NAMES and IDENTITIES in QUINTILIAN by Ronald Syme (Wolfson College, Oxford)

ACTA CLASSICA XXVIII (1985) 39-46 ISSN 0065-II41

NAMES AND IDENTITIES IN QUINTILIAN by Ronald Syme (Wolfson College, Oxford)

When to correct a name, and why, is a delicate question. Recourse is generally had to external evidence, in the first place to inscriptions, with benefit manifest and convincing. Yet the procedure entails a variety of hazards. Pliny offers Tuccius Cerialis, a consular (Epp. 2.11.9). The Fasti of Potentia (first published in 1949) have disclosed M. Tullius Cerialis, consul suffect in 90. No grounds, however, for changing the text. 1 The document is shown defective in other respects. Again, scribes are not the sole cause of error. An author, and even a senator, may succumb to inadvertence when dealing with characters from an earlier epoch. Tacitus furnishes a palmary example. Latinius Latiaris (Ann. 4.68.2) recursinalaterpassage asLucaniusLatiaris (6.4.1). 'Lucanius' is patently correct, and it derives from a different source, from the 'Acta' of the Senate, so it can be argued. 2 But 'Latiniqs' should retain its place in the text. Rare nomina attract and captivate. They can render local origins plausible and even certain; and they illustrate, when occurring in the provinces, the Italian diaspora. Conversely, some nomina that crop up on unique mention in literary texts lack any attestation from epigraphy. At first sight, doubts arise. Thus Q. Velanius, a Caesarian officer (BG 3.7.4). There is a temptation to emend to 'Veianius'. It can be resisted- and the parallel form 'Velonius' is certified. As often happens, succour from Africa. Thuburnica, that useful colony of early date, yields four of them. 3 A similar case imports trouble, namely Falanius (Ann. 1.73.1). The latest editor decides for 'Faianius', not without reason. 4 Yet the other name is not in itself objectionable. 5 Etruscan derivation is clear, as witness L. Falius Tinia, who carries for cognomen the name of the supreme deity. 6

· ~._ 'Falanius' and 'Velanius' are in no way enigmatic. On the contrary, variously instructive. What is to be done when all guidance fails? Q. Elogius in a treatise enlarged upon the fabulous ancestry of the Vitellii. 7 The name is corrupt, and the remedy of Casaubon, 'Eulogius', finds no favour in the recent time. 8 It might not be idle to propose 'Velocius'. Cicero reports Q. Velocius, a gladiator. 9 Relative distribution of nomina (city, region, provmce) is put to assiduous employ when the origins of men and families are investigated. While statistics are not to be dispraised, caution is prescribed- especially when appeal goes both to the rarity of some nomina and to the frequency of others. 10 Different types of argument (and degrees of uncertainty) will become evident when four names in Quintilian are put under scrutiny (and 'one of them, 'Luranius', encourages a long digression). 11

