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German Arms in the Yemen War
\ POLICY BRIEF 2 \ 2019 German arms in the Yemen war For a comprehensive arms embargo against the war coalition Marius Bales \ BICC Max M. Mutschler \ BICC Policy recommendations \ A comprehensive arms embargo \ "Coalition of the willing" for an arms In view of the flagrant violation of international humani- embargo at EU level tarian law by the countries involved in the Yemen war, The German government must adopt the European export moratoria of limited duration, such as the current Parliament's demand that no more military equipment German ban on arms exports to Saudi Arabia until 30 be supplied to Saudi Arabia, expand it to include the March, are not sufficient. Because of the active participa- United Arab Emirates and actively support it within the tion of other countries in the air raids, the naval blockade European Union. in the Red Sea and the transfer of arms toYemeni militias, the German government must decide on a comprehen- \ Stop munitions deliveries by defence sive arms embargo that is not limited in time against all companies with German participation countries of the Saudi-led coalition. The German government must exert pressure on Rheinmetall to stop further deliveries of ammunition \ Revoke existing licenses by its foreign subsidiaries and joint ventures to the Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Bahrain, countries of the war coalition. Kuwait, Jordan, Sudan and Senegal are militarily directly involved in the Yemen war either through their partici- \ Increase international pressure on pation in the air raids, the naval blockade or through Gulf Monarchies the deployment of land forces. All of them therefore The federal government must use diplomatic channels must not receive any military equipment from Germany to demand information from Saudi Arabia and the UAE until further notice. -
Operation Decisive Storm
ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻋﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﻴﻂ .ﻣﻨﺼﺔ إﻟﺘﺮوﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﻨﺸﺮ اﻟﻤﻠﻔﺎت اﻟﺮﻗﻤﻴﺔ واﻟﻤﻘﺎﻻت اﻟﻤﻮﺳﻮﻋﻴﺔ، ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﻣﻊ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻴﻦ OPERATION DECISIVE STORM أﻛﺘﻮﺑﺮ Posted on 2017 ,21 Category: English ALMOHEET: ﺑﻮاﺳﻄﺔ Saudi Arabia deployed 150,000 soldiers, 100 fighter jets and navy units in Yemen after Hadi pleaded with its Gulf ally for help against the Houthi rebels, who were advancing toward the southern city of Aden, where Hadi is based, to remove him from power in an .attempted coup Who took part in the operation With the exception of Oman, members of the Gulf States joined Saudi Arabia with its aerial bombardment of the Houthis. The UAE contributed with 30 fighter jets, Bahrain 15, Kuwait 15, Qatar 10. Non-Gulf states have also showed their support to “Operation Decisive ”.Storm Operation Decisive Storm Page: 1 https://almoheet.net/operation-decisive-storm/ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻋﺔ اﻟﻤﺤﻴﻂ .ﻣﻨﺼﺔ إﻟﺘﺮوﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﻨﺸﺮ اﻟﻤﻠﻔﺎت اﻟﺮﻗﻤﻴﺔ واﻟﻤﻘﺎﻻت اﻟﻤﻮﺳﻮﻋﻴﺔ، ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﺎون ﻣﻊ اﻟﻤﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻴﻦ Jordan deployed six fighter jets, Morocco, who expressed “complete solidarity” to Saudi Arabia provided six fighter jets while Sudan supplied three. An army media site confirmed that Sudan took part in the Saudi-led military operation Also, Egypt confirmed it will join .the Saudi-led coalition The Western-backed Syrian National Coalition opposition group also said it backed the Saudi operation and voiced its support to Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi as Yemen’s .“legitimate” leader In addition to the Arab states support, U.S. President authorized the provision of logistical ”.and intelligence support to “Decisive Storm When? .The operation was declared over on 26 Mar 2015 Air campaign The coalition declared Yemeni airspace to be a restricted area, with King Salman declaring the RSAF to be in full control of the zone. -
United Nations Security Council Yemen – Peace in a Forgotten War
