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Health, Wealth and Party in Inter-War London
Urban History, 44, 3 (2017) C Cambridge University Press 2016. This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution licence (http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. doi:10.1017/S0963926816000377 First published online 22 August 2016 Health, wealth and party in inter-war London JANE K. SEYMOUR, MARTIN GORSKY and SHAKOOR HAJAT∗ Department of Social and Environmental Health Research, London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, 15–17 Tavistock Place, London WC1H 9SH, UK abstract: This article examines public health spending, health outcomes and political complexion in London’s 28 Metropolitan Borough Councils (MBCs) in the inter-war period. It describes the place of the MBCs in the governance of the capital and demonstrates the variety of experience across the different boroughs in terms of wealth, politics and mortality. Searching for potential causes of differences in outcomes, it discovers some positive statistical relationships between the extent of Labour party presence on the councils, local spending and health outcomes. Our tentative conclusion is that local democratic processes could lead to distinctive and beneficial public health policies, albeit within the context of other local and structural determining factors. For scholars of public health, inter-war Britain provides an historical locus classicus of a decentralized system.1 In this period, only health insurance was subject to a national standard, following the Act of 1911 that introduced mandatory coverage for specified categories of worker. Otherwise, public health and related social welfare powers were assigned to different local bodies, according to the cumulative effect of legislation over several centuries.2 In the 1920s, such bodies included the Poor Law Unions, which provided medical and social care in hospitals and mixed institutions (originally ‘workhouses’). -
Abaldwin Phd Final Text
University of Huddersfield Repository Baldwin, Anne Progress and patterns in the election of women as councillors, 1918 – 1938 Original Citation Baldwin, Anne (2012) Progress and patterns in the election of women as councillors, 1918 – 1938. Doctoral thesis, University of Huddersfield. This version is available at http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/17514/ The University Repository is a digital collection of the research output of the University, available on Open Access. Copyright and Moral Rights for the items on this site are retained by the individual author and/or other copyright owners. Users may access full items free of charge; copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided: • The authors, title and full bibliographic details is credited in any copy; • A hyperlink and/or URL is included for the original metadata page; and • The content is not changed in any way. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/ Progress and patterns in the election of women as councillors, 1918 – 1938 Anne Baldwin 19 March 2012 Thesis submitted in fulfilment of requirements of a PhD, History, awarded by the University of Huddersfield. i. The author of this thesis (including any appendices and/or schedules to this thesis) owns any copyright in it (the “Copyright”) and s/he has given The University of Huddersfield the right to use such Copyright for any administrative, promotional, educational and/or teaching purposes. -
Hazelwood School – a Catalyst for Reformatory Education?
HAZELWOOD SCHOOL – A CATALYST FOR REFORMATORY EDUCATION? Daniel Wale Abstract Hazelwood School was established at the beginning of the nineteenth century, in Birmingham, by the Hill family. This paper argues that the ethos and unique practices adopted at the school by the Hills, together with their individual activities, which were influenced by a series of socially-minded individuals with whom they came into contact, can be seen as contributing to the choice of Birmingham as the location for the first national conference on the reform of juvenile criminals, held in 1851, and to the development of the reformatory and industrial schools that were later established to accommodate criminal children. Additionally, the efforts of successive generations of the Hill family, who continued to work to improve the treatment of neglected and criminal children, were so progressive that their influence extended beyond Victorian Britain. In 1851 Birmingham hosted the first national conference on the reform of juvenile criminals (Barnard, 1857, p.307). Later legislative changes eventually abolished the jailing of children but why did Birmingham host this first conference? My research into juvenile crime in Victorian Birmingham has led me to examine Hazelwood School as being a potential catalyst for both this and the subsequent development of reformatory education. Historians and educationalists have examined the school before, though only for its influence on mainstream education. The practical application of many of the subjects offered was noteworthy when compared to traditional teaching methods. Michael Sadler (1923, p.5) highlighted this and John Adamson (1930, pp.272-273) underlined the unusual diversity of its curriculum. -