39 1. C. Artorius Proculus, a writer on rhetoric (9.1.2). The habits of authors in rendering nomenclature furnish instruction. Thus Pliny. In the correspondence with Trajan, the 'tria nomina' occur only when grants of citizenship are in cause. 12 For example, for the daughter of P. Accius Aquila, centurion in an auxiliary regiment (10.106f.). There happens to be a solitary exception, 'a P. Servilio Calvo proconsule' (10 .57 .1), in a rescript from the Emperor. Due no doubt to the secretariat; and the document goes on to 'Iulio Basso', another proconsul. Quintilian exhibits three other specimens. Each is a quotation 1) 9.2.8: 'C. Fidiculanius Falcula'. From Pro Cluentio 103. 2) 4.2.2: 'M. Lollius Palicanus'. From Sallust, Hist. 4.43. 3) 9.2.35: 'P. Novanius Gallio'. From the preface to a will.' The remedy is simple and patent. Read 'Cartorius Proculus'. The person is a rhetor, introduced by 'nee desunt qui tropis figurarum nomen imponant'. Nevertheless, standard works assume without qualms an identity: an Artorius exists, who wrote on antiquarian topics. 13 Festus cites him for the words 'procastria', 'topper', 'tentippellium'. 14 Since the epitomator derives from M. Verrius Flaccus, the period of this Artorius should be late Republican or early Augustan. The rhetor on casual mention in Quintilian may well be his own contemporary. Artorius, by the way, has been the subject among the erudite of fanciful speculation about the origin of Sex. Pompei us Festus himself, who dedicated his work to an Artorius Rufus, supposed a descendant of the antiquarian writer. 15 A pair of Artorii were discovered at Narbo. 16 The nomen is common enough, and indistinctive. By a suitable stroke of irony, what singles out that ancient colony in the mass of its inscriptions (nearly twelve hundred) is the presence and variety of rare Italian nomina, as put on show long ago, to sheer delight.17 In contrast to Artorii, Cartorii declare a restricted distribution. In towns of Italy, apart from Ostia and Puteoli (one specimen in each), only in Transpadana, with four at Patavium and two at Vicetia. 18 At first sight therefore native in origin, and probably to be so regarded; and perhaps not Celtic. 19 The same root occurs in different speech areas. Thus the earliest sign of 'Cartilius' emerges as 'Cartlia' on a bilingual at Clusium. 20 2. Fulvius Propinquus (6.3.100). In OCT he appears (strangely) as 'Fulvius propincus', in the Index as 'Fulvius' only. 21 The cognomen repays inspection. In a total of thirty five epigraphical instances, nine come from CIL 2. 22 All but one belong to a clearly defined comer of Tarraconensis; Saguntum and Valentia to Dianium along the coast, with Liria and Saetabis on the near hinterland. From a nexus of families emerged two Valerii Propinqui as provincial high priests at Tarraco.23 One had a son who, adlected to the Senate, became consul suffect in 126, ending as legate of Germania Inferior and proconsul of Asia. 24 Saetabis yields the inscription of M. Fulvius Propinquus, 'litteris optimis'. 25 Nothing forbids identity or going one step further. The man in Quintilian is cited

40 as providing a second example of the alert use of 'contumelia'. The first issued from Romanius Hispo, the aggressive orator on frequent show in the repertorium of Seneca-and put in high relief by Tacitus when he selected at an early point the archetype of the evil prosecutor.26 The nomenclature of Romanius Hispo (especially the second member) indicates Transpadana. rr Fulvius Propinquus may be assigned without discomfort to the ample company of Spanish rhetores. Most of them derive from Baetica, like the prime exponent Porcius Latro. 28 Tarraconensis is not excluded: not only Tarraco itself but the prosperous zone in the vicinity of Valentia (as above defined). Nomenclature declares immigrants from various regions of Italy. For example, the senator Curiatius Maternus, commemorated as orator and author of tragedies in the Dialogus of Tacitus. Liria can be claimed as his patria-which is certified for the military man M. Cornelius Nigrinus Curiatius Maternus (suff. 83). 29 The orator was probably an uncle on the mother's side. None whom an uncommon cognomen attracts should neglect the rhetor Fulvius Sparsus, often cited by Seneca.30 His cognomen is preternaturally rare on epigraphic attestation. 31 It points to Tarraconensis.32 Hence further evidence to illustrate the educated class in Spanish cities. 3. Luranius (9.4.38). When commenting on the suppression of 's' before a consonant to avoid a clash of sounds, the author states 'quod reprehendit Luranius, Messalla defendit.' The name of this writer is not only unfamiliar.lt happens to be unique. Yet not at once to be rejected. The nomen 'Lurius' would justify its existence. 'Lurius' itself has suffered neglect. 33 1t demands attention if only because of Lurius Varus, the enigmatic consular who benefited from intrigue in the early Neronian epoch to regain his seat in the Senate.34 An inscription from Sabine Reate recently published discloses a freedman who was 'procurator M. Luri Vari.' 35 The praenomen there emerging will permit the conjecture that the consular (suff. c. 40) was a grandson of M. Lurius, one of the earliest partisans of Caesar's heir and an admiral at Actium.36 Some scholars have argued a Celtic origin for the name.37 As concerns Luranius, it is perhaps right and proper that he should keep his place unimpaired in the text of Quintilian. He can go with the tribe of obscure writers on grammar or rhetoric known only by sporadic reference, or even solitary, such as Scribonius Aphrodisius and 'Porcellus grammaticus.' 38 Instead of 'Luranius' an emendation by Bergk produced 'Veranius'.39 It is worth a mention for relevance to-sundry topics brought up in the present paper. The following names and identities are in question. a) Veranius, who composed 'Auspiciorum libri' and 'Pontificates libri', cited or quoted in Festus (i.e. from Verrius Flaccus) and by Macrobius, in all twelve times. 40 He is assigned without dispute to the late Republic. 41 A passage in Macrobius evoked a notable emendation over a century ago. That author offered 'sed Verrium Flaccum iuris pontificii peritissimum dicere