Study Guide United Nations Security Council Yemen – Peace in a forgotten war UNSC Website: www.KaMUN.org Instagram: @munika_ev 1 Welcome Letter Dear delegates, We warmly welcome you all to the United Nations Security Council of KaMUN – The Black Forest Summit 2019! We are happy and honored to be in charge of this Committee, especially because we two have the joy of chairing together for the second time, the first time being at HamMUN 2018 last November. My name is Daria. I am currently pursuing a master’s in International Development with a focus on Middle Eastern Studies in Paris, the city where I had the pleasure to discover Model UN three years ago. My MUN journey has since then been eventful and marked by amazing experiences and wonderful encounters, which justifies my enthusiasm for all the conferences I am lucky enough to attend. It is a true pleasure for me to chair the Security Council alongside Niklas, and I sincerely hope that the delegates will enjoy debating within this committee as much as I do. I have never been to Karlsruhe before, but judging by the hospitality I received during my previous trips to Germany I look forward to the start of the conference and to meeting everyone! My name is Niklas. I am 21 years old and I study law in Heidelberg, soon in my seventh semester. KaMUN – The Black Forest Summit 2019 will be my third time chairing a Security Council. In my law studies I have an emphasis on public international law which is linked to my interest in the UN and the topic of peace which the Security Council deals with. -
KRYLOV-THESIS-2018.Pdf (1.035Mb)
Copyright by Aleksandr Krylov 2018 The Thesis Committee for Aleksandr Krylov Certifies that this is the approved version of the following Thesis: The GCC Joint Regional Security Effort: Utopia or Possibility? APPROVED BY SUPERVISING COMMITTEE: Zoltan Barany, Supervisor Ami Pedahzur The GCC Joint Regional Security Effort: Utopia or Possibility? by Aleksandr Krylov Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts The University of Texas at Austin May 2018 Abstract The GCC Joint Regional Security Effort: Utopia or Possibility? Aleksandr Krylov, MA The University of Texas at Austin, 2018 Supervisor: Zoltan Barany Today, the Gulf Cooperation Council (the GCC) is often praised to be the most successfully integrated economic/political union after the European Union. A considerable number of scholars devoted their works to this union. However, a large part of the analysis overlooks or does not pay enough attention to the fact that historically the GCC’s main purpose was not economic integration but maintaining regional security by means of a joint effort. Since its establishment in the year 1981 the GCC has faced several issues those became “litmus tests” for these efforts’ success. Before studying these issues closely, the thesis quickly analyzes the background of the union, examining the threats which brought it into being and the first patterns of maintaining regional security. Further on, it discusses the main conflicts and contradictions within the GCC, including the recent Qatari conflict. It continues by analyzing the condition of each country’s army (arms, doctrine, and competency) and evaluating the success of the GCC’s joint effort in Yemen. -
TYR July 2021 En.Pdf
Summer Edition, The JULY 2021 Yemen Review THE VIEW FROM SANA’A The Yemen Review The Yemen Review Launched in June 2016, The Yemen Review – formerly known as Yemen at the UN – is a monthly publication produced by the Sana’a Center for Strategic Studies. It aims to identify and assess current diplomatic, economic, political, military, security, humanitarian and human rights developments related to Yemen. In producing The Yemen Review, Sana’a Center staff throughout Yemen and around the world gather information, conduct research, hold private meetings with local, regional, and international stakeholders, and analyze the domestic and international context surrounding developments in and regarding Yemen. This monthly series is designed to provide readers with a contextualized insight into the country’s most important ongoing issues. COVER PHOTO: Mosques in the Old City of Sana’a, March 22, 2020 // Sana’a Center photo EDITOR’S NOTE: The following is the abridged summer edition of The Yemen Review, which brings readers the essential political, military and economic updates for July. The Review’s regular coverage, including a full roster of features and commentaries, will resume for next month’s issue. The Sana’a Center for Strategic Studies is an independent think-tank that seeks to foster change through knowledge production with a focus on Yemen and the surrounding region. The Center’s publications and programs, offered in both Arabic and English, cover political, social, economic and security related developments, aiming to impact policy -