Room 261 University of London Senate House London, Wcie 7Hu
n :e a c a d e .1C registrar ROOM 261 UNIVERSITY OF LONDON SENATE HOUSE LONDON, WCIE 7HU foi THE EDUCATIONAL POLICIES OF THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY, 1918-1944 Kevin Jefferys (Bedford College) Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Ll: JLXN/! ProQuest Number: 10098489 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest. ProQuest 10098489 Published by ProQuest LLC(2016). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 ABSTRACT This thesis sets out to examine the role played by the Conservative Party in the evolution of the state education system between 1918 and 1944. The early chapters provide a chronological account of ministerial policy and party attitudes towards secondary and elementary education between the wars. This is followed by assessments of the party's approach to the dual system of council and church schools, and to the problems of ' education for employment '. The manner in which Conservative education policy operated locally is then examined with particular reference to the area of London; and the arguments put forward are brought together finally by an analysis of the party's responsibility for, and reaction to, the 1944 Education Act. -
Unitarian Members of Parliament in the Nineteenth Century
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Stirling Online Research Repository Unitarian Members of Parliament in the Nineteenth Century A Catalogue D. W. Bebbington Professor of History, University of Stirling The catalogue that follows contains biographical data on the Unitarians who sat in the House of Commons during the nineteenth century. The main list, which includes ninety-seven MPs, is the body of evidence on which the paper on „Unitarian Members of Parliament in the Nineteenth Century‟ is based. The paper discusses the difficulty of identifying who should be treated as a Unitarian, the criterion chosen being that the individual appears to have been a practising adherent of the denomination at the time of his service in parliament. A supplementary list of supposed Unitarian MPs, which follows the main list, includes those who have sometimes been identified as Unitarians but who by this criterion were not and some who may have been affiliated to the denomination but who were probably not. The borderline is less sharp than might be wished, and, when further research has been done, a few in each list may need to be transferred to the other. Each entry contains information in roughly the same order. After the name appear the dates of birth and death and the period as an MP. Then a paragraph contains general biographical details drawn from the sources indicated at the end of the entry. A further paragraph discusses religious affiliation and activities. Unattributed quotations with dates are from Dod’s Parliamentary Companion, as presented in Who’s Who of British Members of Parliament. -
Health, Wealth and Party in Inter-War London
Urban History, 44, 3 (2017) C Cambridge University Press 2016. This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution licence (http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. doi:10.1017/S0963926816000377 First published online 22 August 2016 Health, wealth and party in inter-war London JANE K. SEYMOUR, MARTIN GORSKY and SHAKOOR HAJAT∗ Department of Social and Environmental Health Research, London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, 15–17 Tavistock Place, London WC1H 9SH, UK abstract: This article examines public health spending, health outcomes and political complexion in London’s 28 Metropolitan Borough Councils (MBCs) in the inter-war period. It describes the place of the MBCs in the governance of the capital and demonstrates the variety of experience across the different boroughs in terms of wealth, politics and mortality. Searching for potential causes of differences in outcomes, it discovers some positive statistical relationships between the extent of Labour party presence on the councils, local spending and health outcomes. Our tentative conclusion is that local democratic processes could lead to distinctive and beneficial public health policies, albeit within the context of other local and structural determining factors. For scholars of public health, inter-war Britain provides an historical locus classicus of a decentralized system.1 In this period, only health insurance was subject to a national standard, following the Act of 1911 that introduced mandatory coverage for specified categories of worker. Otherwise, public health and related social welfare powers were assigned to different local bodies, according to the cumulative effect of legislation over several centuries.2 In the 1920s, such bodies included the Poor Law Unions, which provided medical and social care in hospitals and mixed institutions (originally ‘workhouses’). -
America, Historical, Statistic, and Descriptive. by J.S. Buckingham
