'The Oneness' in 'The Church in Taiwan': an Historical

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'The Oneness' in 'The Church in Taiwan': an Historical 1 The London School of Economics and Political Science Attuning to ‘the oneness’ in ‘the church in Taiwan’: An historical ethnography Gareth Paul Breen A thesis submitted to the Department of Anthropology of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, September 2019 2 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 99,771 words. 3 Abstract This thesis describes the life of an international Christian group in Taiwan, which is referred to by members simply as “the church” (zhaohui, 召會) and regionally as “the church in Taiwan” (taiwan zhaohui, 台灣召會). It is more widely known as “the Little Flock”, “the Local Churches” and “Assembly Hall”. The group is founded upon the teachings of the Chinese Christian reformers, Watchman Nee (Ni Tuosheng, 1903-1972) and Witness Lee (Li Changshou, 1905-1997). Initially expanding the group in China, from the late 1940s onward Lee and other group members fled to Taiwan, to escape Mao’s communist takeover. From there, the group spread world-wide. The church’s ‘ministry’ (zhishi, 職事) consists of a relatively unique, detailed and extensive set of ideas concerning the importance of “oneness” (heyiwujian, 合一無間). The group also engages in a distinctive set of aesthetic, linguistic and bodily practices. Aside from describing the group, the thesis attempts to do two further things. First, it attempts to understand the contemporary and historical continuities and discontinuities between this group and other forms of religiosity in China and Taiwan. Secondly, it attempts to construct an ethnographic theory of social unity. Adopting Phillipe Descola’s (2013) “ontological regime” of “analogism” as a frame of ethnographic description and historical contextualisation, I argue that church concepts of “oneness” draw upon pre- conceptualised, and pre-Christian Sino-Taiwanese approaches to social unity. To this “analogistic” framework I add the concept of “attunement”, which is inspired by longstanding Chinese debates concerning the relations between cosmological structure (tianli, 天理) and social propriety (li, 禮). Throughout the thesis I try to understand the social reality of oneness in the church in Taiwan as a “parallax” of sameness and difference, movement and stasis, to which church members are variously attuned. 4 Contents Acknowledgements 7 List of Figures 8 Introduction 9 The Qualities, Qualia and Entangled Histories of a Christian Community Chapter One 40 The Church as Infrastructure: A Rhythmic Parallax Chapter Two 75 The Church as a World: Sameness, Blandness and Non-Locality Chapter Three 110 The Church as Atmosphere: A Methodology of Discerning Difference Chapter Four 144 The Church as Vicarious Discontinuity: Sincerity, Belief and Being Witnessed Chapter Five 175 The Wall and the Galaxy: The Origins of the Church in Taiwan 5 Conclusion 201 The Delicate Dance of Attunement: An Outline for a Quantum Anthropology Appendix A 232 Questions from the questionnaire distributed among the Taipei trainees Appendix B 233 The Chinese term for “church” Appendix C 235 Nee’s and Lee’s ministry dis-embedded from the church in Taiwan Appendix D 237 Cemeteries and the dead Appendix E 241 Cultural nationalism and the church in China and Taiwan Appendix F 243 Christianity and Food Appendix G 249 6 Marriage and the Church Appendix H 251 Gender and the beginnings of the church in China Appendix I 253 The Rear Admiral’s theodicy Appendix J 257 Ideal types of Protestantism and the church in Taiwan Bibliography 260 7 Acknowledgements Thank you first and foremost to my supervisors Dr. Fenella Cannell and Prof. Charles Stafford for their support and guidance throughout. Thanks too to my PhD cohort and participants in the thesis- writing seminar for their insightful comments and White Horse-encouragement- Guilio, Ivan, Michael, Teo, Liisa, Becky, Megan, Megnaa, Chiara, Gabriela, Jiazhi, Lewis, Itay, Doris, Lucy, Valentina, Ken, Umut and everybody else. Thank you to departmental members of staff who have inspired and helped in the writing process- Mukulika, Laura, Deborah, Nick, Mattias, Katy, Harry, Michael, Catherine, David, William, Hans, Tom and Yan. Thanks to my close friends for existing, and for listening to, or reading, my draft ideas and chapters in some form or other (whether they knew it or not)- Liz, Fran, Ele, Gray, Xav, and Don- and to JG and the Gordies for keeping connected through it all. Thanks of course to my hosts and friends in Taiwan- The Yang-Xie household, the Chen-Yu, Wang-Ye, and Li-Chun families, Weipong, Eva, Yiqi, Jichun, David Chen, Abraham Chen, Elsa, Roger, Rebecca, Joe, May, Mary, Peggy, everyone