ISIS in Yemen: Redoubt Or Remnant? Challenges and Options for Dealing with a Jihadist Threat in a Conflict Environment
JOURNAL OF SOUTH ASIAN AND MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES ISIS in Yemen: Redoubt or Remnant? Challenges and Options for Dealing with a Jihadist Threat in a Conflict Environment by NORMAN CIGAR Abstract: The emergence of ISIS has represented a significant security risk to U.S. interests and to regional states. In Yemen, the ISIS threat has evolved within Occasional Paper #1 the country’s devastating civil war and, while its lethality has declined, this study Villanova University suggests it remains a factor of concern, Villanova, PA and assesses the challenges and options available for the US and for the November 2020 international community for dealing with this threat. ISIS in Yemen: Redoubt or Remnant? Challenges and Options for Dealing with a Jihadist Threat in a Conflict Environment by Norman Cigar “The fight against terrorism is far from over” Leon E. Panetta, Former Director CIA, 25 August 20191 Introduction and Terms of Reference Even in its short history, the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) has posed a significant security challenge both to U.S. interests and to regional states. As the ISIS Caliphate disintegrated recently in its heartland of Iraq and Syria under a succession of blows by its international and local adversaries, the focus of the international community often shifted to ISIS’s outlying branches. However, contrary to early optimism, ISIS has proved a stubborn survivor even in its Iraq-Syria core, while its presence in branches or affiliates in areas such as the Sinai, the Sahara, West Africa, Mozambique, Yemen, and Khurasan (Afghanistan/Pakistan) also continues to be a significant security threat to local and international interests.2 Moreover, each theater of operations presents a unique set of characteristics, complicating the fight against such local ISIS branches. -
Contemporary Jihadi Militancy in Yemen
CONTEMPORARY JIHADI MILITANCY IN YEMEN HOW IS THE THREAT EVOLVING? ELISABETH KENDALL JULY 2018 POLICY PAPER 2018-7 CONTENTS * 14 COMMUNICATIONS CHALLENGES * 15 DECENTRALIZATION AND/OR * SUMMARY FRAGMENTATION * KEY POINTS * 18 PART FOUR: ISLAMIC STATE IN YEMEN * 1 INTRODUCTION * 21 CONCLUSION: LOOKING AHEAD * 2 PART ONE: FORMATION & EVOLUTION * 27 ENDNOTES * 4 PART TWO: AQAP GOALS & GOVERNANCE * 32 ABOUT THE AUTHOR * 5 LOCAL INTEGRATION AND BRANDING * 32 ABOUT THE MIDDLE EAST INSTITUTE * 6 TRIBAL RELATIONS * 8 COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT * 8 YOUTH ENGAGEMENT * 9 SIGNS OF DECLINE IN AQAP * 11 PART THREE: CURRENT AQAP CHALLENGES & PRESSURES * 11 INCREASING COUNTERTERRORISM STRIKES * 12 DWINDLING SUPPORT * 14 WEAK LEADERSHIP © The Middle East Institute The Middle East Institute 1319 18th Street NW Washington, D.C. 20036 MOHAMMED HUWAIS/AFP/Getty Images SUMMARY KEY POINTS Regional conflict and internal chaos have allowed militant jihadi * The two core goals of AQAP are expelling infidels from Muslim lands and introducing an Islamic regime that would rule groups to rise and flourish in Yemen. This paper analyzes two by Islamic law. While these goals have remained constant, circumstances and experience have refined AQAP’s approaches of the most prominent such groups, al-Qaeda in the Arabian to engaging local populations in the pursuit of these goals. Peninsula (AQAP) and the Islamic State in Yemen (ISY), by * The main challenges and pressures facing AQAP, some of which scrutinizing the factors that led to their respective ascents, and are shared by ISY, include increasingly frequent counterterrorism strikes, dwindling public support, weak leadership, poor examining the challenges and pressures that have caused their communications, and decentralization and/or fragmentation. -
Rehabilitation in Conflict