Library of Congress America, historical, statistic, and descriptive. By J.S. Buckingham ... AMERICA HISTORICAL, STATISTIC, AND DESCRIPTIVE. BY James Silk BUCKINGHAM, ESQ. IN THREE VOLUMES. VOL. III. LC FISHER, SON, & CO. NEWGATE ST. LONDON, RUE ST. HONORÉ, PARIS. 76901 5019–8 22 1841 Copy 2 E165 B92 copy 2 1297 Exchange western Ontario U. 3/11/35 CONTENTS OF VOL. III. CHAP. I. Stay in the city of Buffalo—Sketch of its history—Destruction by the British—Subsequent grant of Congress to repair its losses—Revival and rebuilding—Rapid progress from thence—Statistics of its commerce—Financial report to the state legislature—Prospects of future greatness—Advantageous and agreeable situation of Buffalo—The Welland canal from Lake Erie to Lake Ontario—Description of Buffalo, its buildings and population— Projected public buildings, university and exchange—Environs, rides, villas, prospects, climate—Steam-boats, schooners, brigs, and ships—Source of the great river St. Lawrence—Size, depth, and elevation of the lakes—Lakes Superior, Huron, Michigan, America, historical, statistic, and descriptive. By J.S. Buckingham ... http://www.loc.gov/resource/lhbtn.6750c Library of Congress Erie, Ontario—Public meeting of the Bethel Society of Buffalo—American picture of the maritime population 1 CHAP. II Visit to the settlement of the Seneca Indians—Statistics of this tribe in numbers and lands —Council of the chiefs in the open forest—Description of the tribe and their condition— Visit to the grave of the great chief Red Jacket—Anecdote of Red Jacket and -
Georgist Thought and the Emergence of Municipal Socialism in Britain, 1870-1914
Georgist Thought and the Emergence of Municipal Socialism in Britain, 1870-1914 By Jules Gehrke Introduction Examination of connections between municipal socialism and the debate over Henry George’s thought at the turn of the twentieth century clarifies George’s impact on social reform in Britain and highlights unresolved tensions between his own beliefs and those of British socialists. Municipal socialism was the provision of utility services, transportation, housing, and sometimes even recreation and leisure by local governments seeking to tackle social problems and provide public services where private ones were inadequate. George’s ideas regarding the taxation of the unimproved value in land, promulgated during his trips to Britain in the 1880s, became critical to those who sought to find a just and equitable means of financing municipal endeavors. The discomfort with which many of these same municipal socialists later regarded his work, however, reveals much about the strengths and weaknesses of ‘Georgist’ thought when applied to practical issues of finance and governance in Britain in the late nineteenth century. Tensions between George’s thought and municipal socialism came in two important areas. First, George remained convinced that the benefits of a tax on land would remove the necessity of enacting taxes on the accumulation of capital. Many municipal socialists (and socialists as a whole) disagreed and thus never embraced the tax on land as a ‘single tax.’ Second, George failed to clarify how a government which sought to use the proceeds of a land tax to eliminate poverty and establish services not offered by the private sector, could remain a limited affair and thus avoid the endemic corruption which he witnessed in his own time. -
A Vision for London 1889–1914
A VISION FOR LONDON 1889–1914 …WHAT WAS THE VISION BEHIND THE LCC? …AND THE REALITY? As the world’s largest municipal government, the early London County Council was a laboratory for social experimentation. It sought to master the problems of metropolitan amelioration, political economy and public culture. Pennybacker’s social history tests the vision of London Progressivism against its practitioners’ accomplishments. She suggests that the historical memory of the hopes vested in the LCC’s achievements and the disillusions spawned by failure are both major forces in today’s ambivalent response to metropolitan politics in London. Susan D.Pennybacker is Associate Professor of History at Trinity College in Hartford. She is also President of the Northeast Conference on British Studies and author of several essays on the social history of turn-of-the-century London. A VISION FOR LONDON 1889– 1914 labour, everyday life and the LCC experiment Susan D.Pennybacker London and New York First published 1995 by Routledge 11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2005. “To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis or Routledge's collection of thousands of eBooks please go to www.eBookstore.tandf.co.uk.” Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 29 West 35th Street, New York, NY 10001 © 1995 Susan D.Pennybacker All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. -
The Political Culture of Anti-Socialism in Britain, 1900-1940