41 solitum refert Varro' (1.15.21). Chronology deters. Hirschfeld saw the remedy. 42 Not 'Verrium' but 'Veranium', and that earned general appro bation.43 The known author Veranius thus acquired a cognomen. Yet for all that, Macrobius might have succumbed to error and confusion ... b) Veranius Flaccus. According to Suetonius, Augustus rebuked his stepson for affecting 'exoletae et reconditae voces'. Further, he derided Marcus Antonius for inconstancy on his oratorical style: 'tuque dubitas, Cimberne Annius ac Veranius Flaccus imitandi sint tibi, ita ut verbis quae Crispus Sallustius excerpsit ex Originibus Catonis utaris?' (Divus Aug. 86.3). Archaism is the topic, confirmed by the inclusion of T. Annius Cimber (pr. 44), the 'iste, iste rhetor' of Catalepton 2. Hence painless identity of Veranius Flaccus with the Veranius, who wrote on religious antiquities. c) Veranius, the family friend of Catullus (9.4), on mention along with Fabullus in three poems (12; 28; 47). An origin from Verona has often been surmised and is not precluded. Verona happens to furnish Verania Vera, but of low class ( CIL 5 .3787). Otherwise no specimens in Transpadana, whereas CIL 13 has a dozen Veranii, two of them equipped with 'Verus' for cognomen, and clearly native. 44 The later senatorial Veranii, it will be noted in passing, have nothing to do with Verona (cf. below). So far three contemporary Veranii- and a temptation to amalgamate them. A further step has recently been taken, going back to Bergk's 'Veranius' for the 'Luranius' in Quintilian, with a neat improvement, viz. 'L. Veranius'. Hence one person: L. Veranius Flaccus. 45 The solution is seductive. So much so that one might conceive hesitation and wonder whether a scribe or even an author might not have made a mistake in rendering a name. That is, the 'Veranius Flaccus' in Suetonius. The trouble about 'Verrius Flaccus' in Macrobius (1.15.21) will be suitably recalled. Another antiquarian writer now accedes to the rubric. Granius Flaccus dedicated to Caesar the Dictator a book De indigitamentis. 46 He is on further and varied attestation: Macrobius, Amobius, the Digest. 47 Between the names 'Veranius' and 'Granius' confusion was liable to occur, one way or the other. In a passage of Tacitus the Codex Mediceus had 'pisonemque gravius' (Ann. 4.21.2). Lipsius produced 'Q. Granius', which held the field, uncontested. Persons and situation demand 'Q. Veranius'. 48 The legate of Germanicus Caesar was attacking L. Piso the Augur, the brother of Cn. Piso. A chance therefore arises that the antiquarian whom the text of Suetonius coupled with Annius Cimber was Granius Flaccus, not a Veranius Flaccus- and even a doubt whether the other author possessed a cognomen. Nor is it a safe notion that the friend of Catullus, who had benefited from two journeys abroad in the company of a proconsul, ended his days in devotion to erudite pursuits. In consequence, two Veranii have to be reckoned with- and perhaps a third, if 'Luranius' be conceded the advantageous transmutation into 'Veranius' or 'L. Veranius'. The poet knew that his friend had more brothers than one (9.4). A new Veranius has now come on the scene. Xanthos reveals Q. Veranius,

