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The Canadian Party System an Analytic History
The Canadian Party System An Analytic History RICHARD JOHNSTON Sample Material © UBC Press 2018 © UBC Press 2017 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without prior written permission of the publisher. ISBN 978-0-7748-3607-4 (bound) ISBN 978-0-7748-3609-8 (epdf) Cataloguing-in-Publication data is available from Library and Archives Canada. UBC Press gratefully acknowledges the financial support for our publishing program of the Government of Canada (through the Canada Book Fund), the Canada Council for the Arts, and the British Columbia Arts Council. This book has been published with the help of a grant from the Canadian Federation for the Humanities and Social Sciences, through the Awards to Scholarly Publications Program, using funds provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. Printed and bound in Canada by Friesens Set in Univers Condensed, Zurich Condensed, and Minion by Artegraphica Design Co. Ltd. Copy editor: Dallas Harrison Proofreader: Judith Earnshaw Indexer: Lillian Ashworth UBC Press The University of British Columbia 2029 West Mall Vancouver, BC V6T 1Z2 www.ubcpress.ca Sample Material © UBC Press 2018 Contents Tables and Figures / ix Abbreviations / xiii Acknowledgments / xv 1 Introduction / 3 2 Situating the Case / 13 3 Liberal Dominance, Conservative Interludes / 48 4 Liberal Centrism, Polarized Pluralism / 67 5 Catholics and Others / 101 6 The Life and Death of Insurgents / 133 7 Invasion -
Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics Under the ‘Second Republic’
Modern Italy Vol. 12, No. 1, February 2007, pp. 17–38 Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics under the ‘Second Republic’ John Agnew The Italian Second Republic was meant to have led to a bipolar polity with alternation in national government between conservative and progressive blocs. Such a system it has been claimed would undermine the geographical structure of electoral politics that contributed to party system immobilism in the past. However, in this article I argue that dynamic place configurations are central to how the ‘new’ Italian politics is being constructed. The dominant emphasis on either television or the emergence of ‘politics without territory’ has obscured the importance of this geographical restructuring. New dynamic place configurations are apparent particularly in the South which has emerged as a zone of competition between the main party coalitions and a nationally more fragmented geographical pattern of electoral outcomes. These patterns in turn reflect differential trends in support for party positions on governmental centralization and devolution, geographical patterns of local economic development, and the re-emergence of the North–South divide as a focus for ideological and policy differences between parties and social groups across Italy. Introduction One of the high hopes of the early 1990s in Italy was that following the cleansing of the corruption associated with the party regime of the Cold War period, Italy could become a ‘normal country’ in which bipolar politics of electoral competition between clearly defined coalitions formed before elections, rather than perpetual domination by the political centre, would lead to potential alternation of progressive and conservative forces in national political office and would check the systematic corruption of partitocrazia based on the jockeying for government offices (and associated powers) after elections (Gundle & Parker 1996). -
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Ajalooline Ajakiri, 2016, 3/4 (157/158), 477–511 Historical consciousness, personal life experiences and the orientation of Estonian foreign policy toward the West, 1988–1991 Kaarel Piirimäe and Pertti Grönholm ABSTRACT The years 1988 to 1991 were a critical juncture in the history of Estonia. Crucial steps were taken during this time to assure that Estonian foreign policy would not be directed toward the East but primarily toward the integration with the West. In times of uncertainty and institutional flux, strong individuals with ideational power matter the most. This article examines the influence of For- eign Minister Lennart Meri’s and Prime Minister Edgar Savisaar’s experienc- es and historical consciousness on their visions of Estonia’s future position in international affairs. Life stories help understand differences in their horizons of expectation, and their choices in conducting Estonian diplomacy. Keywords: historical imagination, critical junctures, foreign policy analysis, So- viet Union, Baltic states, Lennart Meri Much has been written about the Baltic states’ success in breaking away from Eastern Europe after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, and their decisive “return to the West”1 via radical economic, social and politi- Research for this article was supported by the “Reimagining Futures in the European North at the End of the Cold War” project which was financed by the Academy of Finland. Funding was also obtained from the “Estonia, the Baltic states and the Collapse of the Soviet Union: New Perspectives on the End of the Cold War” project, financed by the Estonian Research Council, and the “Myths, Cultural Tools and Functions – Historical Narratives in Constructing and Consolidating National Identity in 20th and 21st Century Estonia” project, which was financed by the Turku Institute for Advanced Studies (TIAS, University of Turku). -