REHABILITATION IN CONFLICT ICRC CASE STUDY RESPONSE CHALLENGES & SOLUTIONS WHO REHAB 2030 MEETINGS JULY 2019 Mohammed Saleh • 29 years old • Bus driver in Aden before onset of Yemen civil war • POW for 7 months in the battle of Aden (2015) • Traumatic brain injury following GSW in 2017 Images: PRP ICRC, Aden 2017: Gunshot wound in Al Mokha No memory of the event Map from: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Yemeni_Civil_War.svg War Surgery. Working with limited resources in armed conflict and other situations of violence. Volume 2. ICRC, May 2013 Images: PRP ICRC, Aden 3 weeks in coma in hospital in Aden - Surgeon didn’t want to operate because low survival chances Map from: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Yemeni_Civil_War.svg Regained consciousness after 2 weeks - Memory loss, uncontrolled emotions, impulsive behavior (no psychologist) - Expressive aphasia (no speech therapist) - Hemiplegia (3-4 short sessions of physio only receiving some stretching) Map from: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Yemeni_Civil_War.svg 36 days of rehabilitation treatment in Egypt - 1,5 h of physio per day (after 5 weeks hospitalization in Yemen) - Sit-to-stand with a lot of support - Functional training - still: some inappropriate behaviour, memory loss (no psychologist) - very slow speech recovery (no speech therapist) Map from: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Yemeni_Civil_War.svg Return to Yemen - 6 months physio in private practice, electrotherapy only - No progress, feeling miserable - Start of rehab in ICRC-supported structure -
A/HRC/45/CRP.7 29 September 2020
1 0 A/HRC/45/CRP.7 29 September 2020 English Arabic and English only Human Rights Council Forty-fifth session 14 September–2 October 2020 Agenda item 2 Annual report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and reports of the Office of the High Commissioner and the Secretary-General Situation of human rights in Yemen, including violations and abuses since September 2014 Detailed findings of the Group of Eminent International and Regional Experts on Yemen* Summary Submitted as a supplement to A/HRC/45/6, this paper sets out the detailed findings of the Group of Eminent International and Regional Experts on Yemen mandated to investigate violations by parties to the conflict since September 2014. During this year, the Group of Eminent Experts prioritised for investigation violations occurring since mid-2019, while taking a longer temporal scope for some categories of violations not fully addressed during our previous reports. The Group of Eminent Experts found reasonable grounds to believe that the parties to the conflict in Yemen are responsible for pervasive and incessant international human rights law and international humanitarian law violations, many of which may amount to war crimes. The summary of these findings is included in A/HRC/45/6. In addition to highlighting the parties to the conflict responsible for violations, the Group of Eminent Experts identified, where possible, potential perpetrators of crimes that may have been committed. A list of names of such individuals has been submitted to the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights on a strictly confidential basis to assist with future accountability efforts. -
The Conflicts in Yemen and US National Security
Visit our website for other free publication downloads http://www.StrategicStudiesInstitute.army.mil/ To rate this publication click here. STRATEGIC STUDIES INSTITUTE The Strategic Studies Institute (SSI) is part of the U.S. Army War College and is the strategic-level study agent for issues related to national security and military strategy with emphasis on geostrate- gic analysis. The mission of SSI is to use independent analysis to conduct strategic studies that develop policy recommendations on: • Strategy, planning, and policy for joint and combined employment of military forces; • Regional strategic appraisals; • The nature of land warfare; • Matters affecting the Army’s future; • The concepts, philosophy, and theory of strategy; and • Other issues of importance to the leadership of the Army. Studies produced by civilian and military analysts concern topics having strategic implications for the Army, the Department of De- fense, and the larger national security community. In