42 who after a military tribunate was appointed guardian to the boy Claudius Drusus. 49 That is, on the decease of his father, in 33 or 32. 50 Discussing the problems of Veranii, the editor proposes a son of the poet's friend. 51 In any event, this Veranius is one of the better sort from municipal Italy, well chosen for his office. Suitable comparison will adduce that Asconius Labeo who acted as guardian to young Nero. 52 Patently a Patavine, of the clan rendered illustrious by the scholarly Pedianus. Personal attachment to· the 'domus regnatrix' ensured for the Veranii an ascension beyond anything that could be forecast. First the son, Q. Veranius, the legate of Germanicus Caesar and loyal to his memoryY Next, Q. Veranius, opening the year 49 as consul and adlected to the patriciate. 54 A clue to their local origin resides in the tribe Clustumina, born by notables in Lycia who acquired the citizenship and the name when Veranius was governor. A good case can be made out for Forum Novum in the old Sabine country.55 Their name is not common in towns of Italy. For different Veranii emergent about the same time, Sallustii offer an engaging parallel. Not only Crispus from Amiternum (pr. 46), but Cn. Sallustius, a devoted friend to Cicero, and his kinsman Publius. 56 Also, not much later, Q. Sallustius P. f., magistrate at Pompeii and 'patronus coloniae'.s'

4. 'L. Varo Epicurio, Caesaris arnico' (6.3.78). Thus Teubner and OCT, although the Codex Ambrosianus has 'vareo'. The adoption of 'Varo' derives from a presupposition: the person in question cannot beL. Varius Rufus, the poet famous for performance in epic and in drama. By corollary, a friend of Caesar Augustus should not be lost to sight. He deserves a separate entry in works of reference- but does not always earn it.58 In the ample context of Augustan literature the names 'Varius' and 'Varus' are subject to confusion more than once, multiplied by the fancies of scholiasts. Modern speculation duly contributed. One specimen even denied to Varius Rufus authorship of the Thyestes.5 9 It incurred prompt and devastating reprimand.60 First of all, the poet's nomenclature calls for inspection. Only once are the 'tria nomina' attested: in the scholium that happens to register the reward (a million sesterces) which the Thyestes engrossed from Caesar in the season of the triple triumph (in 29) .61 Further, he stands as 'L. Varius' only in Porphyrio (on Odes 1.6.1), and in an anecdote reported by Macrobius (2.4.2). When Macrobius quotes the poem De morte, he is only 'Varius' (6.1.39f.; 2.19). Similarly, as in all other sources, Quintilian. Twice in reference to the tragedy (3 .8.45; 10.1.98), once when describing Virgil's habits of composition (10.3.8), which no doubt lent encouragement to the notion that Caesar's Epicurean friend must be somebody else. Not a valid inference. To explain the point of the anecdote in Quintilian it was necessary to define the person's philosophical beliefs. The author retails a witty response made by Cassius Severns in a court of law: 'cum obiurgaretur a praetore 43 quod advocati eius L. Varo Epicurio, Caesaris arnica, convicium fecissent, "nescio" inquit "qui eonviciati sint, et puto Stoicos fuisse" '(6.3.78). A double and converging argument will demonstrate that Varius (not 'Varus') is the subject. First, Epicureans. Varius appears on the Herculaneum papyri in the company of Quintilius, of Plotius Tucca, and probably of Virgil. 62 Further more, enough was preserved in the fragments of De morte to convey an Epicurean tone and content. That was discerned some time ago. 63 A recent study imports conviction-and precision. The clear references to the conduct of Marcus Antonius put the poem in 44/3, not later than the autumn of 43. 64 That Varius adhered to the Epicurean persuasion; like many among his coevals, is a significant fact in any estimation-confirmed (though that was not needed) by the commonly disallowed item in Quintilian.65 Second, 'Caesaris amicus'. Varius seldom occurs save in the context of Virgil and Horace. Desirous of asserting unique quality for the better type of modem poetry (which by gentle implication included himself), Horace duly registered 'Vergilio Varioque' (Ars Poetica 54), and, in address to the ruler, 'dilecti tibi Vergilius Variusque' (Epp. 2.1.247). Caesar cherished the pair. The term is choice and emphatic - applied by Tacitus to Tiberius Caesar's affection for Seianus.66 To conclude. Texts are irrelevant, or manuscripts. For classical scholars the alternative is to accept two friends of Caesar Augustus, each addicted to the sect ofEpicurus: namely L. Varius and L. Varus.lt will be relief to the reader that the present exposition keeps clear of Varus, who had an estate at Tibur (Odes 1.18), and Quintilius, the friend of Horace and Virgil (1.24). 67