This electronic thesis or dissertation has been downloaded from Explore Bristol Research, http://research-information.bristol.ac.uk Author: Ryan, Liam Title: The Political Culture of Anti-Socialism in Britain, 1900-1940 General rights Access to the thesis is subject to the Creative Commons Attribution - NonCommercial-No Derivatives 4.0 International Public License. A copy of this may be found at https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode This license sets out your rights and the restrictions that apply to your access to the thesis so it is important you read this before proceeding. Take down policy Some pages of this thesis may have been removed for copyright restrictions prior to having it been deposited in Explore Bristol Research. However, if you have discovered material within the thesis that you consider to be unlawful e.g. breaches of copyright (either yours or that of a third party) or any other law, including but not limited to those relating to patent, trademark, confidentiality, data protection, obscenity, defamation, libel, then please contact [email protected] and include the following information in your message: •Your contact details •Bibliographic details for the item, including a URL •An outline nature of the complaint Your claim will be investigated and, where appropriate, the item in question will be removed from public view as soon as possible. The Political Culture of Anti-Socialism in Britain 1900 - 1940 Liam Ryan A dissertation submitted to the University of Bristol in accordance with the requirement the award of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Arts, School of Humani September 2018 70,740 words 1 Abstract This thesis examines the political culture of anti-socialism in Britain between 1900 and 1940. -
Combating Recidivist Crime in London: the Origins and Effectiveness of Legislation Against Habitual Criminals, 1869 to 1895
Combating Recidivist Crime in London: the Origins and Effectiveness of Legislation against Habitual Criminals, 1869 to 1895 Matthew Bach (159451) Submitted in total fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy July 2017 School of Historical and Philosophical Studies The University of Melbourne Abstract There has been much research beginning in the 1970s regarding efforts of the mid and late Victorian state to control repeat offenders. These offenders were widely believed to be habitual criminals, who collectively constituted a criminal class. The overall image that emerges from the literature is of increasingly organised police forces working with the courts in order to successfully target members of the so-called criminal class for arrest and harsh punishment. However, little is known about the operation of the only two acts of parliament that specifically targeted this group: the Habitual Criminals Act 1869 and the Prevention of Crime Act 1871. This study investigates the genesis of these measures and the outcomes desired by their proponents. It then assesses the extent to which these outcomes were achieved in London, which was the focal point of many anxieties regarding crime and the activities of repeat offenders. An analysis of the available evidence contradicts the widely held assumption that in Victorian Britain the police and the courts willingly worked alongside parliament, with significant success, to repress elements of the working class that were deemed a threat to law and order. Indeed, in London the police and courts did not cooperate closely with the parliament to enforce these acts. ii Declaration This thesis comprises my own work, and due acknowledgement has been made in the text to all other material used. -
A Very English Institution? Foreign Influences and the Poor Law, 1832-1905
A very English institution? Foreign influences and the poor law, 1832-1905. David Green Department of Geography King’s College London Email: [email protected] NOT TO BE QUOTED WITHOUT THE AUTHOR’S PERMISSION The uniqueness of the system of poor relief in nineteenth century England in relation to its continental counterparts is well known. Although most, if not all, states operated what we now know as a ‘mixed economy of welfare’, where private and public support for the needy operated in conjunction to greater or lesser extent, nowhere was the state of such importance in regulating and administering the provision of poor relief. Despite the British love affair with laissez faire government, as Jose Harris has noted, the English poor law after 1834 developed into ‘the most centralized, professionalized, and regulated system in Europe”.1 The English poor law was a peculiarly English system but it was not necessarily insulated from external experiences and foreign influences. From the initial Royal Commission into the administration and practical operation of the poor laws in 1832 that led to the creation of the new poor law, the principles of which guided policy for the rest of the century, through to the Royal Commission of 1905-09 in which the break-up of the poor law was seriously considered, the government and the various bodies charged with administering the poor law commissioned and sought advice on foreign approaches to poor relief. Whether they chose to act on them – the focus of this paper – was a different matter but throughout this period official enquiries often included detailed accounts of experiences in foreign countries.