addition to its studies, SSI publishes special reports on topics of special or immediate interest. These include edited proceedings of conferences and topically-oriented roundtables, expanded trip re- ports, and quick-reaction responses to senior Army leaders. The Institute provides a valuable analytical capability within the Army to address strategic and other issues in support of Army par- ticipation in national security policy formulation. SSI Monograph THE CONFLICTS IN YEMEN AND U.S. NATIONAL SECURITY W. Andrew Terrill January 2011 The views expressed in this report are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the -De partment of the Army, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. -
ASHER ORKABY, Phd Princeton University, Institute for the Transregional Study of the Contemporary Middle East, North Africa, and Central Asia
ASHER ORKABY, PhD Princeton University, Institute for the Transregional Study of the Contemporary Middle East, North Africa, and Central Asia EDUCATION Harvard University, Cambridge, MA PhD, History and Middle East Studies, May 2014 Dissertation: The International History of the Yemen Civil War, 1962-1968 Committee: Professors Steven Caton, Erez Manela, and Roger Owen CUNY: Macaulay Honors College, Brooklyn, NY BA, History, 2007 Magna Cum Laude, Dean’s List, Phi Beta Kappa SELECTED ACADEMIC PUBLICATIONS Beyond the Arab Cold War: The International History of the Yemen Civil War (Oxford University Press, July 2017). What Everyone Needs to Know About Yemen (Oxford University Press, Spring 2019). Yemen: A Civil War Centuries in the Making. Origins: Current Events in Historical Perspective, Vol. 12 Is. 8 (2019). Padihershef, the MGH Mummy Who Oversaw Two Centuries of Medicine and Egyptology. Massachusetts Historical Review (Forthcoming Spring 2019). Veiled Diplomacy: Israel, Saudi Arabia and Yemen and Decades of Clandestine Relations in Contemporary Israel in a Turbulent Region (Routledge, 2019) The North Yemen Civil War and the Failure of the Federation of South Arabia. Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 53 (2017), 69-83. The 1964 Israeli Airlift to Yemen and the Expansion of Weapons Diplomacy. Diplomacy and Statecraft, Vol. 26 Is. 4 (2015), 659-677. A Passing Generation of Yemeni Politics. Crown Center for Middle East Studies – Middle East Brief, Vol. 90 (2015). The Yemeni Civil War: The Final British-Egyptian Imperial Battleground. Middle Eastern Studies Vol. 51 Is. 2 (2015), 195-207. The UN Yemen Observer Mission. Histories of Humanitarian Action in the Middle East and North Africa, ed. -
A Case Study of the Stabilizing Fragile States Project
PM 5:13 12/15/10 2011 RUHE Y THE R OF JANUA PROJECT JONATHAN TES A AND STUDY T S SE A C MISZTAL GILE A A R BLAISE F MAKOVSKY, BILIZING A T S MICHAEL FRAGILITY AND EXTREMISM IN YEMEN :: A CASE STUDY OF THE STABILIZING FRAGILE STATES PROJECT :: BIPARTISAN POLICY CENTER 20005 NW DC 1000 Street, 202.204.2400 I Suite 1225 Phone: Washington, www.bipartisanpolicy.org 1 62357_CVR_X2.indd FRAGILITY AND EXTREMISM IN YEMEN A CASE STUDY OF THE STABILIZING FRAGILE STATES PROJECT January 2011 62357_TXT_X2.indd 1 12/15/10 5:14 PM ABOUT THIS REPORT In the fall of 2009, the Bipartisan Policy Center’s Stabilizing Fragile States steering committee directed project staff to undertake a case study of Yemen in order to provide a more granular understanding of the specific challenges found in fragile states. The original version of that case study was published in February 2010, accompanied by a public discussion, entitled “Yemen: The Next Afghanistan?” featuring project co-chairs Ambassador Paula Dobriansky and Admiral (Ret.) Gregory Johnson, as well as former Ambassador to Yemen Thomas Krajeski, Les Campbell of the National Democratic Institute and for- mer Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense Michael Doran. This staff paper is an update to that original publication and is being released in conjunction with the Stabilizing Fragile States report. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The authors would like to thank the Stabilizing Fragile States steering committee for their advice and guidance over the course of this project. We are also grateful to a number of former BPC staff and interns, without whom this report would not have been possible.