Ex Injuria Jus Non Oritur
Ex injuria jus non oritur Periaatteet ja käytäntö Viron tasavallan palauttamisessa Veikko Johannes Jarmala Helsingin yliopisto Valtiotieteellinen tiedekunta Poliittinen historia Pro gradu -tutkielma toukokuu 2017 Tiedekunta/Osasto – Fakultet/Sektion – Faculty Laitos – Institution – Department Valtiotieteellinen tiedekunta Politiikan ja talouden tutkimuksen laitos Tekijä – Författare – Author Veikko Jarmala Työn nimi – Arbetets titel – Title Ex injuria jus non oritur – Periaatteet ja käytäntö Viron tasavallan palauttamisessa Oppiaine – Läroämne – Subject Poliittinen historia Työn laji – Arbetets art – Level Aika – Datum – Month and year Sivumäärä – Sidoantal – Number of pages pro gradu-tutkielma toukokuu 2017 136 Tiivistelmä – Referat – Abstract Oikeudellinen jatkuvuus (vir. õiguslik järjepidevus) on Viron tasavallan valtioidentiteetin perusta. Vuodesta 1944 lähtien pakolaisyhteisö oli haaveillut Viron vapauttamisesta ja tasavallan palauttamisesta. Se piti yllä pakolaistoiminnassaan oikeudellista jatkuvuutta, vaikkakin sen määrittelyprosessi ei ollut lainkaan sovinnollista pakolaisuuden alkuvuosina. Ulko-Viro ja koti-Viro olivat etäällä toisistaan aina 1980-luvun loppuun asti, jolloin Neuvostoliiton uudistuspolitiikka avasi mahdollisuuden yhteydenpitoon. Perestroika nosti ensin vaatimukset Eestin SNT:n suuremmasta itsehallinnosta, jota alkoi ajaa perestroikan tueksi perustettu Viron kansanrintama johtajanaan Edgar Savisaar. IME-ohjelman (Isemajandav Eesti) tuli pelastaa neuvosto-Eesti, mutta kansanrintaman vastustajaksi perustettu Interliike -
List of Prime Ministers of Estonia
SNo Name Took office Left office Political party 1 Konstantin Päts 24-02 1918 26-11 1918 Rural League 2 Konstantin Päts 26-11 1918 08-05 1919 Rural League 3 Otto August Strandman 08-05 1919 18-11 1919 Estonian Labour Party 4 Jaan Tõnisson 18-11 1919 28-07 1920 Estonian People's Party 5 Ado Birk 28-07 1920 30-07 1920 Estonian People's Party 6 Jaan Tõnisson 30-07 1920 26-10 1920 Estonian People's Party 7 Ants Piip 26-10 1920 25-01 1921 Estonian Labour Party 8 Konstantin Päts 25-01 1921 21-11 1922 Farmers' Assemblies 9 Juhan Kukk 21-11 1922 02-08 1923 Estonian Labour Party 10 Konstantin Päts 02-08 1923 26-03 1924 Farmers' Assemblies 11 Friedrich Karl Akel 26-03 1924 16-12 1924 Christian People's Party 12 Jüri Jaakson 16-12 1924 15-12 1925 Estonian People's Party 13 Jaan Teemant 15-12 1925 23-07 1926 Farmers' Assemblies 14 Jaan Teemant 23-07 1926 04-03 1927 Farmers' Assemblies 15 Jaan Teemant 04-03 1927 09-12 1927 Farmers' Assemblies 16 Jaan Tõnisson 09-12 1927 04-121928 Estonian People's Party 17 August Rei 04-121928 09-07 1929 Estonian Socialist Workers' Party 18 Otto August Strandman 09-07 1929 12-02 1931 Estonian Labour Party 19 Konstantin Päts 12-02 1931 19-02 1932 Farmers' Assemblies 20 Jaan Teemant 19-02 1932 19-07 1932 Farmers' Assemblies 21 Karl August Einbund 19-07 1932 01-11 1932 Union of Settlers and Smallholders 22 Konstantin Päts 01-11 1932 18-05 1933 Union of Settlers and Smallholders 23 Jaan Tõnisson 18-05 1933 21-10 1933 National Centre Party 24 Konstantin Päts 21-10 1933 24-01 1934 Non-party 25 Konstantin Päts 24-01 1934 -
Estonian Research Agreement a Social Agreement to Ensure the Further Development of Estonian Research and Innovation
Estonian Research Agreement A social agreement to ensure the further development of Estonian research and innovation Sharing the common belief that research, development and innovation are strategically important for the well-being of the Estonian people and sustainability of society, the parties to this agreement confirm the need to guarantee the performance of the objectives agreed upon in the Estonian Research and Development and Innovation Strategy 2014–2020 “Knowledge-Based Estonia” and undertake to commit to the achievement of these objectives. For this purpose, they agree upon the following: 1. the undersigned political parties, represented by their Chairpersons, are in favour of increasing the public funding of research, development and innovation to 1% of the gross domestic product and maintaining it at least on the same level in the future. To this end, the parties agree that it will be specified in the 2019 state budget strategy that the target level is to be reached within three years with the addition of equal funding amounts; 2. Estonian research institutions, represented by the President of the Board of Universities Estonia, an association uniting Estonian public universities, affirm that research institutions will establish the institutional arrangements required for conducting and providing further incentive for performing high quality research and cooperation between researchers and entrepreneurs; 3. Estonian researchers, represented by the President of the Estonian Academy of Sciences and the President of the Estonian Young Academy of Sciences, affirm that Estonian researchers will do their best to ensure that the resources at their disposal are used for research and development in a way that guarantees a balance between basic and applied research, with the primary focus on developing fields aimed at the advancement of the Estonian economy and society; 4. -