NOTES

1. 'Tuccius' is retained in OCT (1963), but the apparatus adds 'Tullius poscunt fasti Potentienses'. 2. Thus Tacitus (1958), 747, briefly. For the full discussion ,IRS 39 (1949) 13 = Ten studies in Tacitus (1970), 70. 3. Cited in H!Storia27 (1978) 599 =Roman Papers3 (1984), 1115. W. Schulze, LE99, offered only CIL 6.1057; 10.3376 (Misenum). 4. F.R.D. Goodyear (1981), cf. his apparatus and note. 5. As firmly stated by Schulze, LE 356. 6. CIL 11.5281 (Hispellum). For ample discussion (not omitting 'Faianius' and 'Velanius') see JRS 39 (1949) 12f. = Ten Studies in Tacitus (1970), 68ff. The only other specimen is L. Falius at Narbo ( CIL 12.4812): among the patent immigrants in that colony of early date. 7. Suetonius, Vit. 1.1. 8. PIR 2 E 56 (no emendation adduced). 9. Cicero. De ora/ore 3.86 (from Lucilius). No inscriptions, so it appears (Schulze, LE 99; 405). 10. For brief admonition, 'Spaniards at Tivoli', Ancient Society 13/14 (1982/3, i.e. 1985) 258. 11 . Reference is made to the texts of L. Radermacher (Teubner 1959, described as 'editio stereotypa correctior' from that of 1933) and of M. Winterbottom (Oxford, 1970). The Index to the former exhibits peculiarities. Thus 'Sulpicius Ser. Galba 9,4,38' is followed by thirteen references that belong to Ser. Sulpicius Rufus the jurist-orto his son. On which, CQ 31 (1981) 421ff. =Roman Papers 3 (1984),1415ff. 12. L. Vidman, Klio 63 (1981) 586. 13. PIR 2 A 1189: 'ut videtur'.

