United States and Japan of jointly pursuing in East Asia as seen in historical perspective). a new "containment of China" policy- An abbreviated version of the Dower essay also manifested, most recently, in the decision to will be included in a forthcoming volume on the build a new level of ballistic-missile defenses in San Francisco System and its legacies edited Japan as part of the Obama administration's by Kimie Hara and published by Routledge. -
Imaginary War with China: Is the 1992 Consensus an Essential Element In
Imaginary War With China: Is The 1992 Consensus an Essential Element in Promoting Peace Across Taiwan Strait? Ching-Hsin Yu,* Ching-Hsing Wang,† and Dennis Lu-Chung Weng‡ Abstract This study aims to examine the relationship between individuals’ attitudes toward the 1992 consensus and their support for Taiwan in the name of the Republic of China (R.O.C) without declaring independence. Given President Tsai Ing-wen’s refusal to recognize the existence of the 1992 consensus that provides the basis for dialogue between Taiwan and China, there is a pressing need to understand the role of the 1992 consensus in Taiwanese people’s support for Taiwan under the R.O.C constitutional framework. By using data from the 2017 Taiwan National Security Survey, this study finds that people with higher levels of support for the 1992 consensus are more likely to support Taiwan in the name of the R.O.C without declaring independence. This implies that from the public’s perspective, the acknowledgement of the 1992 consensus is a required condition to maintain the status quo for Taiwan. Consequently, President Tsai and her administration might need to rethink about their policy of denying the existence of the 1992 consensus. Keywords: 1992 consensus, Taiwan, R.O.C., Taiwan independence, presidential approval. * Distinguished Research Fellow, Election Study Center, National Chengchi University, email: [email protected]. † Postdoctoral Fellow, Hobby School of Public Affairs, University of Houston, email: [email protected]. ‡ Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Sam Houston State University, email: [email protected]. 1 Introduction The independence-unification issue has been the most salient political issue in Taiwan that has played an important role in domestic political competition as well as the development of cross-strait relations. -
Miss Hawaii Is 2Nd Runner up Miss America in Las Vegas
IS BUGG “E Ala Na Moku Kai Liloloa” • D AH S F W R E E N E! Mission Accomplished E • for Kahuku ROTC cadets R S O I N H The Kahuku High School ROTC cadets C S E accomplish a recent mission targeting H 1 special education students. Mission T 9 R 7 accomplished with extreme success. O 0 See story on page 8 N NORTH SHORE NEWS January 26, 2011 VOLUME 28, NUMBER 2 Miss Hawaii is 2nd runner up Miss America in Las Vegas Haleiwa’s Jalee Fuselier, Miss Hawaii 2010, almost won the big jackpot in Las Vegas while com- peting with 53 other beauties for the 2011 Miss America Pageant. She came oh so close. Standing along with two other finalists, she made it down to the final cut. As the three finalists were standing together it was announced that the 2nd runner-up was…”Miss Hawaii.” And with that dozens of Miss Hawaii supporters in at- tendance let out a synchronized “ahhh.” The next announcement was that of the new Miss America, 17 year-old Teresa Scanlan, Miss Nebraska. See follow-up story on page 7. PROUDLY PUBLISHED IN Permit No. 1479 No. Permit Hale‘iwa, Hawai‘i Honolulu, Hawaii Honolulu, U.S. POSTAGE PAID POSTAGE U.S. Hometown of STANDARD Hale‘iwa, HI 96712 HI Hale‘iwa, Miss Hawaii 2010 PRE-SORTED 66-437 Kamehameha Hwy., Suite 210 Suite Hwy., Kamehameha 66-437 Jalee Kate Fuselier Page 2 www.northshorenews.com January 26, 2011 OFF da Island in the Caribbean Waialuan newlywed Kim Thornton went to the Caribbean Island of Trinidad recently for her honey- moon. -
Taiwan's Upcoming Presidential and Legislative