Green Parties and Elections to the European Parliament, 1979–2019 Green Par Elections
Chapter 1 Green Parties and Elections, 1979–2019 Green parties and elections to the European Parliament, 1979–2019 Wolfgang Rüdig Introduction The history of green parties in Europe is closely intertwined with the history of elections to the European Parliament. When the first direct elections to the European Parliament took place in June 1979, the development of green parties in Europe was still in its infancy. Only in Belgium and the UK had green parties been formed that took part in these elections; but ecological lists, which were the pre- decessors of green parties, competed in other countries. Despite not winning representation, the German Greens were particularly influ- enced by the 1979 European elections. Five years later, most partic- ipating countries had seen the formation of national green parties, and the first Green MEPs from Belgium and Germany were elected. Green parties have been represented continuously in the European Parliament since 1984. Subsequent years saw Greens from many other countries joining their Belgian and German colleagues in the Euro- pean Parliament. European elections continued to be important for party formation in new EU member countries. In the 1980s it was the South European countries (Greece, Portugal and Spain), following 4 GREENS FOR A BETTER EUROPE their successful transition to democracies, that became members. Green parties did not have a strong role in their national party systems, and European elections became an important focus for party develop- ment. In the 1990s it was the turn of Austria, Finland and Sweden to join; green parties were already well established in all three nations and provided ongoing support for Greens in the European Parliament. -
Public Opi Io -Buildi Gi Mass Media: a Media A
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by DSpace at Tartu University Library TARTU ÜLIKOOL Faculty of Social Sciences and Education Centre for Baltic Studies Annika Bostelmann PUBLIC OPIIO-BUILDIG I MASS MEDIA: A MEDIA AALYSIS OF ESTOIA’S UCLEAR EERGY DEBATE I 2011 Master’s Thesis Supervisor: Prof. Peeter Vihalemm Tartu 2012 (BACKSIDE OF TITLE PAGE) This thesis conforms to the requirements for a Master’s thesis [Prof. Peeter Vihalemm, January 6th, 2012](signature of the supervisor and date) Admitted for defense [January 9th, 2012](date) Head of Chair: [Dr. Heiko Pääbo, January 9th, 2012](name, signature and date) Chairperson of the Defense Committee [Dr. Heiko Pääbo](signature) The thesis is 24,965 words in length (excluding bibliographical references and appendices). I have written this Master’s thesis independently. Any ideas or data taken from other authors or other sources have been fully referenced. [Annika Bostelmann, January 8th, 2012](signature of author and date) Student code: A95753 Acknowledgement: The author would like to thank Prof. Peeter Vihalemm and Dr. Heiko Pääbo for their inspiration and support in the process of creating her thesis, Maio Vaniko, Viacheslav Morozov, and Maie Kiisel for their assistance. Further thanks go to Kardi Järvpõld, Päivi Pütsepp, Eric Benjamin Seufert, and Iva Milutinovič for their criticism and linguistic support, and the author’s family for their encouragement. ABSTRACT The partial meltdown at Japan’s Fukushima power plant in 2011 has spread more than radiation: It caused a wave of dispute in many countries about the use of nuclear energy and forced those countries to re-evaluate their national energy independence given the risks posed by a plant. -
Panama Country Report BTI 2018
BTI 2018 Country Report Panama This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2018. It covers the period from February 1, 2015 to January 31, 2017. The BTI assesses the transformation toward democracy and a market economy as well as the quality of political management in 129 countries. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org. Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2018 Country Report — Panama. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2018. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Contact Bertelsmann Stiftung Carl-Bertelsmann-Strasse 256 33111 Gütersloh Germany Sabine Donner Phone +49 5241 81 81501 [email protected] Hauke Hartmann Phone +49 5241 81 81389 [email protected] Robert Schwarz Phone +49 5241 81 81402 [email protected] Sabine Steinkamp Phone +49 5241 81 81507 [email protected] BTI 2018 | Panama 3 Key Indicators Population M 4.0 HDI 0.788 GDP p.c., PPP $ 23015 Pop. growth1 % p.a. 1.6 HDI rank of 188 60 Gini Index 51.0 Life expectancy years 77.8 UN Education Index 0.708 Poverty3 % 7.0 Urban population % 66.9 Gender inequality2 0.457 Aid per capita $ 2.2 Sources (as of October 2017): The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2017 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2016. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $3.20 a day at 2011 international prices. Executive Summary The election and the beginning of the mandate of Juan Carlos Varela in July 2014 meant a return to political normality for the country, which had experienced a previous government under President Martinelli (2009-2014) characterized by a high perception of corruption and authoritarian tendencies in governance. -
The Political Clubs of United Russia: Incubators of Ideology Or Internal Dissent?