44 14. Festus 225; 482; 500 (ed. Lindsay). . 15. Schanz-Hosius, Gesch. derr. Lit. 24 (1935), 364; K. Ziegler, R£21, 2316. The notion goes back to H. Willers, De Verrio Fiacco (Diss. Halle, 1898), 42. 16. CIL 12.4412; 5066. Add, not that it signifies, 4623. 17. 0 . Hirschfeld, Kl. Schr. (1913), 30f. 18. TLL, Onom. 19. Not a single specimen in CIL 12 and 13. 20. CIL 11.2304 = 1'.2017. Clusium suitably offers the haruspex L. Cartlius L.f. (2305) . 21. Likewise only 'Fulvius' in the Teubner Index. 22. I. Kajanto, The Latin Cognomina (1965), 303. Spain also shows abnormally high proportions for 'Silo', 'Rectus', 'Rectinus', 'Vegetus'. 23 . CIL 2.4251 = ILS 2711 (Tarraco); 4250, cf. 3584f. (Dianium). 24. CIL 2.6084, revised in G. Alfiildy, RIT (1975), 149. On whom see further 'The Career ofValerius Propinquus', forthcoming: with full detail about nomenclature (he is polynymous) and kinsfolk. 25. CIL 2.5978. 26. Ann. 1.74.1. For this perplexing item see F.R.D. Goodyear (1981), ad Joe.; R. Syme, IRS 72 (1982) 77f. 27. IRS 39 (1949) 14f. = Ten Studies in Tacitus (1970), 71ff. For 'Romanius' in both authors 'Romanus' is however advocated by E. Badian, Riv. stor. ant. 3 (1973) 77ff. 28. On whom, M.T. Griffin, IRS 62 (1972) 1ff. 29. AE 1973,283, with the full exposition of G. Alfiildy and H. Halfmann, Chiron 3 (1973) 331ff. 30. PIR' F 560. 31. I. Kajanto, o.c. 356. 32. HSCP 73 (1969) 231f. = Roman Papers 1 (1979), 769; Geri6n 1 (1983) 256f. (with further specimens). 33. Strangely absent from Schulze, LE. 34. Ann. 13.32.2, cf. (not named) Suetonius, Otho 2.2. See now HSCP 88 (1984) 165ff. - which missed the next item. 35. M.C. Spadoni Cerroni, Athenaeum 57 (1979) 308ff.; M. Torelli, in Epigrafia e ordine senatorio 2 (1982), 195. Amitemum had produced M. Lurius Anicetus (ILS 9252). 36. PIR' L 425. The intermediate generation is represented by P. Lurius Agrippa, an Augustan monetalis. Africa registers about sixty Lurii- but not a single 'Marcus'. 37. E . Norden, Alt-Germanien (1934), 282; J. Schnetz, ZFON 11 (1935) 46f.; E. Evans, Gaulish Personal Names (1967), 456f. 38. Suetonius, De gramm. 19; Seneca, Suas. 2.13. 39. Registered in Schanz-Hosius, o.c. 24. Not noted in the Teubner and OCT editions, but briefly referred to in CQ 31 (1981) 423 = Roman Papers 3 (1984), 1417. The statement there made (supporting the retention of 'Luranius') about the distribution of 'Lurius' is erroneous. 40. Schanz-Hosius, Gesch. der r. Lit. 14 (1927), 600; A .E . Gordon, RE 8 A, 937. 41. A trace of his operations may be detected in 'Verenia' and 'Gegania', the first Vestal Virgins (Plutarch, Numa 10). The name 'Verenius' lacks attestation. 42. 0. Hirschfeld, Wiener Studien 3 (1881) 110 = Kl. Schr. (1913), 798. 43. Absent however from the apparatus in the Teubner Macrobius (1963). 44. For the catalogue, A.E. Gordon; RE 8 A, %7. 45. T.P. Wiseman, The World of Catullus (1985), 166ff. 46. Censorious, De die natali 3.2. 47. Schanz-Hosius, o.c. (1927), 603; Funaioli, RE7, 1819ff. 48. IRS 46 (1956) 19f. =Ten Studies in Tacitus (1970), 55. Accepted by E. Koestermann (ed. 2, 1965). 49. A. Balland, Fouilles de Xanthos 8 (1981), no. 38 (81ff.) whence AE 1981,424. 50. Suetonius, Tib. 64. 51. A. Balland, o.c. 97. 52. Ann. 3.10.1. To PIR' A 1205 should be addedAsconiusQf. Labeo, a priest who died in extreme youth (CIL 5.2848: Patavium). 53. PIR' V 265 . The father now revealed had gone on to serve as 'pro legato' on the Rhine (AE 1981 , 424) . 54. AE 1953, 251 furnishes his remarkable career. See A. E. GordOJC!, RE 8 A, 938ff., with remarks by A.R. Birley, The Fasti of Roman Britain (1981), 50ff. 55. As argued in CQ 7 (1957) 123ff. =Roman Papers 1 (1979), 333ff. 56. On whom, Sa/lust (1964), 9ff.

45 57. C/L 10.792; 958, cf. P. Castren, Ordo Populusque Pompeianus (1975), 216. A Q . Sallustius had numerous freedmen at Rome: 'homo si non nobilis at certe dives' (PIR 1 S 59). 58. An exception is H. Gundel, RE 8 A, 426 (without discussion). In PIR 1 V 194 Dessau cited the Quintilian passage, twice with no comment, once with 'si idem est'. 59. H .W. Garrod, CQ 10 (1916) 206ff. 60. A. E . Housman, CQ 11 (1917) 42ff. = Classical Papers 3 (1972), 941ff. 61. In Cod. Lat 7530 (Paris). For the testimonia, PIR 1 V 194. 62. M. Gigante, Cronache erco/anesi 3 (1973), 86f. 63. R . Unger, L. Varii de morte ec/ogae reliquiae (Halle, 1870), 78, cf. R. Helm, RE 8 A, 412. 64. A .S. Hollis, CQ 27 (1977) 187ff. 65. In comment on 'Scriberis Vario' (Odes 1.6.1) Nisbet and Hubbard (1970) offer no sign of Epicureanism. 66. Ann. 6.51.3: 'dum Seianum dilexit timuitve'. Also Vespasian towards Eprius Marcellus and Vibius Crispus (Dial. 8.3). 67. For warning, observe the article 'Quintilius Varus Cremonensis', RE 24, 899ff. On Odes 1.18, Nisbet and Hubbard propose P. Alfenus Varus (suff. 39).