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION CENTER FOR NORTHEAST ASIAN POLICY STUDIES TAIWAN’S UPCOMING PRESIDENTIAL AND LEGISLATIVE ELECTIONS A Conversation with Shelley Rigger and Hsu Szu-chien The Brookings Institution December 14, 2011 Washington, DC [Transcript prepared from an audio recording] ANDERSON COURT REPORTING 706 Duke Street, Suite 100 Alexandria, VA 22314 Phone (703) 519-7180 Fax (703) 519-7190 PARTICIPANTS: Introduction and Moderator: RICHARD BUSH Senior Fellow and Director Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies The Brookings Institution Featured Speakers: SHELLEY RIGGER Brown Professor of East Asian Studies Chair, Department of Political Science Davidson College HSU SZU-CHIEN Assistant Research Fellow Institute of Political Science Academia Sinica * * * * * P R O C E E D I N G S RICHARD BUSH: I’m Richard Bush. I’m the Director of the Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies, which is the unit at Brookings that is sponsoring today’s event on the Taiwan election. I’m really pleased that you’ve all come. I’m really pleased that Shelley Rigger of Davidson College and Hsu Szu-chien of Academia Sinica in Taipei are here because they’re our speakers today. The way we will work this is that I will have a couple of introductory remarks and then ask questions of our resource people about the election and its implications. And then we will open it up for discussion. Taiwan’s election takes place one month from today, on January 14th. It will be both an election for the legislature―the Legislative Yuan―and for the presidency. This is the first time that the two elections have been held on the same day. -
Under the Shadow of China. Beijing’S Policy Towards Hong Kong and Taiwan in Comparative Perspective
China Perspectives 2014/2 | 2014 Contested Urban Spaces Under the Shadow of China. Beijing’s policy towards Hong Kong and Taiwan in comparative perspective. Samson Yuen Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/6491 DOI: 10.4000/chinaperspectives.6491 ISSN: 1996-4617 Publisher Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Printed version Date of publication: 1 June 2014 Number of pages: 69-76 ISSN: 2070-3449 Electronic reference Samson Yuen, « Under the Shadow of China. », China Perspectives [Online], 2014/2 | 2014, Online since 01 January 2017, connection on 15 September 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/ chinaperspectives/6491 © All rights reserved Current Affairs China perspectives cefc News Analysis Under the Shadow of China Beijing’s policy towards Hong Kong and Taiwan in comparative perspective SAMSON YUEN n 18 March 2014, student protesters stormed Taiwan’s Legislative With the lessons of CEPA in mind, opinion in Taiwan was divided over the Yuan, kicking off to a 24-day sit-in that paralysed the island’s leg - service trade pact. Supporters, including the KMT government led by Pres - Oislature. The historic occupation, later given the name Sunflower ident Ma Ying-jeou, argued that the pact would be economically beneficial Student Movement ( taiyanghua xueyun 太陽花學運 ), was a protest against to Taiwan while diplomatically indispensable for Taiwan to join other free the attempt by the ruling Kuomintang (KMT) to pass a service trade pact trade zones such as the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership with China. The pact, entitled the Cross-Strait Service Trade Agreement (RCEP) and the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). (8) Opponents argued that (CSSTA), (1) was signed between China and Taiwan in June 2013 as one of the pact lacked a democratic mandate and condemned the negotiation two follow-up treaties to the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement process between the CCP and KMT governments as a “black box” ( heixiang (ECFA) signed in 2010. -
What Makes a States: Territory
American University Washington College of Law Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law Articles in Law Reviews & Other Academic Journals Scholarship & Research 2012 What Makes a States: Territory Paul Williams Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/facsch_lawrev Part of the International Law Commons What Makes a State? 449 WHAT MAKES A STATE? TERRITORY By Paul R. Williams* What makes a state? Under the Montevideo Convention, a prospective state must meet four criteria. It must have a territory, with a permanent population, subject to the control of a government, and the capacity to conduct international relations (sovereignty). Of these requirements, territory presents the major obstacle. Although the world has no shortage of groups seeking independence (who would gladly form governments and relations with other states), it does have a shortage of real estate. A new state necessarily takes territory from an existing state. Since existing states make international law, it is no surprise that the law is designed to make it very difficult for a new state to form out of an existing state's territory. Territorial integrity, along with sovereignty and political independence, form the "triumvirate of rights" that states enjoy under international law. From these rights, the notion has emerged that new states can only be formed with the consent of the existing state where the territory lies. The triumvirate of rights has long been the standard lens through which the international community views self-determination and the creation of new states. It has become increasingly clear, however, that rigid adherence to these principles can lengthen conflict and create negative incentives. -