at the Thursday and Saturday reading groups in hall 32, and all members of the Jingmei church running team, to brother Jin, Wenhua, and everyone in the church in Jingmei, brother Chou, and brother Moses Zhu. Thanks to the Breens (and Jasmine)- Su, Jess, Jake, Mum, Dad-, for throwing the ball back, and to Pam, Russ and family for their welcoming accommodation. And thanks, finally, to Flo for reading drafts, keeping our peckers up, and sticking wi’ me despite it all, and to Eva, for being such fun. 8 List of Figures Figure 1: Map of North Taiwan 16 Figure 2: Gospel march in Taipei, 2004 46 Figure 3: 2018 Taipei gospel march 47 Figure 4: A set of diagrams on the wall of “hall 19” 55 Figure 5: Diagrams of church expansion 65 Figure 6: Hall 32, outside and inside 67 Figure 7: Gospelising in Jingmei 68 Figure 8: The implicit hierarchy 71 Figure 9: The view from my seat at the conference 79 Figure 10: Breaking the eucharist bread 80 Figure 11: Conference research graph 97 Figure 12: Apartment doors with church signs 165 9 Introduction The Qualities, Qualia and Entangled Histories of a Christian Community In the early 1920s on an island in the river Min, just outside the bustling port city of Fuzhou on the Southeast China coast, the young Christian enthusiast Ni Shuzu, later to become “Watchman Nee” (Ni Tuosheng, 倪柝聲, 1903-1972), and the elderly rebel British missionary, Margaret E. Barber (1866-1929), formed a life-changing bond amidst the social, political and psychological chaos of the time. Under Barber’s tutelage, Nee was deeply affected by the eschatological writings of the Irish aristocrat John Nelson Darby (1800-1882), by the tripartite Biblical anthropology of the Welsh holiness preacher Jesse Penn Lewis (1861-1927) and by the mystical musings of the French, Catholic nun, Madame Guyon (1648-1717). These teachings would form the foundations of his own Christian ministry, which would in turn make Nee the most influential Chinese Christian in history (Smith 2009). Today, among Chinese figures, writes Paul Chang, Nee’s “popularity outside of China is exceeded only by Confucius, Laozi, and Mao Zedong" (2017:2; see also Bays 2012). Barber was more than a teacher though. She also became Nee’s “spiritual mother”, credited by his followers as the “foundation and perfecting of his spiritual life” (Reetzke 2005:115; Lee 1991:127). The motherly bond between Barber and Lee laid the foundations for the growth and worldwide expansion of a highly integrated, theologically focused transnational group, which understands itself today to be “the Lord’s recovery on earth” (zhuzaidiquidehuifu, 主在地球的恢復) of “the church” (zhaohui, 召 會), of “Christianity” (jidujiao, 基督教), and of “the Body of Christ” (jidu de shenti, 基督的身體)1. The greatest number of adherents to this group, per unit of area today, live in Taiwan. It is there, in the Old Taipei neighbourhood of Jingmei, that this thesis picks up the story that began in Republican China. By way of introduction and before turning to Jingmei, I want the reader to harbour for a moment the idea that the bond between Nee and Barber was a small but unique and new “thing” in history. Of course, there were many such bonds like it before this one, and there have been many since. But technically, this particular bond, like all other bonds, was a distinct, unrepeatable thing to 1 Throughout the thesis I use the church’s own English translations for each church term. 10 arise in human, non-human, and even cosmic history. Although it was dependent upon them for its existence, it was not reducible to the conditions under which it arose, that is, to the bodies and psychologies of its two members, their cultural backgrounds, to their common religion, nor even to the socio-political circumstances they found themselves in. This was an emergent but irreducibly distinctive addition to those circumstances. Now, I would like the reader to understand that today, the Nee-Barber bond has grown into a huge, transnational collective of Nee-following adherents which binds them to its distinctive calendrical and ritual rhythms, to its relatively unique ways of thinking, speaking, dressing, and acting, and to its irreducible qualities as a barely-conceivable “thing” in the world. How might we understand this community- which, we will see, like the bond between Nee and Barber traverses so many conventional lines of understanding sameness and difference, oneness and multiplicity- as being a singular community? In this thesis I make and ethnographically illustrate a bold claim: that a close attention to life in “the church in Taiwan”, as church members refer to the group there, provides original answers to this question.
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