The Political Clubs of United Russia: Incubators of Ideology or Internal Dissent? Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Eileen Marie Kunkler, B.A. Graduate Program in Slavic and East European Studies The Ohio State University 2010 Thesis Committee: Goldie Shabad, Adviser Trevor Brown Copyright by Eileen Marie Kunkler 2010 Abstract In 2008, three political clubs were officially formed within the United Russia party structure: the Social-Conservative Club, the Liberal-Conservative Club, and the State-Patriotic Club. Membership of these clubs includes many powerful Duma representatives. Officially, their function is to help develop strategies for implementing the government‟s Strategy 2020. However, a closer examination of these clubs suggests that they also may function as an ideology incubator for the larger party and as a safety valve for internal party dissent. To answer the question of what the true function of these clubs is an attempt will be made to give: a brief overview of Unity‟s and Fatherland-All Russia‟s formation; a description of how United Russia formed; a summary of the ideological currents within United Russia from 2001-2009; a discussion of the three clubs; and a comparative analysis of these clubs to the Christian Democratic party of Italy and the Liberal Democratic Party of Japan. Based on this evidence, it will be argued that primary purpose of these clubs is to contain intra-party conflict. ii Dedication Dedicated to my family and friends iii Acknowledgements I wish to thank my adviser, Goldie Shabad, for all of her help, advice, and patience in working on this project with me. -
In Words and Images
IN WORDS AND IMAGES 2017 Table of Contents 3 Introduction 4 The Academy Is the Academy 50 Estonia as a Source of Inspiration Is the Academy... 5 Its Ponderous Birth 52 Other Bits About Us 6 Its Framework 7 Two Pictures from the Past 52 Top of the World 55 Member Ene Ergma Received a Lifetime Achievement Award for Science 12 About the fragility of truth Communication in the dialogue of science 56 Academy Member Maarja Kruusmaa, Friend and society of Science Journalists and Owl Prize Winner 57 Friend of the Press Award 57 Six small steps 14 The Routine 15 The Annual General Assembly of 19 April 2017 60 Odds and Ends 15 The Academy’s Image is Changing 60 Science Mornings and Afternoons 17 Cornelius Hasselblatt: Kalevipoja sõnum 61 Academy Members at the Postimees Meet-up 20 General Assembly Meeting, 6 December 2017 and at the Nature Cafe 20 Fresh Blood at the Academy 61 Academic Columns at Postimees 21 A Year of Accomplishments 62 New Associated Societies 22 National Research Awards 62 Stately Paintings for the Academy Halls 25 An Inseparable Part of the National Day 63 Varia 27 International Relations 64 Navigating the Minefield of Advising the 29 Researcher Exchange and Science Diplomacy State 30 The Journey to the Lindau Nobel Laureate 65 Europe “Mining” Advice from Academies Meetings of Science 31 Across the Globe 66 Big Initiatives Can Be Controversial 33 Ethics and Good Practices 34 Research Professorship 37 Estonian Academy of Sciences Foundation 38 New Beginnings 38 Endel Lippmaa Memorial Lecture and Memorial Medal 40 Estonian Young Academy of Sciences 44 Three-minute Science 46 For Women in Science 46 Appreciation of Student Research Efforts 48 Student Research Papers’ π-prizes Introduction ife in the Academy has many faces. -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H.