Sovereignty, Statehood, Self-Determination, and the Issue of Taiwan Jianming Shen
American University International Law Review Volume 15 | Issue 5 Article 4 2000 Sovereignty, Statehood, Self-Determination, and the Issue of Taiwan Jianming Shen Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/auilr Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Shen, Jianming. "Sovereignty, Statehood, Self-Determination, and the Issue of Taiwan." American University International Law Review 15, no. 5 (2000): 1101-1161, This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington College of Law Journals & Law Reviews at Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in American University International Law Review by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SOVEREIGNTY, STATEHOOD, SELF- DETERMINATION, AND THE ISSUE OF TAIWAN JIANMING SHEN* INTRODUCTION ............................................. 1102 I. TAIWAN'S ATTRIBUTES AND THE NATURE OF THE TAIW AN ISSUE .................................... ..... 1104 A. HISTORICAL BASIS FOR CHINA'S SOVEREIGNTY OVER T A VAN ................................................ 1105 B. LEGAL BASES FOR CHINA'S SOVEREIGNTY OVER TAIWAN 1109 1. Historic Title as a Legal Basis ....................... 1109 2. Invalidity of the Shimonoseki Treat ................. 1110 3. Legal Effects of the Cairo/Potsdam Declarations..... 1112 4. The 1951 San Francesco Peace Treat ' ................ 1114 5. The 1952 Peace Treat ,............................... 1116 C. INTERNATIONAL RECOGNITION OF CHINA'S SOVEREIGNTY OVER TAIW AN ........................................... 1117 1. PRC's Continuity of the ROC and Its Legal Effects ... 1117 2. Recognition by 160+ States .......................... 1121 3. Recognition by hternationalOrganizations .......... 1122 4. Significance of the General Recognition Accorded to the P R C ............................................. -
Tracking Universal Health Coverage: 2017 Global Monitoring Report Tracking Universal Health Coverage: 2017 Global Monitoring Report
Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized ISBN 978 92 4 151355 5 http://www.who.int/healthinfo/universal_health_coverage/report/2017/en/ Public Disclosure Authorized Tracking Universal Health Coverage: http://www.worldbank.org/health 2017 Global Monitoring Report Tracking Universal Health Coverage: 2017 Global Monitoring Report Tracking universal health coverage: 2017 global monitoring report ISBN 978-92-4-151355-5 © World Health Organization and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank 2017 Some rights reserved. This work is available under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 IGO licence (CC BY-NC-SA 3.0 IGO; https:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/3.0/igo). Under the terms of this licence, you may copy, redistribute and adapt the work for non-commercial purposes, provided the work is appropriately cited, as indicated below. In any use of this work, there should be no suggestion that WHO or The World Bank endorse any specic organization, products or services. The use of the WHO logo or The World Bank logo is not permitted. If you adapt the work, then you must license your work under the same or equivalent Creative Commons licence. If you create a translation of this work, you should add the following disclaimer along with the suggested citation: “This translation was not created by the World Health Organization (WHO) or The World Bank. WHO and The World Bank are not responsible for the content or accuracy of this translation. The original English edition shall be the binding and authentic edition”. Any mediation relating to disputes arising under the licence shall be conducted in accordance with the mediation rules of the World Intellectual Property Organization.